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Provides information on the collection of the papers of Tennessee political leader Edward Hull Crump which chronicles his career and provides an opportunity to explore the lives of 20th century U.S. citizens as they negotiated the catastrophes of economic devastation and global war. Important documents housed in the Crump collection; Details of the magazine and newspaper articles that document the evolution of Crump's media image; Letters and petitions from individual citizens and neighborhood groups demanding city action included in the Crump collection.

The paper explores the impact of the continental system exerted on the constitutional and political evolution of both the United States and individual states and tries to characterize the development of constitutional review phenomenon within the framework of the continental legal system and the Anglo-Saxon legal system. The research stands on the comparative legal analysis methodology within a diachronically featured paradigm. The paper explores the ways through which the continental system could exert relevant impact on the constitutional and political evolution of both the United States and individual states. Further on the article traces the development of the concepts of constitutional review within the framework of the continental legal system and the Anglo-Saxon legal system. The above stages of the analysis allowed the author to outline the specifics, nature of the essence of judicial review in the context of axiological analysis of public activities. The study concludes that judicial review is used to elucidate to what extent a rule of conduct complies with the safeguards of human and civil rights and liberties set out in a specific country.

This paper posits that the foundations of the teaching of political theory at Makerere University College obtain from British and American hegemony. The hegemonic tendencies are exemplified by the content of what was taught as political theory, the nature of the teaching staff in the Department of Political Science -- the country of origin, the institution where they trained, and their research focus. It concludes that streamlining the teaching of political theory at Makerere University will require an understanding of its hegemonic past and its present context to which it is supposed to be aligned.

The study of educational simulations at the secondary level has typically centered on programs that are competitive, shorter in duration, and characterized by their low fidelity, or a lack of realism. The resources required to hold longer, more immersive, and nuanced programs are often prohibitive for teachers of political science programs. As such, their effects on student learning outcomes have remained relatively unknown. In this paper, we explore the impact of a Model G20 (MG20) curriculum for high school and early college-aged students on students' sense of self-efficacy and 21st century skills. MG20 is a weeklong, immersive international conference modeled after the real G20 summit. In it, students learn about global governance and roleplay as heads of state and government ministers to negotiate for their collective interests. Using a mixed methods approach, we examine student learning outcomes from two MG20 summits, held in the United States and in the UK. Results show that internationally diverse, immersive, collaborative role-playing simulations significantly improve students' self-ascribed cross-cultural communication and public speaking skills, as well as students' sense self-efficacy. This research suggests future study into new and emerging formats of educational simulations may reveal greater potential for such programs to enhance student learning.

This paper expands the theoretical base of intergroup and intercultural communication by testing a new communication model of interdependence (CMII), defined in terms of the embedded nature of groups Giles, M., R. Pines, H. Giles, and A. Gardikiotis. 2018. "Towards a Communication Model of Intergroup Interdependence." Atlantic Journal of Communication 26 (2): 122-130. doi:10.1080/15456870.2018.1432222. Introducing a new visual representation of it, propositions of CMII are tested, by invoking relationships between the U.S. and Canada as they change over time. Relevant self-report outcomes include: social connectedness, language attitudes, and communication accommodation. How awareness of de-interdepending, and whether explicitly invoking the construct 'interdependence' is associated with outcomes, was also examined. Results indicated sufficient support for tenets of the theory to excite future empirical programmatic endeavours.

Describes the response of American states to federal energy legislation. Discussion of the energy conservation programs that was mandated by the Energy Policy and Conservation Act for the state; Explanation of considerable variation in the extent to which states have been able to absorb federal energy; Determinants of state energy policy.

For some decades, students and scholars of Political Science have debated methodological differences, paradigmatic differences, and policy differences as they relate to curricula. Today, the real challenges facing the teaching of Political Science have less to do with content and much more to do with form and process. The next transformation in teaching and learning must address what kind of political scientist we wish to be, which kind of Political Science we need to create. Our argument advances in three moments. First, we sketch contemporary contexts for analyzing teaching and learning, musing about old and new paradigmatic/methodological debates and the new social-technological contexts of undergraduate learning. Second, we discuss conceptions of competencies in the U.S., Europe, and in relation to a specific Political Science program in Brazil. Third, we dare to sketch a "metaprofile" of the "good political scientist", modeled on the work of the ALFA Tuning Project of the European Commission and reflections on related Brazilian and Latin American experiences. [This paper was presented at the IPSA World Congress 2014 in the Research Committee 33 (The Study of Political Science as a Discipline) panel "Paradigms and Historiography in Political Studies" (23rd, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, July 23, 2014.]

Community colleges occupy a growing role in the American education system. Their unique cross-section of students poses a challenge for teachers of political science. This paper uses information from a survey completed by over 2,000 students at 20 colleges and universities across the United States to shed light on some of the most significant differences between students at two- and four-year institutions. Most notably, students at two-year institutions are less interested in politics and political office than their counterparts at four-year institutions. This paper offers suggestions for narrowing this gap in the political science classroom. (Contains 1 table.)

This article examines “currency chains”—messages and petitions written on paper money—as folkloric expressions and rhetorical acts that critique or commend dominant American public discourse. After a general description of currency chains, it considers two categories in detail. First is the “St. Lazarus” variety that flourished in the United States in the late 1990s, having migrated from Europe. Second are political money chains that engage with a social or political order, often in protest. This article observes the condemnation of currency chains as an irrational phenomenon, and regards them as viable means for often marginalised groups to foster participation in a public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This and the next two issues of LegisIative Studies Quarterly will publish a group of articles based on papers presented at the 1988 G. E. Hendricks Symposium on the United States Senate. Held on the campus of the University of Nebraska-Lincoln in October 1988, this symposium brought together leading students of the U.S. Congress. Their articles fall into three large categories, and these categories will be used to divide the articles among the three issues (see Appendix). Following this introduction, three historically oriented articles will appear in this issue. The August issue d l contain five articles on the organization and operation of the Senate, and the November issue will present six articles relating to Senate elections. Collectively, these articles constitute an impressive portrait of current research on the Senate. Why is it important to obtain such a portrait? Of what value was our symposium and the papers it produced? What did we hope to accomplish, and did we do it? In this brief introduction to the Hendricks Symposium studies, we address these and related questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have found that one of the strongest predictors of political participation is political efficacy, the belief that individuals' actions can influence political processes. Prior research indicates that political efficacy increases through various experiences, such as discussions of public issues, but it does not explain why or how these experiences support the development of political efficacy. To address this gap, this paper explores the broad set of factors that influence political efficacy amongst adolescents, who are at a crucial age for identity development. By analysing interview data from 32 high school students and questionnaire responses from 142 undergraduates, I found evidence to support a model that includes a wide variety of factors that contribute to political efficacy, such as persistence, political interest and political trust. Based on this empirical model, I provide practical recommendations to educators and researchers interested in preparing students for active political participation. (Contains 7 tables and 4 figures.)

The claim that faculty conduct research is one of the main justifications for the modern university. Supposedly, academe carries out important, cutting-edge inquiries in which society has an interest. In fact, states this author, research at American universities is becoming narrow and artificial, out of touch with social realities, and of interest mainly to other academics. This development the author calls scholasticism, after the medieval philosophers whom one remembers as being similarly ingrown. In recent decades, conservative critics of academe have focused on political correctness--the tendency of academics to privilege liberal perspectives to the exclusion of conservative ones. But scholasticism may pose a greater threat to the heart of university life, which is the intelligent construction of arguments. Rather than address important issues thoughtfully, today's academics are becoming pedants, mostly writing only for other specialists. Scholasticism is squeezing the intellectual life out of academe, and driving it toward other venues, including government and the blogosphere. In this article, the author describes the rise of scholasticism and asks about causes and cures: Why has obscurantism mushroomed in recent decades, and what can be done about it? He relies mostly on the trends he has seen in his own department and at New York University over more than thirty years. (Contains 35 footnotes.)

The challenges of teaching introductory-level U.S. politics to reluctant audiences are well known and widely lamented. This article investigates the pedagogical potential of political satire, specifically "The Daily Show with Jon Stewart", in engaging students in this tough-to-teach course. Based on a review of available literature and student survey data from the fall 2008 term, I argue that using this popular program in the classroom can enhance an introductory U.S. politics course. A review of both these survey data and student papers based on the program suggests promising possibilities for encouraging students' political engagement and critical-thinking skills. This preliminary examination demonstrates that further study on the program's potential both for student engagement and student learning outcomes is warranted.

This paper presents the design and assesses the results of an international collaborative course of American and Canadian undergraduates on the topic of postconflict peacebuilding. Using online discussions, a web-based role-play simulation, and videoconferencing this collaborative course sought to enhance student engagement with the material by exposing them to views from different countries and encouraging broader thinking about the complex set of activities and challenges involved in peacebuilding. The challenges and benefits of such collaboration are discussed. (Contains 8 notes.)

In this paper we examine the state of teacher training for political science PhD candidates in the European Union and make a comparison with the situation in the United States. We investigate the determinants of supply and demand of teacher training. On the supply side, we suggest that research orientation and quality assurance are factors that might enhance institutional willingness to provide training. On the demand side, we examine the influence of gender, career plans, year of study, and career status on student motivation to undergo teacher training. We find that about half of EU institutions offering PhD programs also provide some form of teacher training; this closely follows American trends. We also uncover that while research orientation has a significant positive effect on the willingness of universities to provide training in pedagogy, quality assurance does not. Of the four factors we put forward as potential influences on student demand for teacher training, only future plans have a significant effect. We argue that similarities in the situation of teacher training in the United States and the European Union make transatlantic dialogue in graduate education worthwhile. Moreover, the positive impact of teacher training on the quality of teaching and learning as well as the positive valuation of training by more than two-thirds of PhD students in our sample makes us conclude that teacher training should be more widely available. (Contains 5 tables and 4 notes.)

Presents a list of books on politics in the U.S. "Latinos in the United States: The Sacred and the Political," by David T. Abalos.; "Rocky Mountain Constitution Making, 1830-1912," by Gordon Morris Bakken; "The Protestant Establishment: Aristocracy & Caste in America," by E. Digby Baltzell.

Comments on an article about the essential problems in the conceptualization of the U.S. experiment in constitutional choice. Analysis of the efficacy of constitutional forms in restraining the tyrannical exercise of political power; Discussion of the social institutions that renders the issue of constitutional choice less pressing; Problem posed by the concepts of constitutional structure and political condition.

The article discusses the disturbing issues of the "obsession" campaign's massive scale. First, it points to the ease having which foreign groups established organizations in the U.S. which are non-profitable. It states that all their ideologies, wealth and influence are marginal. Thus, the author stresses that this "Obsession Project" has also highlighted the poisonous political climate in the country in which demonizing a whole ethnic community seems to become more a commonplace. It is also noted that related campaigns that aim to lower the bar is acceptable speech as opposed to "hate speech."

This section presents abstracts of several public opinion research published in the U.S. in the 1970s.

There is increasing public discussion about whether the cultural institutions of the United States are ideologically skewed, relative to the general population. The major realms of political culture include the news media, K-12 schooling, academia, governmental institutions, cause-directed organizations, grant-making private foundations, the entertainment industries, and the arts. There is increasing belief that these institutions are dominated by people who vote Democratic. Where evidence is available, it generally backs up the claim that the D to R ratios in such settings are very lopsided. However, the evidence is much less abundant than one might guess. Much of the evidence that does exist is generated by openly conservative organizations, and the research is rarely reported in a scholarly manner. This paper contributes to the task of ascertaining the basic facts about ideological lopsidedness in academia by reporting the results of a systematic study of voter registration of large parts of the faculty at University of California-Berkeley and Stanford University. (Contains 6 figures, 1 table, and 17 notes.)

Justin Crowe has written an accessible, thorough, and compelling history of the institutional development of the US Supreme Court and the federal judiciary it sits atop, from their inconspicuous inception in February 1790 to their current status as, perhaps, the most powerful judiciary in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the IOSCO principles on short selling regulation, and applies these to the regulations in place the US, the EU, and Hong Kong. The paper argues that practice of short selling is beneficial for markets, and that the justifications for (particularly) permanent restrictions do not stand up to rigorous scrutiny. It suggests that politics is often the key factor shaping its regulation, and that regulators tend to respond to such interests, producing a lack of international convergence with respect to the laws in existence around the world. Short selling is undoubtedly a sensitive topic, but if it is to be regulated, it merits implementing and enforcing global rules. This is unrealistic, but so are the inconsistent, go-it-alone approaches currently adopted by IOSCO's members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientists, public servants, and patient advocates alike increasingly question the validity of published scientific results, endangering the public’s acceptance of science. Here, I argue that emerging flaws in the integrity of the peer review system are largely responsible. Distortions in peer review are driven by economic forces and enabled by a lack of accountability of journals, editors, and authors. One approach to restoring trust in the validity of published results may be to establish basic rules that render peer review more transparent, such as publishing the reviews (a practice already embraced by some journals) and monitoring not only the track records of authors but also of editors and journals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some studies show that people with friends of different races also have lower levels of implicit racial bias. Yet, other studies do not replicate this finding. The omission of political parties from this research may explain its contradictory results, given the central role that race has played in the polarization of US society. Recent scholarship shows that political partisanship influences whether intergroup friendships improve explicit (i.e. conscious) attitudes. However, no studies have asked if friendships with African Americans have differing effects on white Democrats' and Republicans' anti-Black implicit bias. This paper examines this question by analyzing Race IAT and survey responses from 1,868 white Americans. Results reveal that white Democrats and Republicans maintain friendships with African Americans at similar rates. Yet, having Black friends only predicts weaker anti-Black implicit bias among white Democrats. This finding suggests that partisan differences in interracial friendship dynamics may shape implicit racial attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the annual meeting of Florida Political Science Association (FPSA) held on March 2 , 2019 at University of Tampa, Florida. Topics discussed include cost of registration for conference day; dollar 250 award given to the FPSA Best Graduate Student Paper presented at the conference; and information on the topics of paper presentation that involves American National Politics, Political Theory, and State & Local Government.

Sub‐national governments across the United States implement a variety of policies to address large societal problems and needs. Many policies are picked up or adopted in other states. This process is called policy diffusion and allows researchers to analyse and compare the social, political, and contextual characteristics that lead to adopting certain policies, as well as the efficacy of these policies once adopted. In this paper, we introduce PDViz, a visual analytics approach that allows social scientists to dynamically analyse the policy diffusion history and underlying patterns. It is designed for analysing and answering a list of research questions and tasks posed by social scientists in prior work. To evaluate our system, we present two usage scenarios and conduct interviews with domain experts in political science. The interviews highlight that PDViz provides the result of policy diffusion patterns that align with their domain knowledge as well as the potential to be a learning tool for students to understand the concept of policy diffusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a series of papers from a conference at Employment and Social Development Canada, that compares US and Canadian labor markets and social policy issues. Topics discussed include the paper covering the five broad themes of social programs, immigration, unemployement, local labor markets and human capital.

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Polarization and participation are often connected in the political science literature, though sometimes the causality runs participation to polarization and sometimes the causality runs in the reverse direction. In some accounts there is an expectation that increasing participation and increasing polarization generate an ongoing spiral effect. In this paper we evaluate the over-time relationships between polarization and participation by assessing evidence in existing panel and aggregate data. We find that people with more extreme attitudes are more likely to participate in politics. However, only one particular form of participation—persuading others—appears to predict later levels of polarization. Therefore, only persuasion has the necessary correlation and temporal ordering for a feedback loop with more extreme ideology. The implication is that the discipline should pay more attention to interpersonal persuasion as a form of participation in American politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]