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This paper contends past findings of the absence of distinctive socialist mobility structures on two grounds: the lack of systematic cross-national comparison within the socialist bloc and an exclusive focus on men's mobility. From a comprehensive analysis of the mobility of men and women in three former socialist societies (Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland), the study identifies a socialist mobility regime which differs from the capitalist one in at least two major ways: the existence of long-range upward and downward mobility and the significant outflow of farmers to other destinations. It also finds significant cross-national and gender differences in mobility patterns, confirming that gender and class interact to generate specific mobility patterns even within socialist societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the Transition to socialism and intergenerational class mobility. The data from the 1984 Social Structure Survey in Czechoslovakia were used for the analysis.' This survey was carried out on a sample of the population over fifteen years of age, representative according to sex and age. The non-response rate was 8.8% and the final sample size was 18,829. In the foregoing analyses, origin is defined by the father's class at the time when a respondent (son, daughter) entered the labor force. Destination alternates the respondent's present class, entry class, and class at 40 years of age, for younger respondents this is equal to their present class, hereinafter Class 40. The two later variables mostly enter a cohort analysis, which substitutes the unfortunate lack of mobility data from the past. The higher industrialization rate in Czechoslovakia than in Hungary and Poland may be illustrated by the proportion of workers and farmers, together with farm workers, in the father's generation. The percentage of workers was 55% in Czechoslovakia, as compared to 33% in Hungary and 30% in Poland. On the other hand, the proportion of farmers was 22% in Czechoslovakia as compared to 49% in Hungary and 57% in Poland.

Direct and indirect forces intrinsic to a command economy have exerted themselves to slow down the rate of social mobility in Czechoslovakia, a country that possessed a mature industrial economy prior to becoming a totalitarian society. The regime's disapproval of success symbols as non-cooperative is a direct deterrent; this disapproval is implemented by an equalization of wages. Absence of the cumulative effect of private property makes education the only viable channel to upward mobility. However, the educational system indirectly discourages working-class youth from utilizing the available opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]