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This study offers a historical overview of U.S. paper money before and after its nationalization in 1861, drawing attention to its function as a medium of mass communication. Building upon recent scholarship concerning the social construction of money and national currencies, it is argued that U.S. currency is legitimated through visual strategies of rationalization and mystification, whereby the contractual obligations of the state are merged with the sacred bonds of national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Provides information about the newspaper "The Working Man's Advocate" in the U.S. Representation of the working class, labor unions, and labor parties; Identification and definition of issues and called for an end to intolerable social and economic conditions through the exercise of political power; Chief purpose of the newspaper.

The article analyzes the concept of soft power in East Asia as it relates to the so-called decline of U.S. power and the simultaneous increase of military and diplomatic power exercised by China in the region. The author reviews soft power survey data and argues for the benefits of analyzing public opinion data in determining political power and influence in East Asia. A broad survey is utilized by the author to measure soft power in East Asia and the overall soft power of China is compared to other regional powers in categories such as economics, culture, and politics. The author concludes that the data show that Chinese soft power is relatively weak in East Asia.

The article discusses the interest of New Zealand of building a strong relationship with the U.S. and its accommodation of China. It examines the transformation of power in the Asia-Pacific region such as the shift of the locus of global power to Asia and the changes within the region's distribution of power. It offers the analysis of Australian National University professor of strategic studies Hugh White and Hedley Bull on the major power relations and its implications on New Zealand policy.

This autoethnographic paper introduces a decolonizing methodological process termed—critical collaborative interrogation (CCI)—one offering a more radically reflexive approach to teasing out inherent power relations within sport-for-development spaces. The process of CCI utilized four autobiographical vignettes written by the first author as means of decolonizing his whiteness, vis-à-vis, an academic peer from his present and a coworker from his past. By ascribing to a decolonizing praxis, we contend that CCI offers not only a novel way to elucidate innate racial biases, complicities, and moral imperatives within sport-for-development work, but also promoting CCI as a transformative process by drawing upon "other" ways of knowing and alternative perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The high incarceration rate and systemic racism in the United States, along with entrenched social barriers, highlight the need for creative solutions to help formerly incarcerated individuals (FIIs) reintegrate successfully. This paper highlights social entrepreneurial ventures (SEVs) as powerful agents of social change, underscoring the significance of holistic approaches in successful reentry and transformation of FIIs. We delve into the potential of SEVs as catalysts for social justice within the critical HRD (CHRD) framework, examining SEV's role in advancing learning, challenging power dynamics, empowering marginalized communities, and propelling grassroots-led social change. In doing so, we also emphasize the significance of experiential learning and dialog in cultivating collective knowledge and action within these social movements. We analyze the structural, organizational, and individual factors that demonstrate how HRD and social entrepreneurship complement and broaden modes of engagement. Ultimately, we highlight the promising synergy between SEVs and the CHRD perspective, presenting a transformative approach for both HRD scholars and practitioners and argue that by embracing the values of empowerment, equity, and social justice, HRD can play a pivotal role in fostering more inclusive, equitable, and empowering organizational landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the efforts of women during the Progressive Era to mobilize social and political power through their organizations. Discussion on the social networks and organizations formed by women during the period to solve social problems; Importance of women in the administration of the U.S. Sanitary Commission's policies throughout the old Northwest Territory; Ability of women to speak for the national welfare.

With Asia as its backdrop, Alfred McCoy's paper gives us a story of the rise of US hegemony after World War II. Using “military bases” rather than wars as a metric of imperial power, the paper traces the geopolitics of imperial expansion (and sometimes retraction) through a close and rich study of the many contestations around US military presence in the Philippines—contestations that occurred in both the United States and the Philippines. In doing so, one of the paper's most profound insights, made with considerable archival documentation, is that colonization and decolonization do not follow a linear trajectory and that its politics, rather than a simple imposition from the colonizer onto the colonized, are instead quite messy, complicated, and perhaps mostly importantly, in a constant state of negotiation. Thus, for instance, the paper shows us that political independence is not a clear rupture from colonization to decolonization, that arguments for the continuation or discontinuation of imperial relations post-independence are complex on both sides of the imperial divide and shift in different directions over time, and that who appears as a “threat” or an “enemy” that mobilizes a national community and nationalist resistance is also complex and inconstant. In other words, McCoy provides us with a historically detailed story of the rise of US hegemony in the latter half of the twentieth century through an account of the complex expansion of the US presence in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The paper aims to highlight differences in bank performance based on state politics during the onset of the Covid pandemic. The response to Covid pandemic created an unusual opportunity for an investigation of how politics impacts banking due to the initial response to the pandemic being heavily impacted by political affiliation states' governors and dominant parties in state legislatures. Previous research looked at impact of elections on the federal level (both executive and legislative branches) on bank risk and performance. The response to the Covid pandemic in 2020 allows for an investigation on how political influence on the state level impacted banks performance. Design/methodology/approach: The Covid pandemic was an unexpected storm that entered the United States with a vengeance in 2020, taking countless lives and ravaging the economic landscape. The response to the pandemic quickly took a political spin as republican governors showed greater reluctance to shutter business activity in hopes of slowing down the spread of the virus than their democratic counterparts. This paper examines the impact of the two Americas created along the lines of political influence as it impacted bank performance over four-quarters beginning with the fourth quarter of 2019. All US banks are split into groups based on the political affiliation of state governors and the dominant party in state legislatures to measure impact of politics on bank performance and risk. Findings: This research finds that banks operating in states with republican governors produced greater profits and exhibited higher liquidity levels. The same results held for banks in states where both the governorship and the legislature were controlled by republicans versus banks in states where both the governor and the legislature were democratic. Interestingly, the findings present a reversal when examining banks in states led by republican governors and democratic legislatures versus banks in states with democratic governors and republican legislatures. In those instances of mixed leadership, banks in states with democratic governors tend to show greater profits, greater liquidity while demonstrating lower asset quality. Originality/value: A paper published in Managerial Finance in 2018 discussed the impact of the parties in control of the White house and the legislative branch on bank performance and risk. There have been no studies, to the author's knowledge, that look at how states' political leadership (gubernatorial and legislative) impact on bank performance. Because the response to the Covid pandemic became a politically polarized issue, the onset of the crisis allowed for measurement of how different responses by republican and democratic state leadership impacted bank performance and risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comments on an article about the essential problems in the conceptualization of the U.S. experiment in constitutional choice. Analysis of the efficacy of constitutional forms in restraining the tyrannical exercise of political power; Discussion of the social institutions that renders the issue of constitutional choice less pressing; Problem posed by the concepts of constitutional structure and political condition.

This essay examines the planned invasion of New Orleans organized by the United States in late 1803 to enforce the terms of the Louisiana Purchase treaty. This story is a little-­known but revealing moment in the history of the Louisiana Purchase and the early U.S. republic, and it demonstrates the varied levels of power and authority the United States depended on to implement its imperial projects. The federal system necessitated cooperation between the Jefferson administration and state governments in Kentucky, Ohio, and Tennessee, all of which were active partners in U.S. empire-­building. West of the Appalachian Mountains, however, local conditions shaped the abilities of the states to fulfill Jefferson’s request for troops. By focusing on the intricacies of the federal system as the Jefferson administration attempted to accomplish a single goal of acquiring Louisiana in a narrow window of time, this essay highlights how crucial the contingencies of politics and power on the ground were to the federal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been few analyses that discuss how power relations present in participatory budgeting (PB) may hinder or facilitate the future of PB. Drawing from PB examples in the United States we discuss the importance of power and positionality analyses during PB stages with the most deliberative participation for community members: forming steering committees, holding local assemblies, and selecting budgets. We discuss power struggles that stem from the lack of transparency in establishing budgets and representing implicated actors in communities. We discuss the importance of analyzing the positionality of municipal actors and community members throughout the life of PB projects. The paper ends by suggesting lessons that future PB initiatives can glean from community-based participatory research (CBPR) in public health, specifically, engaging in co-learning processes, capacity building among all partners, and the equitable distribution of resources between communities. These CBPR principles may facilitate countering narratives about community participation and foment institutional change in the ways local jurisdictions allocate PB budgets and prioritize policy agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many features of the U.S. political economy arise from the interactions between large political and economic institutions, and yet we know little about the nature of their interactions and the power distribution between these institutions. In this paper, we present a detailed analysis of networks of U.S.‐based organizations, where edges represent three different kinds of relationships, namely owner–owned (ownerships), donor–donee (donations), and service provider–payee (transactions). Our findings suggest that in the ownerships network, the financial organizations form the core, and banking organizations hold strategic locations in the network. In the transactions network, the government organizations and agencies form the core, and defense‐related organizations form the backbone. In contrast, with the donations network, no specific domain of organizations forms either the core or the backbone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The novel Corona virus is a pandemic that has affected every human being on this planet, either directly by the virus itself, or by the social and economic consequences of the same. Needless to say, this pandemic has also had an effect on the administrations of most, if not all, the nations. This research paper seeks to draw a comparative analysis between the powers of the Executive in India and the United States of America during this pandemic. As we know, India follows a Parliamentary form of governance where the Prime Minister is the Head of the Government and a system of collective leadership is followed, whereas the USA follows a Presidential form of governance where the President is the Head of the State and the principle of individual leadership is followed. A comparative analysis of the two States' powers of the Executive will enable an enhanced comprehension by highlighting important details about pandemic related legislations like the Pandemic and All-Hazards Preparedness Act, 2006 (USA) and the Epidemic Act of India, 1897; and help making abstract ideas more concrete. In this research paper, using the doctrinal method of research, we will analyse the background of the pandemic via medical papers and WHO mandates, and further delve into the executive powers of both, India and the USA during a pandemic by analysing constitutional provisions like that of the 10th Amendment of the Constitution of the USA and the Emergency Provisions under Articles 352 to 360 of the Indian Constitution and different legislations. In conclusion, we shall see that in India, including pandemics as a valid ground to give power to the President to impose a nationwide lockdown, under the National Emergency clause in Article 352 of the Indian Constitution, shall prove to be beneficial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS), a regional study, conference and research center of the U.S. Department of Defense. It highlights the renowned reputation of APCSS as a center for capacity building and empowerment. It also provides an overview of its mission, team members and the opportunities of the U.S. military's Foreign Area Officers.

This paper is the second in a series that explores the historical events surrounding the Wilk v American Medical Association (AMA) lawsuit in which the plaintiffs argued that the AMA, the American Hospital Association, and other medical specialty societies violated anti-trust law by restraining chiropractors' business practices. The purpose of this paper is to provide a brief review of the history of how the AMA rose to dominate health care in the United States, and within this social context, how the chiropractic profession fought to survive in the first half of the 20th century. This historical research study used a phenomenological approach to qualitative inquiry into the conflict between regular medicine and chiropractic and the events before, during, and after a legal dispute at the time of modernization of the chiropractic profession. Our methods included obtaining primary and secondary data sources. The final narrative recount was developed into 8 papers following a successive timeline. This paper is the second of the series that explores the growth of medicine and the chiropractic profession. The AMA's code of ethics established in 1847 continued to direct organized medicine's actions to exclude other health professions. During the early 1900s, the AMA established itself as "regular medicine." They labeled other types of medicine and health care professions, such as chiropractic, as "irregulars" claiming that they were cultists and quacks. In addition to the rise in power of the AMA, a report written by Abraham Flexner helped to solidify the AMA's control over health care. Chiropractic as a profession was emerging and developing in practice, education, and science. The few resources available to chiropractors were used to defend their profession against attacks from organized medicine and to secure legislation to legalize the practice of chiropractic. After years of struggle, the last state in the US legalized chiropractic 79 years after the birth of the profession. In the first part of the 20th century, the AMA was amassing power as chiropractic was just emerging as a profession. Events such as publication of Flexner's report and development of the medical basic science laws helped to entrench the AMA's monopoly on health care. The health care environment shaped how chiropractic grew as a profession. Chiropractic practice, education, and science were challenged by trying to develop outside of the medical establishment. These events added to the tensions between the professions that ultimately resulted in the Wilk v AMA lawsuit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Race-related legislative advances have been made over the years to the advantage of non-Whites. However, this reality is yet to alter mainstream discourses of racism, which have portrayed Whites as having monopoly over the perpetration of racism, arguably because they have systemic/institutional advantage and power to be racist toward non-Whites. This paper argues that racism can be non-institutional, that there is power in non-institutional racism, that non-Whites can utilize non-institutional racism to their advantage, and that racism is not race-specific. With a primary focus on how non-Whites might utilize non-institutional racism, this paper draws on media reports of events of the 2016 presidential election campaigns to demonstrate that the perpetration of racism is no longer a White prerogative, and that the victimization experiences of racism is no longer specific to non-Whites. The paper concludes with a call for these important dynamics of racism to be made salient in academic and public debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent expansion of online genetic-genealogical networks has been hailed as a development that could break racial taboos in the United States by providing irrefutable evidence of the myriad historical and genetic links—many originating in slavery—connecting white and black families. These predictions are countered, however, by a scholarly literature on "white ignorance," defined as an active historical project that works to prevent privileged groups from apprehending their links to, and positionality within, systems of racial oppression. This paper mobilizes concepts from the fields of agnotology and epistemic ethics to assess how far genetic-genealogical technologies can contribute to redressing racialized epistemic inequities between slave and slaveholder descendants, by inducing the latter to respond to the former's kinship claims and give access to data that could help reconstruct their linked family histories. Drawing on ethnographic and interview data that foreground the experiences of African American genealogists, the study outlines the structural and affective dimensions that have converged to enable white ignorance regarding genealogies of slavery and discusses ethical and technical solutions proposed by genealogical practitioners to redress the racialized power dynamics that continue to condition access to, and public acceptance of, family history knowledge relating to slavery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, striking racial disparities in COVID-19 infection and mortality rates were one of the core patterns of the virus. These racial disproportionalities were a result of structural factors--laws, rules, and practices embedded in economic, social, and political systems. Public policy is central among such structural features. Policies distribute advantages, disadvantages, benefits, and burdens in ways that generate, reinforce, or redress racial inequities. Crucially, public policy is a function of power relations, so understanding policy decisions requires attentiveness to power. This paper asseses statistical associations between racial power and state anti-eviction policies. Charting the timing of state policy responses between March 2020 and June 2021, I examine correlations between response times and racial power as reflected in state populations, voting constituencies, legislatures, and social movement activities. Ultimately, I do not find any significant associations. The null results underscore the complexities and difficulties of studying race, power, and public policy with theoretical nuance and empirical care. While the findings leave us with much to learn about how racial power operates, the conceptualization and theorizing offered in the paper, instructively underscore the value of centering racial power in analyses of public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is no secret that political power in the United States and elsewhere has, overall, shifted to "the executive" and away from legislatures. There may be debate about whether this is a product of willful "overreaching" by executives or whether, within the United States, Congress has instead willingly ceded power by engaging in what Justice Cardozo in 1935 called "delegation run riot." The concern about executive power has perhaps become heightened in the aftermath of the Trump presidency—just as Boris Johnson, with his own defiance of some of the "conventions" that are essential to the British constitutional order, is provoking debate in Great Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the impact that inclusive marketing practices might have on society using modest fashion as a case study. The study employs an ethnographic approach to critical discourse analysis and explores the impact of modest fashion in reshaping the boundaries of exclusion and belonging in the United States. Throughout the paper, the author argues that as firms try to become more inclusive in the marketplace, they inadvertently reproduce existing power dynamics wherein nonthreatening forms of diversity are assimilated into a safe "new normal" while subversive "others" are further excluded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Utilizing Foucault's theory of panopticism, social scientists have consistently studied the ways past populations were made visible and how this served as a form of power. Understudied, however, are the ways invisibility can be imposed or adopted. This paper models new discussions of power relationships I have named anopticism. Anopticism is concerned with the power exercised in making populations invisible, both as a form of domination and as form of resistance. By examining two Chinese communities in Nevada and California, I explore the ways strategies and tactics, discipline and agency, and power over and power to intertwine to effectively and purposefully hide individuals, groups, and their behaviors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Importance: Recent discussion has focused on questions related to the repeal and replacement of portions of the Affordable Care Act (ACA). However, issues central to the future of health and health care in the United States transcend the ACA provisions receiving the greatest attention. Initiatives directed to certain strategic and infrastructure priorities are vital to achieve better health at lower cost.Objectives: To review the most salient health challenges and opportunities facing the United States, to identify practical and achievable priorities essential to health progress, and to present policy initiatives critical to the nation's health and fiscal integrity.Evidence Review: Qualitative synthesis of 19 National Academy of Medicine-commissioned white papers, with supplemental review and analysis of publicly available data and published research findings.Findings: The US health system faces major challenges. Health care costs remain high at $3.2 trillion spent annually, of which an estimated 30% is related to waste, inefficiencies, and excessive prices; health disparities are persistent and worsening; and the health and financial burdens of chronic illness and disability are straining families and communities. Concurrently, promising opportunities and knowledge to achieve change exist. Across the 19 discussion papers examined, 8 crosscutting policy directions were identified as vital to the nation's health and fiscal future, including 4 action priorities and 4 essential infrastructure needs. The action priorities-pay for value, empower people, activate communities, and connect care-recurred across the articles as direct and strategic opportunities to advance a more efficient, equitable, and patient- and community-focused health system. The essential infrastructure needs-measure what matters most, modernize skills, accelerate real-world evidence, and advance science-were the most commonly cited foundational elements to ensure progress.Conclusions and Relevance: The action priorities and essential infrastructure needs represent major opportunities to improve health outcomes and increase efficiency and value in the health system. As the new US administration and Congress chart the future of health and health care for the United States, and as health leaders across the country contemplate future directions for their programs and initiatives, their leadership and strategic investment in these priorities will be essential for achieving significant progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines representations of the Black Panther Party (BPP) in three of Japan's top-circulating newspapers-Yomiuri Shimbun, Asahi Shimbun, and Mainichi Shimbun-from 1966 to 1979, these years marking the period of greatest BPP activity. The purpose of this analysis is to bring renewed perspective regarding the light in which the BPP was covered by a non-US press, as a step toward further developing scholarship of transnational discourse on black militancy. Through making additions to said scholarship, the author wishes to contribute to the greater aim of reexamining frameworks of representational power, calling into question the lynchpins of this power as they function toward our understanding of blackness and race in an historical context. The paper is divided into two distinct parts. The first part chronicles the trajectory of the Japan and black American relationship. This forms the context for the author's examination of BPP coverage in the aforementioned newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Significant advances have been made in interventions to maintain communication and personhood for individuals with neurodegenerative conditions. One innovation is Message Banking, a clinical approach first developed at Boston Children's Hospital (BCH). This paper outlines the Message Banking process as implemented at BCH, which includes the option of "Double Dipping," where banked messages are mined to develop personalized synthesized voices. More than a decade of experience has led to the evolution of six core principles underpinning the BCH process, resulting in a structured introduction of the associated concepts and practices with people with amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS) and their families. These principles highlight the importance of assigning ownership and control of the process to individuals with ALS and their families, ensuring that as a tool it is empowering and offers hope. Changes have been driven by feedback from individuals who have participated in the BCH process over many years. The success of the process has recently been extended through partnerships that allow the recorded messages to be used to develop individual personalized synthetic voices to complement banked messages. While the process of banking messages is technically relatively simple, the full value of the process should be underpinned by the values and principles outlined in this tutorial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most organization theorists believe that boards of directors in large American corporations are dominated by management. This paper argues that this view is based on a problematic definition of control. Several distinctions between long run and short run control are presented, and a framework in which boards of directors have control over managers is suggested. Case examples are given and possible objections are confronted. Finally, an agenda for further research on board-management relations is offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Political marketing can be categorized with three aspects: the election campaign as the origin of political marketing, the permanent campaign as a governing tool and international political marketing (IPM) which covers the areas of public diplomacy, marketing of nations, international political communication, national image, soft power and the cross-cultural studies of political marketing. IPM and the application of soft power have been practiced by nation-states throughout the modern history of international relations starting with the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Nation-states promote the image of their country worldwide through public diplomacy, exchange mutual interests in their bilateral or multilateral relation with other countries, lobby for their national interests in international organizations and apply cultural and political communication strategies internationally to build up their soft power. In modern international relations, nation-states achieve their foreign policy goals by applying both hard power and soft power. Public diplomacy as part of IPM is a method in the creation of soft power, as well as, in the application of soft power. • This paper starts with the definitional and conceptual review of political marketing. For the first time in publication, it establishes a theoretical model which provides a framework of the three aspects of political marketing, that is electoral political marketing (EPM), governmental political marketing (GPM) and IPM. This model covers all the main political exchanges among six inter-related components in the three pairs of political exchange process, that is candidates and party versus voters and interest groups in EPM ; governments, leaders and public servants versus citizens and interest groups in GPM, including political public relations and lobbying which have been categorized as the third aspect of political marketing in some related studies; and governments, interest group and activists versus international organizations and foreign subjects in IPM. This study further develops a model of IPM, which covers its strategy and marketing mix on the secondary level of the general political marketing model, and then, the third level model of international political choice behaviour based the theory of political choice behaviour in EPM. This paper continues to review the concepts of soft power and public diplomacy and defines their relation with IPM. • It then reports a case study on the soft power and public diplomacy of the United States from the perspectives of applying IPM and soft power. Under the framework of IPM, it looks at the traditional principles of US foreign policy, that is Hamiltonians, Wilsonians, Jeffersonians and Jacksonians, and the application of US soft power in the Iraq War since 2003. The paper advances the argument that generally all nation states apply IPM to increase their soft power. The decline of US soft power is caused mainly by its foreign policy. The unilateralism Jacksonians and realism Hamiltonians have a historical trend to emphasize hard power while neglecting soft power. Numerous reports and studies have been conducted on the pros and cons of US foreign policy in the Iraq War, which are not the focus of this paper. From the aspect of IPM, this paper studies the case of US soft power and public diplomacy, and their effects in the Iraq War. It attempts to exam the application of US public diplomacy with the key concept of political exchange, political choice behaviour, the long-term approach and the non-government operation principles of public diplomacy which is a part of IPM. The case study confirms the relations among IPM, soft power and public diplomacy and finds that lessons can be learned from these practices of IPM. The paper concludes that there is a great demand for research both at a theoretical as well as practical level for IPM and soft power. It calls for further study on this subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1960s the North American newspaper industry has mobilized two key forces against journalists' collective endeavors toward better pay and job security: heightened corporate power and workplace technology. This paper considers a decisive third force: the creation and control of public discourse concerning newspaper strikes. It provides a close textual analysis of print news coverage of the American Newspaper Guild's strike against The New York Times and New York newspapers' lockout of 17,000 news industry employees from September 16 to October 10, 1965. The study situates the concept of media framing vis-à-vis a historically grounded understanding of class struggle and journalism's activity in fostering an imaginary consensus with the public through consistent and shared depictions of the conflict Representation of this strike bears resemblance to coverage of strikes in other industries, suggesting that over the past several decades the newspaper industry has not only facilitated the general deterioration of organized labor; through its key position in the symbolic environment it has acted in like fashion to contain or eliminate such activity among its own workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that culture can be understood as a collection of codes that people learn as they grow up in a particular society and that these codes have certain attributes that explain their power. I suggest that codes must be coherent, be concrete, be clear, have continuity, and be communicated. I conclude with a discussion of national codes in comedy and offer the example of Japan, where people have different humor codes than in America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to disentangling hybridity from assumptions about marginality, resistance and the dissolution of boundaries in sociolinguistic scholarship. To do so, it examines how speakers make certain types of hybrid identities (im)possible through their discursive practices of scaling. Focusing on post‐soviet, Central Asian migrants in the United States, I demonstrate how their discourses on ethnolinguistic identity rely on multiple scalar perspectives, which (re)make boundaries in different ways that (dis)allow for hybrid identities to emerge. I show that speakers engage in such discourses in order to navigate their marginal transnational positionings, and that their emergent hybrid identities do not ensure resistance to national norms or transcend categorical boundaries. These empirical observations, I argue, have implications for conceptualizing the relationship between power, marginality and hybrid forms more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For most of the past sixty years, the United States and Europe have led, independently and collectively, the international legal system. Yet, the rise of Brazil, Russia, India, and China (the BRICs) over the past decade has caused a profound transformation of global politics. This paper examines the implications of this redistribution of power for international law. While international lawyers have long debated the ability of law to constrain state behavior, this paper shifts the debate from the power of law to the role of power within international law. It first advances a structural argument that the diffusion, disaggregation, and issue-specific asymmetries in the distribution of power are giving rise to a multi-hub structure for international law, distinct from past structures such as bipolarity and multipolarity. This multi-hub structure increases pluralism within the international legal system. It also creates downward pressure on international legal processes to migrate from the global level toward a number of flexible, issue-specific subsystems. The paper then proceeds to demonstrate that the anticipated pluralism is emerging at three substantive tension points as some rising powers articulate distinct preferences with respect to sovereignty, legitimacy, and the role of the state in economic development. At each of these tension points, rising powers are reasserting the preeminence of the state in international law, leading to a gradual turning away from the individualization of international law championed by the United States and Europe back toward the Westphalian origins of the international legal system. Notwithstanding this turn, the United States stands to benefit from the new multi-hub structure of international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blacks have been farming in the USA for about four centuries and in Michigan since the 1830s. Yet, for blacks, owning and retaining farmland has been a continuous challenge. This historical analysis uses environmental justice and food sovereignty frameworks to examine the farming experiences of blacks in the USA generally, and more specifically in Michigan. It analyzes land loss, the precipitous decline in the number of black farmers, and the strategies that blacks have used to counteract these phenomena. The paper shows that the ability of blacks to own and operate farms has been negatively impacted by lack of access to credit, segregation, relegation to marginal and hazard-prone land, natural disasters, organized opposition to black land ownership, and systemic discrimination. The paper examines the use of cooperatives and other community-based organizations to help blacks respond to discrimination and environmental inequalities. The paper assesses how the farming experiences of blacks in Michigan compare to the experiences of black farmers elsewhere. It also explores the connections between Michigan’s black farmers, southern black farmer cooperatives, and Detroit’s black consumers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]