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Unlike many recent immigrants who entered Canada as highly trained professionals in their countries of origin, most of Canada's immigrant garment workers are working-class women with little education. The Apparel Textile Action Committee (ATAC) and Homeworker's Association (HWA) are among the bodies that were established to assist immigrant garment workers in Canada who lost their jobs to industrial restructuring and became home workers. The experiences of both bodies has made it clear that the training available to these women does not meet their needs as immigrants with a limited command of English. A study of the informal learning outcomes of HWA's members yielded the following findings: (1) most immigrant garment workers have little expectation that taking classes will lead to better jobs and higher pay; (2) although most immigrant garment workers do not expect that English-as-a-second language (ESL) classes will make them fluent in English, their ESL classes serve important social and educational purposes by giving participants a place to develop a sense of sociability with other workers and learn strategies for negotiating their lives as non-English speaking immigrants and their rights as workers; and (3) although classes are obvious places to look for informal learning, the HWA's executive meetings provide environments for explicit "political learning." (MN)

This study examined what makes college students feel positive about the potential and need for change in racial relations, particularly whether a student's own race is a significant factor. Data were drawn from an initial sample of 24,847 first-time freshmen who completed the 1985 survey and a 1989 follow-up instrument to measure how students' commitment to fostering racial understanding changes over time using a large, nationwide sample. Overall, findings indicate that exposure to liberal viewpoints and cultural and ethnic issues do further racial understanding. However, while the overall change was marginally positive, the differential rates of change appeared to separate white students and black students even further apart than when they first began college. Black students believed promoting racial understanding was an important issue regardless of what else is going on in college. The college years appeared to empower black students to greatly increase their commitment to easing racial tensions. White students did not gain the same degree of commitment to promoting racial understanding. For both black students and white students, the most significant effects on their commitment came from discussing racial and ethnic issues as well as their initial commitment to racial understanding as freshmen. (Contains 35 references.) (JB)

This study examined how college students' attitudes toward women's roles change during college in order to clarify how colleges and universities may implement policies and programs to facilitate "positive" gender role attitude changes. The study employed a longitudinal design and data were drawn from the Cooperative Institutional Research Program surveys, a national survey of over 17,000 college freshmen in 1985 who were followed up in 1989. Data were analyzed through the use of cross-tabulations and stepwise multiple regression analyses. Although few students began their studies endorsing a traditional view of women's roles, those who did became increasingly egalitarian during their undergraduate years. Women were more likely than men to have egalitarian attitudes, both as freshmen and 4 years later. After controlling for students' background characteristics, the structural characteristics of institutions had little effect on students' attitudes. Rather it was involvement with others, particularly the faculty, and participation in certain majors and activities which had an impact on students' attitudes. Results also indicate that much of what influences students' attitudes toward women's roles takes place not only outside the college classroom but also outside the college environment. (Contains 29 references.) (Author/JB)

The two essays in this report were presented at a colloquium on behavior variables related to citizenship education. The first essay, "Political Socialization and Citizen Competencies," by Byron G. Massialas, reviews behavioral science research as related to citizenship education and identifies the most significant findings in the field. The document illustrates that the research, which is primarily on political socialization, does not match citizenship objectives, nor do citizenship programs take into account important studies in political socialization. The author stresses that research should focus on the individual and the community, qualitative as well as quantitative data, and the development of educational programs in which individuals participate directly in political decisions. The second essay, "The Definition of Citizen Capacities and Related Psychological Research," by Judith V. Torney, suggests a conceptual framework which makes explicit the global as well as the domestic orientation of citizenship education. A review of research on pre-adult political awareness, understanding, and participation, and a discussion of developmental stages, social learning theory, and the role of modeling and reinforcement in promoting altruistic, prosocial, and cooperative behavior are provided. The document concludes by outlining criteria for exploring psychological concepts in citizenship education. (Author/KC)

The "International Society for the Social Studies Annual Conference Proceedings" is a peer-reviewed professional publication published once a year following the annual conference. It contains the following papers: (1) Teacher Perceptions of Authentic Pedagogy: A Case Study of Professional Development in an African American High School's Government Class (Christopher Andrew Brkich); (2) Characteristics of Effective Secondary Level History Teachers (Brad Burenheide); (3) Teaching Secondary Social Studies in Inner-City Schools (Chris Busey); (4) Using the 2008 Election to Teach Political and Social Concepts (Chris Busey and Stewart Waters); (5) Culturally Responsible Teaching: A Pedagogical Approach for the Social Studies Classroom (Brandon M. Butler and Alexander Cuenca); (6) The Battle for Stalingrad: An Interactive Approach towards Learning about World War Two (Jeff Byford); (7) Are We Ready for Another Curriculum Revolution? Evaluating the Strength and Weaknesses of the New Social Studies Projects (Jeffrey Byford, Eddie Thompson, and Cody Lawson); (8) Whitewashed: Social Studies and Raceless Pedagogies (Prentice T. Chandler); (9) Social Studies Professors Theorizing: Insights from Two Decades of Deliberation and Collaboration (Richard H. Chant and Jeffrey Cornett); (10) Revisiting Political Socialization in Secondary Education: A Study of Government Classes in Three Demographically Diverse Schools during the 2008 Presidential Election (Wayne Journell); (11) Heritage Language Learners and the Social Sciences (Christopher John Kazanjian); (12) Global Citizenship Education in the Classroom: A Collaborative Canadian Study (Marianne Larsen); (13) Thematic World History: A Defense and Field Report (Christopher Dean Lee); (14) Utilizing a Personality Template in Differentiating Potential Teaching Styles of Pre-Service Teachers (Sean M. Lennon and Jeff Byford); (15) Who's Responsible for Citizenship Education? Views from Pre-service Educators (Leisa A. Martin); (16) SHOW & TELL: Choosing Appropriate Scaffolding Techniques to Make Social Studies Concepts Comprehensible to English Language Learners (Joyce Nutta and Carine Strebel); (17) Integrating Technology into Teaching Social Studies Methods Course: A Classroom Example (James Oigara); (18) You Tube as a Learning Tool (Russell Owens and Barbara Fralinger); (19) A Case for Infusing Content on Students with Disabilities into Social Studies Teacher Preparation Programs (Kimberly Pawling); (20) Universal Design for Learning in the Social Studies Classroom (Kimberly Pawling); (21) Thinking Critically or Thinking or Thinking Historically: Which Objective do we choose in Secondary History Classrooms? (Anthony Pellegrino); (22) Got History? An Examination of Attitudes, Content Knowledge, and Perceptions Related to Historical Fiction in a Children's Literature Pre-service Course (Sherron Killingsworth Roberts, Vicky Zygouris-Coe, and Patricia Crawford); (23) Enhancing History Instruction with Online Auctions (Kirk Robinson and Scott M. Waring); (24) Utilizing Film to Teach Social Issues (William B. Russell III); (25) Images of the Holocaust: Using Holocaust Art to Promote Higher Order Thinking Skills (William B. Russell III and Stewart Waters); (26) Talkin' the Talk and Walkin' the Walk: The NCSS Position Statements Regarding Controversial Issues Instruction (Kimberlee Sharp); (27) Cross-Border Education: A Basis for Wider Cross-Cultural Communication between Thailand and Cambodia (Sunida Siwapathomchai); (28) Identifying Culturally Responsive Practices in Classrooms Serving Haitian and Haitian American Students (Martha Scott Lue Stewart, Kevin Meehan, and Rosalyn Howard); (29) An International Model: Preparing Pre-Service Teachers for Cultural Diversity (Brenda S. Thompson); (30) Making the Most of Existing Technology in the Elementary and Middle Grades Social Studies Classroom (Scott M. Waring and Amy J. Good); (31) U.S. Monuments and Memorials: Incorporating the Art of Remembering into the Social Studies Curriculum (Stewart Waters); (32) Promoting Global Citizenship by Analyzing Social Issues and Human Rights Violations of the WWII Era (Stewart Waters and William B. Russell III); (33) Using Digital Storytelling for Vocabulary Instruction (Susan Wegmann); and (34) Film, Arts and Culture as Community Outreach Tools: Perspectives from Singapore (Victor Yu). (Individual papers contain references.)

As part of a larger study (not discussed) ten educated Malaysian citizens were interviewed to find whether their rising political consciousness, over a ten year period (1988-1999), indicated that their transformation was influenced by their culture. The subjects were between 35-45 years old, married, with an average of four children. All were members of the majority race, Malay, and held membership in the United Malay National Organization (UMNO), the biggest political party in Malaysia. The following research questions guided the study: (1) What triggered individuals' transformations; and (2) what facilitated the transformation to occur. Voting patterns in the 10th General Election of 1999 were meshed with interview transcripts. Two themes emerged from the data: (1) abhorrence of political scandals and upheavals during 1998-1999; and (2) a feeling of being intellectually demeaned (lied to by government authorities). The major conclusion of the study was that a political event could trigger perspective shifts and lead to transformative learning if it is perceived as threatening to the communal cultural identity. A second conclusion was that the methods used to handle the national crisis were against participants' cultural and religious values. The researchers believe the study contributed to theoretical explanations of transformative learning among individuals in a developing country. (The bibliography lists 28 references). (AJ)

Historically, the Black Church was culturally responsive to the needs of their community. In order to meet the needs of African American adult learners, the church had to assume many roles one of which was that of educator. Like many informal institutions of learning, the Black Church has been overlooked as a site for adult education research. Ten sermons of African-American preachers were analyzed to identify culturally relevant themes and their applicability for use in adult education classrooms. These five themes that relate to different aspects of African American life were revealed: (1) self-ethnic personalities/experiences; (2) self-ethnic social experiences; (3) self-ethnic psycho-cultural; (4) Africentric affirmations; and (5) self-ethnic metaphors. These conclusions were drawn from the thematic analyses: (1) African American sermons can provide adult educators with culturally relevant names that reflect self-ethnic personalities with which learners can identify; (2) negative self-ethnic social and psycho-cultural experiences of learners can be mitigated by educators made more aware; and (3) the polyrhythmic cadence of African-American sermons grow out of an oral tradition; and (4) affirmation themes are one way to mitigate against negative self-image. (A glossary of the five themes is included. The bibliography lists 27 references). (AJ)

The evolution of cadre (political elite and bureaucratic functionaries) education in China from 1949 to the present was evaluated in terms of leadership development and the underlying interests of the Chinese Communist Party as it integrates more fully into the world economy. Historic achievements include: (1) increased knowledge about market economies; (2) increased use of management theory and practice; and (3) improved work performance efficiency. In 1998, to correct ongoing cadre problems (such as corruption, favoritism, and lack of civic responsibility) and to improve the governance capacity of cadres (to create greater social stability), the federal government initiated Three-Emphasis Education (emphasizing theory, study, political awareness, and work ethics improvement), an integral part of which was interviews with 1500 cadres. Findings included the following: (1) the hierarchical nature of the program prevented rapid improvements and public access to program evaluation; (2) poor systemization into cadre's daily work caused corruption to resurface once education was complete; and (3) the lack of an educational objective to change the Chinese bureaucracy (the current objective was to change individuals only). Inclusion of the public in the process of cadre political education is recommended in order to strengthen educational outcomes. (The bibliography lists seven references). (AJ)

A recent international symposium on radicalizing feminism explored ways of developing a dialogic feminism that emphasizes working in different settings under the common goal of including women who have been invisible in the dominant feminist literature by furthering theories and practices based on the principles of dialogic feminism. The seminar included the following presentations: "Latinas in US Schools" (Antonia Darder); "Working Class Women's Learning Stories" (Barbara Merrill); "The Time Is Now: Education for Radical Democracy and Transgressive Action" (Eileen de los Reyes, Yamila Hussein); "Education as a Bridging Strategy between Feminist Organizations and Low-Income Women" (Nelly Stromquist); and "The Other Women: Social Transformation in Gender Relations" (Lidia Puigvert). The following actions for developing dialogic feminism emerged from the presentations: (1) open a space for dialogue and reflection about the need to radicalize feminism by including women with no academic experience and any other women who have been excluded from the mainstream feminist discourse; (2) strengthen the foundations of a universal feminism that includes all women and women's cultures as a tool for change; (3) promote ways of social participation of nonacademic women that recognize their cultural diversity and contribution to society; and (4) discuss the role of education in helping women overcome social barriers and exclusion. (Contains 15 references.) (MN)

A collection of papers by leaders in the curriculum field, this book offers educators a scholarly look at current theory. The introduction provides a historical perspective and definitions of major curriculum theories. The book considers curriculum theory in the light of five major concerns: values, rational decision-making, psychological development, classroom practice, and sociopolitical analysis. The selections delineate the dichotomy between the scientific and humanistic goals of education. James B. Macdonald writes on "Values Bases and Issues for Curriculum," Robert Allen Ubbelohde offers "A Neo-Conservative Approach in Curriculum," Ralph W. Tyler suggests "Desirable Content for a Curriculum Development Syllabus Today," Daniel L. Duke notes "Data Curriculum Workers Need," William E. Doll, Jr. addresses "The Role of Contrast in the Development of Competence," Charles A. Letteri writes on "Cognitive Style: Implications for Curriculum," David C. Williams discusses "The Therapeutic Curriculum," Walter Doyle and Gerald Ponder explore "The Ethic of Practicality: Implications for Curriculum Development," Bernice J. Wolfson suggests "A Phenomenological Perspective on Curriculum and Learning," Dwayne Huebner offers thoughts "Toward a Political Economy of Curriculum and Human Development," and Michael W. Apple and Nancy R. King ask "What Do Schools Teach?" (Author/JM)

The papers presented in this document cover three themes: (1) religious education; (2) the education of black U.S. citizens; and (3) the problem of education as imposition. Part 1 begins with "Tales for the Evangelical Nursery: Calculated to Edify, Caution, Instruct, Alarm, and Improve" (P. T. Rooke) that describes the moral instruction given in the nineteenth century home through the use of Mary Martha Sherwood's children's books. "Protestant Views on Education, 1865-1900: A Reevaluation of the Dual Pattern of Parallel Institutions Thesis" (R. Ognibene) argues that the Protestant denominations (Baptist, Episcopalian, and Presbyterian) had not expressed complete agreement with secular education. "The Philosophy of the Religious Education Association, 1903" (H. A. Archibald) discusses the relationship of John Dewey, George Albert Coe, and others to the Association and the debate over how to reconcile certain disciplines, such as psychology, with religious education. Part 2 begins with "Industrial Philanthropy and Black Higher Education, 1915-1930" (J. D. Anderson) and argues that industrial philanthropists' policy supported only those institutions like Fisk University that produced conservative black leaders. "In Pursuit of Freedom: The Educational Activities of Black Social Organization in Philadelphia, 1900-1930" (V. P. Franklin) describes the purposes and activities of black heritage societies, women's clubs, the YMCA and YWCA, schools, newspapers, and other organizations. Part 3 begins with "George S. Counts as an Ideologist of American Education: The 1930s" (G. L. Gutek) which discusses Counts's ideas about the 1930s, the U.S. past, social change, and programs to create a new society. "George S. Counts and the Imposition Controversy" (G. J. Dixon) provides an overview of the debate about the inclusion of Counts's ideas of social reconstruction in education and in what way schools should impose the social issues on children. "The Bode-Childs Imposition Controversy: The Critical Perspectives of the Participants" (J. DiGiambattista) presents the positions of both men in the use of experimental intelligence. "The Theory and Practice of Theodore Brameld's 'Defensible Partiality': A Mid-Century 'Resolution' to the Imposition Controversy" (C. Kridel) delineates the difference between reconstructionism and defensible partiality and reviews the Floodwood (Minnesota) Project. "The Politics of Values" (P. L. Smith) examines progressive education and the viewpoint of imposition. The program, business meeting's minutes, and list of attendees are included. (DJC)

With an increasingly wide variety of programs currently labeling themselves "civic education" and being taught by civic educators, the question at hand is how the culture of schools and classrooms contribute to supporting democratic political culture. This paper explores the questions: "Does the structure of the school and classroom have the potential to encourage the development of democratic citizens?" and "Is a school or a classroom organized in an authoritarian manner less likely to encourage the development of skills and attitudes that are democratic?" by making assumptions that how individuals conduct classroom instruction and provide opportunities to practice participation and structure power relations in the school have important consequences in promoting a culture of democracy. Specific paper sections include: (1) "Democratic Citizenship and Education: Making the Connections"; (2) "Promoting a Culture of Democracy: Democratic Practices and Democratic Citizens"; (3) "Education for Democracy: Which Democracy?"; (4) "Democratic Classrooms and Schools: How Democratic Do They Need To Be?"; and (5) "Conclusions: Towards Greater Clarity." (CB)

Recent analyses of the linkages between policy analysis and politics suggests that contemporary focus on the first had been poorly attenuated to the theoretical needs of the second. This paper specifies the kinds of research in educational politics that should ensue if the politics-of-education field is to become less oriented to specific policies or to a singular paradigm. The larger conceptual framework rests in the understanding of "political" as encompassing a broad range of factors within the political system that shape or influence its activities. The framework suggests a set of categories of political analysis that is drawn from the relevant subfields of political science. The paper highlights the following subfields' applications to education and their research possibilities: political learning, the media and school politics, electoral studies (political behavior), policies and policy communities, courts and the law, and comparative education. Two tables are included. (Contains 45 notes.) (LMI)

A growing number of educational programs seek to promote young people's participation in political and civic affairs. A common strategy for doing so is to provide students with opportunities to make a difference in their communities. Much research demonstrates a strong connection between a person's sense about making a difference efficacy and the level of participation. Ten nationally recognized programs that engaged students in community-based experiences and aimed to develop students' civic and political commitments were studied for over two years. By drawing on observations, interviews, and pre/post surveys that focused on changes in attitudes related to civic participation, the study was able to contextualize students' sense of efficacy as civic actors and its relation to program goals. This paper explores two common assumptions about developing a sense of civic and political efficacy: (1) when students' sense of efficacy grows, their commitment to future civic involvement grows as well; and (2) conversely, when students become frustrated or come to believe that problems are intractable, their commitment appears to decline (data supported these suppositions). Evidence presented indicated that complex questions surround the desirability of structuring curriculum to promote students' sense of their political and civic efficacy. The findings indicate that opportunities for civic and political efficacy can support the development of stronger commitments; but opportunities for students to learn about and experience the barriers and constraints they and other civic actors face are also important. The paper suggests ways programs might navigate dilemmas faced by practitioners who seek to structure experiences so students can gain a sense of efficacy on one hand, and an understanding of serious obstacles to democratic social change on the other. (Contains 8 notes, 3 tables, and 28 references.) (Author/BT)

The visible signs of patriotism displayed in the United States since the events of September 11, 2001 are at once an expression of pride and a palliative for people's grief and sorrow, an understandable response to a national tragedy. But more important is a kind of less visible patriotism that calls for fidelity to the values and principles for which the United States stands. This paper discusses that kind of patriotic fidelity and considers two major questions: (1) what should patriotism mean in a constitutional democracy?; and (2) what responsibilities do schools and educators have for helping students develop a large and wholesome meaning of patriotism? It comments on a March 2002 poll in which 59% of U.S. adults said that involvement in civic life is not essential to patriotism, and on a study of college students in which only about one-fourth of freshmen reported voting in student elections. The paper points to the difficulties that state lawmakers have encountered when crafting legislation for civic involvement by public school students and discusses the 1943 decision of the Supreme Court on "West Virginia State Board of Education vs. Barnette." which stated that every child needs to learn about the basic values and principles of the United States. This learning entails familiarity with and understanding of the nation's founding documents, most particularly with the U.S. Constitution and with the Declaration of Independence. The paper notes that every child also needs to understand why fidelity to those values and principles is essential to achieving the twin goals set for every citizen liberty and justice for all. (Contains 13 notes.) (BT)

This paper seeks to provide an overview of theoretical concepts of civic education and citizenship. The paper discusses recent comparative education research on political socialization and its implications for future research, such as in not fully democratic countries like Malaysia. Based on a literature review and prior research in the region, the role of education as a vehicle for teaching civic education and citizenship is examined. A qualitative research study in Malaysia is proposed to examine the relationship between official policy and actual school practice in the areas of civic education and citizenship. By comparing the views of teachers and students with those of policymakers (and the expectations presented in policy documents), the study compares official policy with what was really taught and learned in the selected educational settings. (Contains 44 references.) (BT)

This paper offers a historical overview regarding the nation state aspect of Norway because of its dramatic influence in curriculum making. The study examines aspects of the Norwegian national curriculum identity related to curriculum structure, to the underlying principles and consequent form those principles will take in the curriculum, and to the content of the curriculum in what students should know. These aspects are related to recent curriculum reform in Norway. The analysis is based on policy texts from the Royal Ministry of Education, Research and Church Affairs as well as on current debate. The description focuses to a degree on related tensions and paradoxes found within the social and educational structures. Sections of the paper include: (1) "Introduction"; (2)"Establishing a National Identity in Curriculum"; (3) "Curriculum Structure and National Identity"; (4) "Formation (Bildung) and the Celebration of Principle and of Both-And"; (5) "Personal Identity-Nation State Identity"; and (6) "Concluding Comments." A 22-item reference list concludes the paper. (EH)

This conference paper asserts that there are four faces to the stories of people's lives: (1) a personal face; (2) a political face; (3) a historical face; and (4) a sacred face. The study explains how each of these faces interacts in society and is used to analyze and to teach multicultural literary works as archetypal stories from the perspective of the core drama of life, the story of transformation. By using excerpts from "The Color Purple"; "Like Water for Chocolate"; "Blood on the Forge"; "Siddhartha"; "Ceremony"; and "Bread Givers"; the paper examines the teaching and practicing of transformational politics. Students learn to reproduce in the larger world the reality of either being docile followers, dominators, violators of others, or mutual friends. Seeing these distinct options as having implications for democracy, the study advocates leading students to create a fundamentally new and loving society. (EH)

Relying upon the conceptual constructs from international relations, politics, and sociology, this study analyzes education policy and political socialization processes in the developing multiethnic/national societies with specific reference to Pakistan. The paper descriptively analyzes Pakistan social studies curriculum as an instrument of socialization that reflects the impact political changes at the national level have had on the curriculum during the Cold War era. The paper also provides a trend analysis of successive Pakistani governments and their perceptions of a national identity as demonstrated in the curriculum. (DB)

Hong Kong has always been proud of its economic achievement of the past decades. However, the economic turmoil that swept over East Asia has revealed the weakness in its economy, which, in turn, urges Hong Kong to reform its education system to meet the challenge of this era of information technology. There are many problems in Hong Kong's education system, including elitism, teacher-centered classrooms, outdated curricula, and ambiguous language policies. At the same time, Hong Kong is faced with fierce competition with its neighboring cities, notably Shanghai and Singapore. There is concern that Hong Kong cannot produce the suitable manpower to meet the needs of the changing economy. Reform proposals were first introduced in May 2001, with "student-focused learning,""no-loser,""quantity,""life-long learning," and "society-wide mobilization" as guiding principles. This paper aims at examining the reform proposals, their problems and possibilities, and their implications through contextual analysis and literature review. The significance of Hong Kong's education reform may help shed some light on education reform in other parts of the world facing similar problems in the process of rapid economic and social change. (Contains 40 references.) (RT)

This paper describes briefly the path of political socialization research over the past 40 years; discusses "Project Citizen," a civics program for adolescent students, and the implications of recent research on it; and comments on the current state of political socialization research. Contains 12 references. (BT)

Over the course of the 20th century, American Presidential campaign rhetoric has undergone various metamorphoses. Most of these changes can be traced to developments in technology and media. Furthermore, many of these changes have had the unfortunate effect of undermining a rational choice of the electorate, and thus threaten our democracy. Like candidate-selecting conventions, controversial debate on substantive issues has all but disappeared, having been replaced by the marketing of images. The marketing process is, in turn, controlled by corporations, unions, PACs, and individual moguls who can finance the huge costs. It seems quite unlikely that those now in power, those benefiting from the system, patrons and politicians alike are likely to change on their own accord. It is within this context of information void created by political planners, strategists, spin doctors, and media consultants working for isolated candidates and anonymous monied interests that this paper will argue that it is up to academics to create rhetorical resources for voters. These resources should range from objective compilations of facts to analysis and interpretation to partisan argument and debate. The dissemination of such communication can be provided by public media such as PBS and NPR, or it can be facilitated by universities themselves, crediting faculty and students as they provide an urgently needed national community service. Contains 36 references. (Author/RS)

This paper identifies project-based curriculum elements to increase postsecondary students' sense of political efficacy and their political interest, knowledge, and participation. It evaluates factors correlated with low levels of voting and the implementation of registration activities as remedies; it then introduces curriculum elements based on research to increase the quality and quantity of political participation among the State of Georgia's postsecondary students, including interest group organization and electoral strategies as well as problem identification and analysis. Data and analysis of recent Georgia elections are presented which demonstrate the potential influence that young voters may wield if they unify around common objectives and coordinate their registration and voting activities to influence specific primary and general elections. It is suggested that current voter registration efforts are inadequate and may be improved among students by in-class activities in political science classes. Students also need to learn how to analyze and evaluate public problems, proposed remedies, and their potential consequences and underlying values. Teaching political education using federalism as a central organizing concept is also recommended, and postsecondary institutions are recommended as especially fruitful sources for instilling political responsibility in young voters. Inclusion of a project-based curricular strategy in postsecondary political science classes may result in more effective and higher quality political participation among these young citizens. A theoretical, basic outline for such a project is suggested. (Contains 45 references.) (Author/NAV)