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This paper examines the relationship between language, (in)visibility, and (im)mobility in racialized spaces, focusing on Finnish, Somali, and Arabic speakers in Sweden. Using a theoretical framework based on hegemonic whiteness and intersectionality, the study explores how multilingual practices and subjectivities intersect with race, religion, gender, and class to shape social visibility and mobility. The research draws on linguistic ethnographic data, including interviews, linguistic landscape documentation, and an analysis of the media discourse. The study finds that while Finnish speakers have become invisible due to assimilation policies, Somali and Arabic speakers are hypervisible in Swedish public spaces and discourse, although Arabic speakers are sometimes, and in relation to other migrants, nearing Swedish whiteness. However, all three languages and their speakers are constrained by a white normativity that reproduces inequality. The paper challenges simplistic notions of mobility/immobility and visibility/invisibility in the context of a changing racial order in Sweden, where whiteness serves as a binary sorting mechanism that perpetuates inequality. Overall, this research sheds light on the complex entanglement of language, visibility, and mobility in white spaces and contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the intersectional dynamics of race and language.

This paper investigates achievement gaps between low and high socioeconomic students in 19 high-income countries. On average, math scores of students with indicators of high socioeconomic status (SES) are over one standard deviation above those with low SES indicators. The paper estimates the extent to which these achievement gaps can be attributed to differences in classroom- and school-level resources available to students from different SES backgrounds. In some countries, achievement gaps can be largely explained by differences in the characteristics of schools attended. However, in many other countries, the gap appears more closely related to differences in the characteristics of the students. The results point to the importance of institutional difference among countries in explaining international differences in the quality of education received by different groups within a nation. (Contains 4 tables, 2 figures and 13 notes.)

Copyright of Regional Science Policy & Practice is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Problems of differentiation and uniformity of educational provisions are products of the era of emphasis on equality of educational opportunity. Three typical national solutions are dealt with in this paper: the American comprehensive model, the Western European elitist model, and the Eastern European model of a unitary school. (Author)

The article presents a comparative study of the social mobility of women in France and Sweden. One question which will be central to this and to subsequent papers will be that of how far analyses of the mobility of women tend to support, or to require qualification of conclusions that have been drawn with respect to the mobility of men. On the basis of absolute rates of intergenerational mobility for women, Sweden would appear to have markedly more mobility overall than France. The total mobility rate is consistently higher than in France, whether mobility is assessed in terms of our nine-class schema or various collapses of this. The composition of the various occupational classes of women as regards social background is somewhat more similar in Sweden than it is in France. But the striking contrast is that the differences in origin distributions of women by occupational category are much greater as compared to men in Sweden than they are in France. It is in the case of women's outflow mobility patterns-and thus chances of mobility according to social background--that our two societies show the most marked differences, in contrast to results obtained when comparing men's mobility.

Tourism is often studied as if it was static. Yet, mobility constitutes an important part of the tourism system. The paper argues that tourists are travelling according to an individual travel rhythm, which can be defined as a travel pattern that tourists relate to, independent from the tourist sites that are visited. It was found out that there are long travel distances on the first and last day of the holiday, that mobility and stationariness are concentrated in time and that tourists along a round tour often spend the longest time in the region with the longest distance to the home region. The paper concludes that a travel rhythm exists, and that it is only partly influenced by the time the tourist spends at the destination, and the previous number of visits. Time geography was applied as underlying theory, and its use can be encouraged in forthcoming tourism studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is another pragmatic attempt to include women in the comparative study of intergenerational class mobility in France and Sweden, two societies that differ in their political history and in the prevalence of women's activity outside the home. In the main, it addresses two questions: How do the mobility patterns of women via marriage compare with those of men via occupational career? How do the mobility patterns of women via marriage compare with those of women via occupational career? These questions are treated in terms of actually observed life chances as well as in relative terms, which shows the impact of the division of labour by sex on differences in life chances by alternative channels of mobility. An attempt is also made to assess the relative importance of interactions between women's social origin, own occupation, and class position by marriage. The association between the latter two proves to be the strongest by far. Rather unexpectedly, social origin does not appear to affect the association between husband's class and wife's occupational category either in France or in Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'social fluidity' is to be understood as intergenerational occupational mobility net of direct structural effects, i.e. effects of differences in the marginal distributions of the mobility tables. Though not entirely adequate in the case of women, the terminology of earlier studies of class mobility is retained to simplify the task at hand, namely to complement the picture of the stratification process in the occupational system obtained from intergenerational mobility data regarding men. In this paper, log-linear models are used to test possible outcomes to the questions: Do men and women in the same nation have the same pattern of social fluidity? Do women/or men have the same pattern of social fluidity cross-nationally? Is the relation of women's to men's patterns of social fluidity the same cross-nationally? On the basis of data from France and Sweden the first two questions are answered in the negative, though one may be impressed by how small differences are and how important structurally induced variation is. The last question may well be answered affirmatively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a methodology for using survey data to understand the composition of elites, through analysing the pool of potential members. An occupational-based measure of ‘potential power elite’ (PPE) is created and compared with other measures of occupational advantage. It is argued that this measure can be utilised to explore if the processes causing certain social groups to be under-represented in elite positions are around selection or the population recruited from. We provide analysis of elite positions in the UK and Sweden, demonstrating differences in terms of the potential pool of elite members and the occupational histories of people of those employed in roles associated with elite recruitment. We argue that understanding the composition of the PPE provides a more nuanced analysis of the processes of meritocracy in accessing positions of power and social influence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper uses unique population-level matched employer-employee data on monthly wages to analyse class-origin wage gaps in the Swedish labour market. Education is the primary mediator of class origin advantages in the labour market, but mobility research often only considers the vertical dimension of education. When one uses an unusually detailed measure of education in a horizontal dimension, the wage gap between individuals of advantaged and disadvantaged class origin is found to be substantial (4-5 per cent), yet considerably smaller than when measures are used which only control for level of education and field of study. This is also the case for models with class or occupation as outcome. The class-origin wage gap varies considerably across labour market segments, such as those defined by educational levels, fields of education, industries and occupations in both seemingly unsystematic and conspicuous ways. The gap is small in the public sector, suggesting that bureaucracy may act as a leveller. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The accumulation hypothesis would propose that the longer the duration of exposure to disadvantaged socio-economic position, the greater the risk of myocardial infarction. However there may be a danger of confounding between accumulation and possibly more complex combinations of critical periods of exposure and social mobility. The objective of this paper is to investigate the possibility of distinguishing between these alternatives. We used a population based case-control study (Stockholm Heart Epidemiology Programme) of all incident first events of myocardial infarction among men and women, living in the Stockholm region 1992-94. The analyses were restricted to men 53-70 years, 511 cases and 716 controls. From a full occupational history each subject was categorized as manual worker or non-manual at three stages of the life course, childhood (from parent's occupation), at the ages 25-29 and 51-55, resulting in 8 possible socio-economic trajectories. We found a graded response to the accumulation of disadvantaged socio-economic positions over the life course. However, we also found evidence for effects of critical periods and of social mobility. A conceptual analysis showed that there are, for theoretical reasons, only a limited number of trajectories available, too small to form distinct empirical categories of each hypothesis. The empirical task of disentangling the life course hypotheses of critical period, social mobility and accumulation is therefore comparable to the problem of separating age, period, and cohort effects. Accordingly, the interpretation must depend on prior knowledge of more specific causal mechanisms.

ABSTRACT This paper is based on qualitative research on commuting and women's everyday lives. In the project 'Re-reading time-geography from a feminist perspective', labour force mobility is an important way of analysing women's time-space use and identifying the constraints experienced when organising everyday life. We claim that time-geography provides a useful set of analytical tools that successfully collaborate with social science theory such as gender studies. Time-geography has been questioned by feminists as well as others. However, we argue that time-geography could provide gender studies with a close, empathic and micro-levelled interventional approach that makes obstacles and constraints due to spatio-temporal conditions visible and thereby changeable. In this paper we use results from previous research to prove that time-geography is an approach with several sets of useful concepts that describe and analyse women's everyday struggles and possibilities in an era in which mobility and transport have become undisputed factors of everyday life. In order to do this, time-geography needs to be read from a gendered standpoint. Although we are still in the formative stages of this re-reading of original texts and the formation of additional sets of concepts, the indications are that this work is worth pursuing and expanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the prevalence and patterns of honour-based violence and oppression by documenting and analysing self-reported experiences among youth in contemporary metropolitan Sweden. The material is gathered via three surveys of 15-year-olds in metropolitan Sweden (N6002). The analysis draws on feminist intersectional violence studies and situates honour-based violence at the intersections of gender, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. It develops the concepts of isolation and mobility within and between groups at family, community, and societal levels. The paper finds higher levels of multiple forms of violence and control, including physical, psychological and sexual violence, among youth who live with honour norms. The prevalence of violence is higher with each of the forms of isolation explored in the paper. • Honour-related violence is a complex, serious social and political problem with multiple roots, causes and consequences. • Living with honour-related norms significantly increases the exposure to physical, sexual, psychological, material, and economic violence. • Girls are subjected to more severe and more forms of honour-based violence than boys. • The more isolated boys and girls are, the higher the levels of violence. • The concepts of isolation/mobility are useful to analyse the mechanisms of honour-based violence. • The prevalence increases in isolated groups and decreases with social and economic mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use historical census data to show that Sweden exhibited high levels of intergenerational occupational mobility several decades before the rise of the welfare state. Mobility rates were higher than in other nineteenth- and twentieth-century European countries, closer to those observed in the highly mobile nineteenth-century United States. We leverage mobility variation across Swedish municipalities to shed light on potential determinants: economic growth and migration are positively correlated with mobility, consistent with the patterns observed across countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the question: can the variation that have been observed in class mobility rates in England, France and Sweden be in fact attributed entirely to differences in the evolution of the class structures of these societies - or in other factors affecting the demand and supply conditions attending mobility; or is it rather the case that there are, in addition to such structural sources of variation, differences also among the three societies in the pattern of what we would term their social fluidity or, in other words, in mobility considered independently of structural influences? To use the conceptual language that has been conventional in mobility research- but from which we would wish to depart -- the issue could then be alternatively posed as that of whether the cross-national variation that we have demonstrated is confined simply to structural mobility, or whether it extends to exchange mobility as well. The source of mobility data in England, France and Sweden have been fully described in previous paper of these authors. Here it will be sufficient to say that the data derive from nationally-based sample survey inquiries undertaken in the three countries during the early 1970s.

Seymour Lipset summarized some evidence suggesting that upwardly mobile individuals in some Northern European countries, including Sweden, retained the working class loyalties characteristic of their stations of origin to much greater extent than upwardly mobile individuals in some other countries. This paper presents findings from a study designed to test some of the assumptions of Lipset's interpretation of this evidence, and also offers a number of alternative interpretations taking account of macro conditions of Swedish political history and social structure as well as micro processes of ideological conviction through "cognitive vigilance". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parents are assumed to play a crucial role in the socio economic attainment of children. Through investments of both time and resources, they promote the ability, human capital, net works, and motivation of their children to advance socially, or at least to maintain their social position. Consequently, losing a parent in childhood could be detrimental to adult socio economic out comes. We use full-count linked census data and a comprehensive death reg is ter to study the effect of parental loss on socio economic out comes in adult hood in Sweden during the first half of the twentieth century. We employ sibling fixed-effects models and the Spanish flu as an exogenous mortality shock to assess the importance of endogeneity bias in associations between parental loss and socioeconomic out comes. Maternal death led to worse socio economic out-comes in adult hood in terms of occupational and class attainment, as well as for social mobility. The effects seem to be causal but the mag nitudes were small. For paternal death, we find no consistent pattern, and in most models there was no effect on sons' socio economic out comes. The patterns were similar for sons and daughters and do not support the theory that parental loss had important negative effects on socioeconomic out comes in adult hood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

‘Microclasses’, detailed occupational groups, have recently been suggested as being the basis of research in social stratification; occupations represent ‘real’ social groups in contrast to the purely ‘nominal’ categories of either ‘big class’ schemata or socio-economic status scales. The microclass approach in social mobility research has been applied in a recent paper, the authors claiming to show that a strong propensity exists for intergenerational occupational inheritance, and that such inheritance is the dominant factor in social reproduction and limits equality of opportunity. We model a larger version of the same Swedish dataset as used by these authors. We show: (i) that while with many occupational groups a marked degree of intergenerational inheritance occurs among men, such inheritance is far less apparent among women, and, for both men and women, accounts for less than half of the total association in the occupational mobility table; (ii) that the microclass approach does not deal in a theoretically consistent way with the remaining associational underlying patterns of occupational mobility, since appeal is made to the theoretically alien idea of ‘socio-economic closeness’; and (iii) that a standard class approach, modified to account for occupational inheritance, can provide a more integrated understanding of patterns of immobility and mobility alike. We also give reasons for doubting whether it will prove possible to establish a theoretically consistent microclass approach to explaining intergenerational mobility propensities. Finally, on the basis of our empirical results and of the relevant philosophical literature, we argue that the microclass approach is unlikely to be helpful in addressing normative questions of equality of opportunity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Sweden possesses a highly deregulated school system in which students in the compulsory school system are free to choose almost any school they prefer. This study focuses on the long-term difference in educational level twelve years after finishing elementary school for students who made a school choice compared to those who did not. The study uses the Voronoi method of estimating school choice and is based on detailed register-based data for all students that finished elementary school in Sweden in the years 2000-2002. The results confirm previous findings that the most resourceful families more often make active choices. However, those who made an active school choice seem to have lower future educational achievement. The exception are those who have foreign-born parents, and those living in low-resource areas, who made an active school choice. They have a more positive educational achievement compared to those who stayed in the closest school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there are exceptions, refugees from protracted refugee situations generally experience an overall slower integration process into the new country than other refugees and immigrants. Often the circumstances in the refugee camps, including lacking education and social networks, are used to explain this. This article looks at the post-resettlement integration process of Burmese Karen refugees in Sweden through a capital approach. Consequently, the analysis is concerned with the accumulation of resources—such as social networks—both in the pre- and post-resettlement contexts. Mobility is acknowledged as a decisive factor in this process and, as such, mobility practices from both before and after resettlement are highlighted to better understand the refugees' social, cultural and economic embeddedness. As this article argues, social and cultural capital acquired before resettlement is of crucial importance to create social networks after resettlement and hence to the overall integration process in Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent literature studies the role of grandparents in status transmission. Results have been mixed, and theoretical contributions highlight biases that complicate the interpretation of these studies. We use newly harmonized income tax records on more than 700,000 Swedish lineages to establish four empirical facts. First, a model that includes both mothers and fathers and takes a multidimensional view of stratification reduces the residual three-generation association in our population to a trivial size. Second, data on fathers' cognitive ability show that even extensive controls for standard socioeconomic variables fail to remove omitted variable bias. Third, the common finding that grandparents compensate poor parental resources can be attributed to greater difficulty of observing parent status accurately at the lower end of the distribution. Fourth, the lower the data quality, and the less detailed the model, the greater is the size of the estimated grandparent coefficient. Future work on multigenerational mobility should pay less attention to the size and significance of this association, which depends heavily on arbitrary sample and specification characteristics, and go on to establish a set of more robust descriptive facts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Poor health could influence how individuals are sorted into occupational classes. Health selection has therefore been considered a potential modifier to the mortality class gradient through differences in social mobility. Direct health selection in particular may operate in the short-term as poor health may lead to reduced work hours or achievement, downward social mobility, unemployment or restricted upward mobility, and death. In this study, the relationship between social mobility and mortality (all-cause, cancer-related, cardiovascular disease-related (CVD), and suicide) is explored when the relationship is adjusted for poor health.Methods: Using Swedish register data (1996-2012) and discrete time event-history analysis, odds ratios and average marginal effects (AME) of social mobility and unemployment on mortality are observed before and after accounting for sickness absence in the previous year.Results: After adjusting for sickness absence, all-cause mortality remained lower for men after upward mobility in comparison to not being mobile (OR 0.82, AME -0.0003, CI - 0.0003 to - 0.0002). Similarly, upward mobility continued to be associated with lower cancer-related mortality for men (OR 0.85, AME -0.00008, CI - 0.00002 to - 0.0002), CVD-related mortality for men (OR 0.76, AME -0.0001, CI - 0.00006 to - 0.0002) and suicide for women (OR 0.67, AME -0.00002, CI - 0.000002 to - 0.00003). The relationship between unemployment and mortality also persisted across most causes of death for both men and women after controlling for previous sickness absence. In contrast, adjusting for sickness absence renders the relationship between downward mobility and cancer-related mortality not statistically different from the non-mobile.Conclusions: Health selection plays a role in how downward mobility is linked to cancer related deaths. It additionally accounts for a portion of why upward mobility is associated with lower mortality. That health selection plays a role in how social mobility and mortality are related may be unexpected in a context with strong job protection. Job protection does not, however, equalize opportunities for upward mobility, which may be limited for those who have been ill. Because intra-generational upward mobility and mortality remained related after adjusting for sickness absence, other important mechanisms such as indirect selection or social causation should be explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to investigate spatial mobility over time. Research on ‘new mobilities’ suggests increasing movement of individuals, technology, and information. By contrast, studies of internal migration report declining spatial mobility in recent decades. Using longitudinal register data from Sweden, we calculate annual order-specific migration rates to investigate the spatial mobility of young adults over the last three decades. We standardize mobility rates for educational enrolment, educational level, family status, and place of residence to determine how much changes in individuals’ life domains explain changes in mobility. Young adults’ migration rates increased significantly in the 1990s; although all order-specific migration rates increased, first migration rates increased the most. Changes in population composition, particularly increased enrolment in higher education, accounted for much of the elevated spatial mobility in the 1990s. The analysis supports neither ever increasing mobility nor a long-term rise in rootedness among young adults in Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the career paths of Swedish and Finnish sailors from the mid-19th to the mid-20th century. The article shows that, for the most of the men, the seaman’s occupation was just a passing phase before taking up a job on shore, but many of them also created a long-lasting and advancing career by going to sea. There was not necessarily, however, a clear distinction between job opportunities at sea and those on shore in those days: men worked both at sea and on shore. We therefore argue that an individual’s advancement in a maritime career was a context-specific socio-economic phenomenon. In Scandinavia, work on board ships was dependent on features that characterized the division of labour in a predominantly agricultural domestic economy on land and emerging industrialization during the turn of the century. Here we present an analysis of the career paths of almost 60,000 men recruited to serve on Swedish and Finnish merchant vessels from the 1840s to late 1940s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background: To investigate the association between maternal country of birth and father's origin and unplanned and planned caesarean birth in Sweden.Methods: Population-based register study including all singleton births in Sweden between 1999 and 2012 (n = 1 311 885). Multinomial regression was conducted to estimate odds ratios (OR) for unplanned and planned caesarean with 95% confidence intervals for migrant compared with Swedish-born women. Analyses were stratified by parity.Results: Women from Ethiopia, India, South Korea, Chile, Thailand, Iran, and Finland had statistically significantly higher odds of experiencing unplanned (primiparous OR 1.10-2.19; multiparous OR 1.13-2.02) and planned caesarean (primiparous OR 1.18-2.25; multiparous OR 1.13-2.46). Only women from Syria, the former Yugoslavia and Germany had consistently lower risk than Swedish-born mothers (unplanned: primiparous OR 0.76-0.86; multiparous OR 0.74-0.86. Planned; primiparous OR 0.75-0.82; multiparous OR 0.60-0.94). Women from Iraq and Turkey had higher odds of an unplanned caesarean but lower odds of a planned one (among multiparous). In most cases, these results remained after adjustment for available social characteristics, maternal health factors, and pregnancy complications. Both parents being foreign-born increased the odds of unplanned and planned caesarean in primiparous and multiparous women.Conclusions: Unplanned and planned caesarean birth varied by women's country of birth, with both higher and lower rates compared with Swedish-born women, and the father's origin was also of importance. These variations were not explained by a wide range of social, health, or pregnancy factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Research indicate that social class mobility could be potentially important for health, but whether this is due to the movement itself or a result of people having been integrated in different class contexts is, to date, difficult to infer. In addition, although several theories suggest that transitions between classes in the social hierarchy can be stressful experiences, few studies have empirically examined whether such movements may have health effects, over and above the implications of "being" in these classes. In an attempt to investigate whether intragenerational social mobility is associated with functional somatic symptoms in mid-adulthood, the current study tests three partially contrasting theories. Method: The dissociative theory suggests that mobility in general and upward mobility in particular may be linked to psychological distress, while the falling from grace theory indicates that downward mobility is especially stressful. In contrast, the acculturation theory holds that the health implications of social mobility is not due to the movement itself but attributed to the class contexts in which people find themselves. Diagonal Reference Models were used on a sample of 924 individuals who in 1981 graduated from 9th grade in the municipality of Luleå, Sweden. Social mobility was operationalized as change in occupational class between age 30 and 42 (measured in 1995 and 2007). The health outcome was functional somatic symptoms at age 42, defined as a clustering self-reported physical symptoms, palpitation and sleeping difficulties during the last 12 months. Results: Overall mobility was not associated with higher levels of functional somatic symptoms compared to being immobile (p = 0.653). After controlling for prior and current class, sex, parental social position, general health, civil status, education and unemployment, the association between downward mobility was borderline significant (p = 0.055) while upward mobility was associated with lower levels of functional somatic symptoms (p = 0.03). Conclusion: The current study did not find unanimous support for any of the theories. Nevertheless, it sheds light on the possibility that upward mobility may be beneficial to reduce stress-related health problems in mid-life over and above the exposure to prior and current class, while downward mobility can be of less importance for middle-age health complaints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines socioeconomic mobility across three generations in Sweden from 1815 and until 2011. Using longitudinal micro-level data from the Scanian Economic-Demographic Database (SEDD), we examine the transmission of socio-economic status along three different dimensions; social class (HISCLASS), occupational status (HISCAM), and earnings. We demonstrate an association between grandfathers' class or occupational status and the outcome of grandsons, when controlling for the association between fathers and sons. The associations remain stable over time and are stronger for paternal grandfathers than for maternal. For earnings, we find no grandparental association. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares income mobility at the household level using tax data for Gothenburg, Sweden, from 1925 to 1994. Income mobility is defined as changes in household disposable equivalent income over time. Results indicate extensive income mobility over time. Income mobility is often linked to the life cycle, and three classic poverty risks - childhood, starting a family, and old age - have been reduced. Results also show the emergence of two new poverty risks - young adulthood and family-building for immigrants - challenges that need to be addressed by future policy prescriptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Low socioeconomic status (SES) has been linked to increased risk of hypertension, a known risk factor for cardiovascular disease. How the risk is altered by intergenerational social mobility is not well known. The aim of this study is to investigate parental SES, adult SES and the intergenerational social mobility in relation to hypertension risk. Methods By using data from the Swedish Twin Registry, the authors obtained information about both parental and adult SES and hypertension in 12 030 individuals born from 1926 to 1958. Generalised estimating equations were used to estimate ORs with 95% CIs. Results Low parental SES was associated with increased odds of hypertension (OR 1.42, 95% CI 1.14 to 1.76). Low SES in adulthood was associated with increased odds for women but not for men (OR 1.40, 95% CI 1.15 to 1.70 and OR 1.01, 95% CI 0.83 to 1.24, respectively). Compared with the stable low social status group, the upward mobile group had lower odds of hypertension (OR 0.82, 95% CI 0.70 to 0.97). Compared with the stable high social status group, the results for the downward mobile group indicated an increased risk. A co-twin case-control analysis indicated that the results were independent of familial factors. Conclusions These findings suggest that the risk of hypertension associated with low parental social status can be modified by social status later in life. Possibly, this could be targeted by public health or political interventions. As parental social status has an impact on later health, such interventions should be introduced early. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociologists consider inequality in educational attainment to be a major cause of inequality between people in their chances of occupying a more advantageous class position. However, there is dispute as to whether educational inequality according to social class background declined during the 20th century. What is not in doubt is the expansion of education in the advanced economies during this time, and several authors have pointed to educational expansion as a mechanism by which inequalities in social mobility chances may be reduced. I measure this effect and compare it with the impact of educational equalization on social mobility in Britain, Sweden and Germany during the 20th century. I find that in all three countries educational expansion promoted greater social mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pre-industrial rural societies have often been pictured as stationary and immobile both in geographical and social terms. In the last decades this image has begun to change, especially as regards geographical mobility, while our knowledge of social mobility of rural pre-industrial Europe is still rudimentary. This study focuses on social attainment and mobility in a rural community of nineteenth-century southern Sweden, making use of high quality micro-level demographic and socioeconomic data. We show that intergenerational social mobility was quite frequent. Downward mobility was more prevalent than upward, and also increased over time. Social attainment and mobility were determined by a combination of inherited factors and individual agency. Social origin was of major importance, and so was the social origin of the spouse, which points to the crucial role played by partner selection in determining individual social outcome. Availability of networks as measured by place of birth also played a role in social achievement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined intergenerational family contact. Three questions were considered: Is there a relationship between parent's class, child's class and family contact? Can class-related differences in family contact be explained by differences in geographical distance between parent and child? Is intergenerational family contact affected by children's social mobility? The questions were explored using data from a nationally-representative level of living survey. The results from logistic regressions showed that parent's class as well as the child's class were associated with intergenerational geographical distance and family contact more often than once a week. Those in or retired from non-manual occupations were less likely than manual workers to live close and to have family contact more than once a week. We found no evidence that a change in class position, upward nor downward, had any effect on family contacts. Rather, class- stable non-manual families socialise less frequently than other families, even when they live relatively close. The results therefore suggest that familial class-cohesiveness is a stronger determinant of inter-generational family contacts than social mobility. Future research should address the complex connection between social mobility and other forms of relations and transfers between generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Will housing mix create social mix, and will social mix create social opportunity? This question is central in American and European urban debates. In Europe, however, there is a big gap between the political debates and actions regarding these issues and empirical research. In an effort to partly fill this gap, the authors critically evaluated the question above, applying a large-scale longitudinal Swedish data set covering the period 1991 to 1999 and available at the individual level for the entire population. The first part of the article reviews the various policies that are used in different European countries. The second part addresses the empirical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Current Sociology is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The analysis of intergenerational mobility has primarily used measures of social position that are functions of an individual's occupation. Occupation-based models of social mobility, however, have limitations that arguably have grown in recent decades. Meta-analysis of available evidence for Sweden, western Germany, and the United States concerning occupational mobility, household income mobility, job displacement, union dissolution, and poverty dynamics shows the limitations of the individual-level occupation-based career-trajectory approach to life course mobility. This article develops an alternative formulation at the household level, which focuses on cross-national variation in the extent to which societal institutions influence the rate of events with the potential to change a household's life conditions via the manipulation of incentives for mobility-generating events, and the extent to which they mitigate the consequences of these events through social insurance. The combination of these institutional processes produces the distinctive characteristics of the mobility regimes of these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Continuity & Change is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the occupational mobility in a Swedish city of Katrineholm. The article provides an overview of hypotheses and empirical generalizations concerning the patterns and trends of inter and intragenerational class mobility. The article examines the patterns and trends of job mobility, using data on work histories recently collected among a sample of employees in Katrineholm. Also, it examines to what extent individuals' total experience of gainful work is divided among different classes. There is a description of trends in inter and intragenerational mobility, on the basis of cohort analysis. Changes in class recruitment between generations are studies by examining class origin distributions by the individual's own class at forty years of age. Also, changes in recruitment during working life are examined by showing individuals' class positions at ages twenty-five, thirty, and thirty-five by class positions at age forty. Four categories of employees are distinguished throughout: unskilled industrial workers, skilled industrial workers, unskilled manual municipal employees and middle-level or higher white-collar municipal employees. Most class shifts have an upward rather than downward direction, and short-range movement is more common than long-range.

The article focuses on the role of education in the social mobility, or social reproduction along with the investigation on Swedish survey data. The importance of education for transmission of social positions is only partial. The weakest link in the chain is the one between origin and education, whereas the strongest is the association between education and class destination. For parents in the upper service class, education is an important resource for securing privileged positions for their off-spring, probably acquiring its efficacy from the superior qualifications they hold themselves. Work-life mobility also occurs on the basis of pure chance and personality traits not necessarily measured by educational level. Social reproduction is also likely to be dependent on an individual's social network, either by enhancing job opportunities through personal contacts, or by restricting them, via personal ties to relatives, friends, or to the home region. The article also analyzes the changes in reproduction process and in the role of education for the process. The findings show generally decreasing associations among origin, education, and destination. The experiences in Sweden do not conform to widespread theories of change in social mobility and social reproduction.

We explore the differential permeability of three class boundaries--the boundaries determined by property, authority and expertise--to intergenerational mobility among men in four developed capitalist economies: the United States, Canada, Norway and Sweden. We conclude: (1) In all four countries, the authority boundary is the most permeable to intergenerational mobility; (2) in the two North American countries, the patterns of permeability of class boundaries are broadly consistent with the expectations of neo-Marxist conceptualizations of class--the property boundary is the least permeable, followed by the expertise boundary, and then the authority boundary; (3) in the two Scandinavian countries, especially in Sweden, the property and expertise boundaries do not differ significantly in their degree of permeability; (4) the class boundary between workers and capitalists is less permeable than would be predicted from a strictly additive model of the permeability of the three dimensions of the class structure (property + authority + expertise); and (5) in the United States and Canada, the patterns of class boundary permeability to mobility are similar to the patterns of permeability to friendship and cross-class marriages, while mobility patterns in Norway and Sweden differ from friendship and marriage patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents findings about English, French, and Swedish mobility tables from the early 1970s. The reanalysis shows that the vertical dimension of mobility is stronger and more autonomous than one would conclude from earlier analyses. It is necessary to introduce several parameters for class inheritance in order to fit the data, and such parameters account for more of the association between class origins and destinations than does the vertical aspect of mobility, but income and occupational prestige do not help to explain it. The findings suggest complementarities between vertical and non-vertical models of class mobility. The data for England and Wales and Sweden were rendered comparable in terms of a nine-category class schema developed by the classification of English occupations. Social Fluidity in Industrial Nations developed models of class mobility that assumed nominal measurement, while Vertical and Nonvertical Class Mobility combined a model of vertical mobility. The constriction of the English, French, and Swedish classifications initiated a round of comparative mobility analysis, based upon national surveys of the early 1970s. Such tables were constructed from unit record data, yielding greater detail and stronger claims to comparability than many cross-national comparisons.

The article presents some data on the frequency of intergenerational social mobility in Sweden. The data given are based on a sample survey with some 6,000 adult Swedes conducted in 1968. The non-response was 9,2%. %. The three social classes correspond roughly to a division into upper, middle and lower classes. When analyzing the data, it was concluded that total mobility was larger in the younger age group and that exchange mobility, measured as the difference between total and forced mobility, did not appear to differ between the age groups. Gunnar Persson has developed an index of social mobility which indicates that on the contrary social mobility has decreased over time in Sweden. The index very much resembles Boudon's. Both are meant to measure only exchange mobility, but Persson counts more mobility as forced than Boudon does, as Persson assumes no forced mobility to be long distant. Both are ratios between an amount that is presumed to be the exchange mobility in a mobility matrix and the largest value this amount can attain. If one is to divide mobility into parts, this should only be done after one has dealt with the degree of total mobility. The most fruitful approach then seems to be the partitioning of chi square as developed by Hope and by Hauser and his coworkers. The goal should be to partition total mobility into parts that correspond to different theoretical types of mobility. It seems reasonable to believe that variations in educational systems are related to another type of mobility than degree of industrialization and it would be most important to be able to make such relations explicit.

Theories about change in social mobility regimes have been difficult to test because of a lack of genuinely comparable data for multiple time-points. This problem is overcome for two European nations, Sweden and England, by making use of eleven different data-sets with closely matched social class-codings, covering the period between the late 1960s and the late 1980s. Data on both men and women are used to investigate whether these two societies have become more open over the decades considered. A `generic' hybrid linear-by-linear/topological log-linear model is introduced. It corroborates earlier findings that fluidity is higher in Sweden. When change in mobility parameters is tested for, some evidence of increased fluidity is detected, particularly for Swedish women in the late 1970s. There are also signs of increased fluidity characterizing the mobility regime of English men in the mid-1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Possible dysfunctional consequences of upward social mobility for extended family cohesion were sought from 89 upwardly mobile families in Uppsala, Sweden. Educational, occupational, and financial mobility were correlated with seven measures of extended family cohesion, which was found to be negatively correlated with differential mobility between the couple and their adult siblings, intergenerational occupational mobility, and spatial separation of the couple and their extended families. However, extended family cohesion was found to be positively correlated with lower or working-class background, and with higher ambitions of the couples. Findings thus tend to support Turner's notion that both "class-consciousness" and "prestige identification" exist together in varying degrees today in urban mobile families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Possible dysfunctional consequences of upward social mobility for nuclear family integration were sought from 89 upwardly mobile families in Uppsala, Sweden. Educational, occupational and financial mobility were correlated with husband-wife agreement, marital adjustment, parent-child closeness, and family orientation measures, as perceived by the wife. Nuclear family integration was found to be negatively associated with differential husband-wife mobility orientations and differential generational husband-wife mobility. Some negative association was found between unclear family integration and high rates of upward mobility, mobility from lower to middle class, different role-models for husband and wife, and where role models of the husband and wife are from different social classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on lifetime inter-occupational mobility patterns in Sweden. Occupational mobility is a basic feature of society in which both sociologists and economists are interested. In a complex economy mobility of labor among occupations is a means to maintaining an indispensable flexibility. The extent of mobility in contemporary societies is a matter of controversy about which all too few facts are available. However, many available and relevant data are overlooked. The present article exploits certain Swedish statistics about occupational mobility that have received little attention hitherto. These data are unique in many ways and deserve detailed analysis. The occupational structure was considerably more fluid for the younger than for the older men, though stability was the dominant feature at all ages. Both persistence and self-recruitment were less at younger ages. Self-recruitment was less than persistence at all ages for the non-labor groups, but the difference was largest among young men.