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Pacifism and anarchism share some territory and have cross-pollinated across historical contexts, but are also distinct traditions and movements, with voices in each holding serious reservations and criticisms of the other. Identifying and critically discussing these reservations helps correct widespread misunderstandings in the scholarship and the wider public, thereby also presenting arguments for those outside either tradition to reevaluate their own assumptions and analyses. Anarchist qualms about pacifism and nonviolence include: disputes about the effectiveness of nonviolence; a distrust of the origins and compromises of pacifism and nonviolence; and complaints about the censoring effects of nonviolence in social movements. Pacifist qualms about anarchism include: its support for violence; and its radicality. Each accusation is nuanced or countered with arguments grounded in the indicted tradition. Shared concerns and mutually resonating themes that emerge in the process include: critiques of state violence, militarism and structural violence; and arguments about means as ends-in-the-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Noncooperative multiagent learning, focusing on individual rationality (anarchy), often falls short in achieving system-wide efficiency in potential games, a class of games with applications in decentralized control and optimization. On the other hand, cooperative approaches prioritize system efficiency but often via global coordination, which could be impractical, e.g., for large-scale and less controlled environments. To address this dilemma, we propose a novel framework that introduces partial team formations, allowing team members with shared objectives to coordinate their actions while maintaining team-wise rationality for improved system-wide efficiency without the burden of global coordination. We model such interactions as a multiteam game and analyze team equilibrium, where no team has an incentive to deviate unilaterally. We show that team formations preserve the potential game structure and guarantee improved or maintained worst-case equilibrium values. To learn effective team coordination, we leverage the team-fictitious play (Team-FP) dynamics, allowing agents to adapt their strategies based on past interactions with other teams and teammates. However, learning to coordinate in the best team response against adapting opponents poses a challenge for the convergence analyses. We leverage a divide-and-conquer approach by dividing the horizon into epochs whose lengths grow sufficiently slowly to couple the evolution of the dynamics with a reference (stationary) scenario and address the nonstationarity challenge gradually across these epochs. We prove the almost sure convergence of Team-FP to equilibrium under standard conditions on the step sizes, ensuring the long-term stability and efficiency of the proposed framework. Our approach has significant implications for various decentralized control and optimization applications, including distributed resource allocation, traffic management, and power grid control. For example, we provide numerical experiments in the context of wireless network optimization, corroborating the theoretical convergence guarantees and demonstrating the effectiveness of Team-FP in achieving efficient and stable outcomes in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The point of departure for this essay is the first part of the life of Guillem Rovirosa (1915–1934), before he became one of the most important social activists in post-war Spain. During those years he abandoned his Catholic faith and, accompanied by a few friends, embarked on a journey of exploration through Esperanto, naturism, spiritualism, and theosophy. This essay proposes the application of comparative microhistory to religious sociology. The author has sourced similar combinations from around the world in the same period and concludes that this melting pot was not unique. Quite the contrary, from Europe to the Far East, many people underwent similar experiences, usually of a countercultural nature and often linked to the idea of anti-authoritarianism and to its possible religious foundations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractKenneth Waltz argued that the international system “selects for” certain behaviors by punishing polities that deviate from these behaviors. This is expected to lead behaviors and the polities that engage in them to become broadly similar over time. As such, Waltz’s systemic theory is best understood as following an evolutionary logic whose explanatory success hinges on the degree to which the international system punishes polities that do not follow the lead of successful states. Much empirical research suggests there is more variation in the behavior and capacity of polities in the post-1945 international environment than predicted by Waltz. I argue a systemic theory that can account for this variation requires a new approach to selection. I term this “directed selection,” contrast it to the evolutionary logic in Waltz, and use it to analyze, inter alia, variation in behavior between states, the persistence of armed challengers to the state, and the role of the international system in these challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the spread of Sinarquismo, a nationalist, pro-Catholic, and anti-communist movement, from Mexico to the United States in the late 1930s. The movement aimed to unite Mexicans in both countries to work towards a Catholic-influenced regime focused on social justice. Through connections with the National Catholic Welfare Conference (NCWC), the movement expanded into cities like Los Angeles and El Paso, establishing committees and spreading its message. The UNS, as the movement was known, grew to include half a million followers across borders, with a significant presence in the US, before declining in the 1960s. The article highlights the transnational impact of the movement and its role in challenging the postrevolutionary Mexican state from afar. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the use of political metaphors and analogies in ancient discussions of Epicurean atomism, ranging from the philosophical dialogues of Cicero in the 1st century BC to Claudian's epic invective In Rufinum in the 390s AD. Building on earlier scholarship that traces the emergence of monarchical and imperial analogies for the Greco-Roman pantheon in Post-Hellenistic philosophy, I argue that ancient critics of atomism shared a common tendency to depict Epicurean physics as the conceptual opposite of a well-ordered state. In particular, depictions of Epicurean theology as a form of divine 'banishment' and of atomic cosmology as a form of cosmic 'democracy' or 'anarchy' appear in texts by a wide range of Greek and Roman authors, revealing the great extent to which philosophical disagreements over atomic physics were influenced by political and social ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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How and why does one become a revolutionary? And how and why do so many young bourgeois become revolutionaries? Exploring ego-documents, in particular diaries and autobiographies, this article analyses the self-portrait of the Italian revolutionary Left between the end of the nineteenth century and the First World War, and it shows how the primacy of the element of ethics and feelings was a key characteristic of the first anarchist and socialist communities. The most politically charged of these feelings was that of compassion, in an expanded concept that extends the concern for the suffering beyond purely one-to-one relationships into areas where group suffering becomes a political issue. Finally, the article explores how novels and poems helped cultivate these feelings, deeply shaping the mindset of militants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper juxtaposes two conflicting positions on the justifiability of authority: Robert Wolff's philosophical anarchist argument and a response to Wolff consisting in Joseph Raz's service conception of authority. Following an introduction, I provide a brief exposition of Wolff's claim that authority is incompatible with moral autonomy (Section 2). After presenting the Razian response (Section 3), I consider what implications follow from Raz's service conception of authority assuming it is correct (Section 4). I argue that, even if the service conception successfully meets the anarchist challenge, it does so not by entirely dissolving the tension between authority and autonomy, but through a balancing act whereby one aspect of our autonomy gives way to another aspect of our autonomy. Finally, I consider the service conception of authority itself and point out certain vulnerabilities thereof (Section 5). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why are some international systems characterized by stable multipolarity while elsewhere conquest produces universal empires? We explain this variation through contrasting the conventional story of the consolidation of multipolar anarchy in Europe against the Ottoman conquest of the Near East and the Manchu conquest of greater China. Both the Ottomans and the Manchus developed the capacity for systemic conquest via hybridizing steppe and sedentary military techniques. Furthermore, both surmounted the legitimation gradient of conquest. The Ottomans and Manchus used cultural statecraft to prevent balancing coalitions and encourage bandwagoning and collaboration. Cultural statecraft comprised strategies of co-opting preexisting symbols of imperial rule and employing multivocal legitimacy strategies to sequentially appeal to multiple segmented audiences. In Europe, both military obstacles and religious confessional ideational divisions frustrated would-be conquerors. Multipolar anarchy is thus a contingent outcome in international politics rather than a constant, which can be extinguished by militarily powerful and culturally agile "world conquerors." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The internal institutional structures of states greatly impact their citizens' welfare. However, states are not at complete liberty to adopt any internal form. Competitive pressure arising from anarchy limits the range of viable domestic institutions to those that do not impose a significant disadvantage. We argue that technological change can alter the relative competitiveness of different state forms and, by extension, improve or degrade human welfare. We empirically support this argument through a macrohistorical survey of competitively significant technologies. We conclude that the true costs of international anarchy are greater than commonly appreciated, as competitive pressure may force states to evolve into forms detrimental to the welfare of their inhabitants. Moreover, the adoption of state forms that improve human well-being is often driven by technological change as much as human agency. Finally, the invention of seemingly beneficial technologies may decrease human well-being by improving the competitiveness of inegalitarian state forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we will read Bakhtyar Ali's My Uncle Jamshid Khan: Whom the Wind was Always Taking (2009) to investigate the plot and the characters depicted in the fiction, particularly, Jamshid Khan. Our analysis follows the close reading of the implications of the expressions and the concepts within the text. Drawing from the theoretical discussion, we will argue that Ali's novel doesn't merely depict the real incidents related to Kurds, but also, presents philosophical issues. The book seems to take readers to higher levels as Jamshid Khan is blown away by the wind. The focal point of our study is examining the metaphysical relation between the male persona and the wind. Eventually, the analysis will highlight the notions of anarchism, imagined communities, and cultural hegemony, which are integrated within the text. Hence, this article shows another side of the narrative which is read more as a fictive work rather than historical events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legal philosophers often ask whether a person has a reason to obey the law simply because it is the law. We ask the contrary question: does a person have a reason to disobey the law simply because it is the law? Many philosophers who have considered the question of disobedience have focused on injustice; others have defended disobedience on libertarian or anarchist grounds. In contrast, we argue that there is a content-independent reason to disobey the law even when it is not unjust, illegitimate, or otherwise undesirable. Legal philosophers generally agree that law claims peremptory authority, but they also generally agree that any duty to obey the law is substantially more limited. We argue that insofar as the law makes inflated claims to authority, it generates a content-independent reason to disobey. This anti-authoritarian principle is grounded in the virtue of clearly communicating one's political commitments to others within a democratic society. By disobeying, one communicates one's conviction that the law makes inflated claims to authority. We show how our account of disobedience as such is distinct from more familiar theories of anarchism and civil disobedience and argue that it is applicable whether one lives under conditions of justice or injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically explores the experiences of nine football players who identify as women, transgender and non-binary, and their perceptions of playing in queer DIY footballing spaces, focused around four key themes. The themes that emerged were the outsider identity, the decentring of competitiveness, queer community and temporalities and prefigurative practice and proliferation. Participants cited the political bottom-up structure of these football spaces as important to their (re)engagement with football. Furthermore, participants felt they were able to act out forms of queer activism through DIY practice and by playing a sport that they had previously been marginalised from due to their gender and/or sexuality. Drawing on a queer anarchist lens, this article examines how participants seek to disrupt hegemonic discourses within a sport that is often perceived as a masculine pursuit. This article argues for more prefigurative and diverse sporting practices to allow freer participation for marginalised identities within football. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines whether realist theory should adopt a philosophical anarchist position concerning political obligation. The conclusions are mixed. Drawing on a distinction between strong and weak theories of political obligation (in the terminology of the paper, strong theories are committed to morality-based theorizing while weak theories depart from it), the article argues that philosophical anarchism and realist theory are natural allies against strong theories of political obligation but they must part company when it comes to weak theories because it is exactly their departure from morality-based theorizing that can make weak theories especially appealing to realists. In addition, two further objections can be raised against philosophical anarchism on realist grounds: first, philosophical anarchists are drawn to undesirably sweeping conclusions about the non-existence of legitimate political authority or the extreme scarcity of genuine political relations by their Kantian or Lockean background assumptions and, second, Simmons seems to have an implicit weak theory of political obligation which could be, ironically, much more appealing to realists than his overall Lockean anarchism or his sweeping criticism of weak theories. All in all, can a realist be an anarchist? Probably, but definitely not on philosophical anarchist grounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anxieties generated from the challenges of sustainable and equitable societies and the hopes for transcending routes through uncertain times have often found their paths crossing within the motion sequence of the dystopian car chase on film. Each decade has met this crossing—of frightening futures and fleeting freedoms—with its own set of driving rules and transport-based dimensions. From Mad Max's original release in 1979 to the most recent Death Race installment, Beyond Anarchy, in 2018, the dystopian car chase on film represents vehicles of vision, in which races for the drivers' survival, personal freedom, community, meaning, and humanization provide the chance to transcend, even if temporarily, the audiences' existing fears of the future ramifications of their present societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ills of global capitalism, the critical issues of climate change, global warming, and environmental justice, have all collectively continued to generate concerns, with the world itching for alternate ideological solutions. This article aims to provide a comprehensive critique of the amalgamation of Anarchism and Marxism as a theoretical framework for addressing contemporary world development challenges. While both ideologies share common ground in their critique of capitalism, this paper argues that their synthesis even though may fall short in adequately addressing the complexities of today's globalised and interconnected world might offer a realistic pathway to the contradictions of capitalism. To this end, this study interrogates the Marx-Proudhon debate on three major areas of differences or similarities, namely, (1) The Tyranny of Exchange Value; (2) Crisis in the Evolution of Capitalism and (3) Method of intervention; and their response to contemporary challenges. The method of analysis is essentially historical, providing an in-depth critique of the theoretical standpoint of both ideologies. We conclude that scholarly solutions to current global challenges should be approached with a view to adequately situate them within the ideological context. Thus a return to the Marx-Proudhon debate provides a path forward in our search for alternatives to capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bounding the price of anarchy, which quantifies the damage to social welfare due to selfish behavior of the participants, has been an important area of research in algorithmic game theory. Classical work on such bounds in repeated games makes the strong assumption that the subsequent rounds of the repeated games are independent beyond any influence on play from past history. This work studies such bounds in environments that themselves change due to the actions of the agents. Concretely, we consider this problem in discrete-time queuing systems, where competitive queues try to get their packets served. In this model, a queue gets to send a packet at each step to one of the servers, which will attempt to serve the oldest arriving packet, and unprocessed packets are returned to each queue. We model this as a repeated game where queues compete for the capacity of the servers, but where the state of the game evolves as the length of each queue varies. We analyze this queuing system from multiple perspectives. As a baseline measure, we first establish precise conditions on the queuing arrival rates and service capacities that ensure all packets clear efficiently under centralized coordination. We then show that if queues strategically choose servers according to independent and stationary distributions, the system remains stable provided it would be stable under coordination with arrival rates scaled up by a factor of just e/ e−1. Finally, we extend these results to no-regret learning dynamics: if queues use learning algorithms satisfying the no-regret property to choose servers, then the requisite factor increases to 2, and both of these bounds are tight. Both of these results require new probabilistic techniques compared to the classical price of anarchy literature and show that in such settings, no-regret learning can exhibit efficiency loss due to myopia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes new perspectives on anarchism, indigeneity, and Afro‐descendent struggles, by discussing the case of Brazilian anarchists' commitment to luta afroindígena. They mean by this term the intersection of indigenous and Afro‐descendant resistances for the recognition of land, against the violence of states, agribusiness, and extractivism. I argue that this case offers key insights to radical geographies, and to the broader field of decolonial scholarship, to challenge cultural and racial essentialisms by connecting different militant traditions. I also argue that, taking inspiration from indigenous thought and socio‐territorial practices of broader Latin American social movements, these cases enhance decolonial bids for "decolonising methodologies" by showing the importance of starting from practices before theory. My arguments are based on documentary work on past and present relations between anarchism and decoloniality in Latin America/Abya Yala, on personal militant work in Brazil/Pindorama, and on a sample of qualitative interviews with activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alexander Berkman's 1912 Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist is a significant book in the development of American anti-prison politics, not despite, but because of its ambivalent approach to prisons. I trace through Berkman's book and archive an unresolved tension between two approaches to the prison: advocacy for political prisoners, whereby the prison is a state tool for suppressing radical ideas, and advocacy against the politics of prisons, whereby the prison is an "aggravated counterpart" of social structures and a site of struggle. Berkman's ambivalence between these approaches amid his memoirs and activism exemplifies the complex development of U.S. thinking on prisons and enduring tensions in contemporary prison politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay begins by examining Martin Heidegger's and Gustav Landauer's influential interpretations of Eckhart as a Lebemeister, a 'master or teacher of living'. The essay then turns to the source on which they both rely, a source that may be the earliest attestation of the use of the word Lebemeister. This source, which is little known in its complete form, is all more noteworthy as it contrasts the figure of the Lebemeister with that of the Lesemeister, the 'master or teacher of reading'. (Lese refers literally to 'reading'; we might also say 'letters', in the sense of a 'person of letters' who possesses extensive book learning.) Commenting on this source, the essay interrogates to what extent Heidegger and Landauer do justice to it. It concludes with a reflection on how best to label Eckhart, above all in view of the ultimate master: Jesus Christ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relation between politics and biology in Catherine Malabou's work, traces the origin of her recent anarchist turn, and seeks to explain how the latter influences the concept of plasticity. Whereas the relation between plasticity, neuroscience and epigenetics reflected a certain affinity with Marxism in her earlier work, Malabou's recent claim that biology and ontology are anarchist remains opaque as to its grounding in her own thought and scientific developments alike. The article argues that the origin of the metamorphosis of plasticity from a Marxist to an anarchist notion gives rise to a new metaphysics of biology that is based on the assumption that society needs to be brain-like, reflecting the networked structure of synaptic plasticity. The article also proposes a new reading of Malabou's three plasticities (negative, positive and the plasticity of the concept) in temporal terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Anglo-German drama, which comes to proliferate in London's patent theatres at the turn of the nineteenth century, renders ubiquitous an arms-bearing heroine whose foreign character and perceived ideological inferences render her a chief object of attack among British Europhobic commentators. Redressing the limited scholarship devoted to this pervasive Anglo-German figure, this essay foregrounds the remarkable extent to which she is implicated in the perceived social and political threats with which the German drama is freighted. The essay uses theatrical commentaries to spotlight three recurring, though not quite harmonious flaws, for which the violent German heroine is contemporaneously berated. Then, analysing performances of Joseph George Holman's The Red-Cross Knights (Haymarket, 1799) and Richard Cumberland's Joanna of Montfaucon (Covent Garden, 1800), the essay illustrates the meticulous methods employed by dramatists to mollify the subversive implications embodied by the Anglo-German Amazon and to uphold supposedly inherent distinctions between male and female conduct, and British and European females, at a moment when the blurring of such gendered and national boundaries portends the social anarchy witnessed across the Channel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kenneth Waltz once stated, unequivocally, that, 'I consider myself to be a Kantian, not a positivist'. I explain what Waltz might have meant by this, and how deep this professed Kantianism ran. Such is the depth of the engagement, I argue, that it is no exaggeration to claim that Waltz's political philosophy, his philosophy of history, his philosophy of science, his methodology, and his normative theory of anarchy are all broadly Kantian. Crucially, what Waltz meant by the 'virtues of anarchy', is best understood as an attempt to develop a regulative ideal, or an 'organising principle' of 'practical reason' that would guide diplomats in the nuclear age. Indeed, in his most contentious intervention in global public policy, Waltz deploys Kant to argue that horizontal nuclear spread, rather than the spread of democracy, would ensure the peaceful development of states. This anarchic nuclear peace would, he thought, be the means to achieve 'perpetual pacification'. This revisionist reconstruction is the primary contribution of the paper. But through unsettling paradigmatic readings of 'Waltzian IR theory', the paper also presents an immanent critique of 'the virtues of anarchy' that contributes to a wider research project on the concept of anarchy and its emancipatory potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely accepted that Henri Lefebvre's Marxism had anarchistic traits, but few have tried to specify what these traits are, or what they mean. This paper argues that Lefebvre's work should be seen as first and foremost an anti‐authoritarian theory that uses space, rather than a spatial theory. Written from a position that refuses to be either just ‘Marxist’ or just ‘anarchist’, this paper makes a claim to the possibility of a radical geography that can engage with and beyond both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Robert Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia as a significant alternative to prevailing theories of justice, including utilitarianism, Marxism, and progressive redistribution. Topics include Nozick's critique of these theories, his engagement with individualist anarchism, and the less examined aspect of his work regarding the pluralism of human nature and its implications for political philosophy.

Conspiracy theories introduce a democratic paradox, as belief in conspiracy theories predicts support for both democratic and non‐democratic political systems. In this article, we explore whether democratic and anti‐democratic attitudes, resulting from conspiracy beliefs, can be mutually exclusive. In Study 1 (United Kingdom, N = 293), we show that belief in conspiracy theories is associated with decreased support for representative democracy, and increased support for direct democracy, anarchism, and autocracy within the same individuals. In Study 2 (United States, N = 302, pre‐registered), we experimentally show that the perceived presence of conspiracies is linked to an increased preference for direct democracy, anarchism, and autocracy and decreased support for representative democracy. Mediational analyses suggest that widespread dissatisfaction with the status quo and, less consistently, feelings of political cynicism mediate the relationships between conspiracy beliefs and (anti‐)democratic attitudes. In Study 3 (United States, N = 400, pre‐registered), we experimentally manipulate (dis)satisfaction with the status quo. Results indicate that rejecting the status quo increases support for direct democracy, anarchism, and autocracy and decreases support for representative democracy. Overall, our findings suggest that people who believe in conspiracy theories tend to favour both democratic and anti‐democratic political alternatives, largely attributed to citizens' desire to change the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reiner Schürmann, known for his readings of Heidegger and Eckhart, was also known for his philosophy of ontological anarché. The transition from metaphysical theory to post-metaphysical practice, for him, meant the transition from theoria, which looks at phenomena monomorphically in accordance with principles (archai), to a praxis that is an-archic and thinks in recognition of polymorphic singularities. Here, I seek to clarify Schürmann's notion of ontological anarchy and the praxis following it. I inquire into its political implications and relation to political anarchism. What is the connection between his "radical phenomenology" of ontological anarché and what he called anarchic praxis? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the themes of transcendental anarchy and the practical a priori in Reiner Schürmann's reading of Heidegger. After elucidating these concepts, as well as showing how they are operative in Heidegger's own texts, I raise questions regarding the stability of the dependency-claim of the practical a priori once transcendental anarchy has unsettled the very distinction between theory and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To circumvent both historicism and utopianism, Reiner Schürmann develops an account of a three-tiered temporal difference in which the entitative and the event-like are connected by an "economy of presence." This paper investigates Schürmann's notion of "economy" to draw out the historical-systematic status of what he construes as "economic anarchy" in distinction from both Giorgio Agamben's idea of a "true anarchy" purged of all oikonomia and from Miguel Vatter's rights-based notion of "politico-legal anarchy." What is at stake in "economic anarchy" is the preparation of a place that puts an end to domination by first principles without fantasizing a clean cut that ends up reproducing hegemonic fantasms. Rather, Schürmann insists on the aporetic and incongruous nature of that "caesura-place" in which the synchronic and the diachronic, universalization and singularization, are bound together. At variance with both Agamben's appeal to a destituent potential and Vatter's assertion of constituent power, Schürmann draws out the discordance of times that is implied by what he calls originary or individual practice. The paper concludes with a brief confrontation of Schürmann's critique of epochal economy with a Marxian critique of political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay follows Jean-Luc Nancy's meditation on whether it is possible for thought to stand before the untenable in the present predicament and his call to confront the alló, the irreducibly other. It looks into Martin Heidegger's considerations regarding the refusal of world and the possibility of its reversal. It discusses Catherine Malabou on two kinds of outside for philosophy and her privileging of the decolonial outside, which she uses to critique Reiner Schürmann's position on the possibility of justice. Against Malabou, it then examines Schürmann's understanding of justice in a Nietzschean vein, and it concludes with a reflection on nihilism and its other side with a view to establish Schürmann's fundamental position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reiner Schürmann's late meditations on anarchy, in his engagements with Heidegger as well as Broken Hegemonies, unfold out of an unexpected ancestry—his early studies on Meister Eckhart. The fruits of such work date from the early '70s, particularly the luminous Maître Eckhart et la joie errante (Schürmann 1972.1), but also a number of essays attesting the continuity, centrality, and consequentiality of this line of inquiry. In Schürmann's reading of the Rhenish Master, the present essay especially highlights the question concerning ethics, the status of praxis or, more precisely, the semantic torsion impressed upon the language of action. It also underscores Schürmann's emphasis on the genuinely philosophical significance of Eckhart's sermons and of mysticism as such, refusing to confine the theme of "knowing nothing" to the mystical experience and the theological elaborations thereof, as though this could be kept safely separated from the exercise of thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Translators' Abstract: In this introduction to his Italian translation of Reiner Schürmann's , Gianni Carchia offers a short yet incisive interpretation of the compelling originality of Schürmann's reading of Heidegger. Carchia points out that, contrary to much Heidegger literature, Schürmann insists on a three-tiered temporal difference rather than on a simple dichotomy between beings and being as the driver of the deconstruction of metaphysics, and it is only through this distinction that the an-archic as the evental and ahistorical origin of being comes into view. What this displacement affords is a certain historicization of Heideggerian philosophy that brings out the anarchic, polymorphous, and protean nature of being and restores to acting its spontaneity and innocence. Observing that this anti-humanist naturalization of an-archy may indeed be closer to Eugen Fink's cosmology, which grants autonomy to the extra-human, than to Heidegger's history of Dasein, which confines us to "the prison of the human," Carchia locates the contribution of Schürmann's work in its deconstruction of the Idealist remnant in Heidegger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Muslim anarchists in Turkey who developed an Islam-based anarchist theory opposing private property, the state, capitalism, and all forms of authority. By analyzing their online periodical itaatsiz (disobedient), published since 2013, and earlier works by Muslim anarchist writers, this study explores their perspectives on the West, Islam, the Qur'an, and Sufism. Muslim anarchists stand out for their opposition to the hegemony of Enlightenment-based, anti-theist, and positivist thought in anarchist movements in Turkey and for their encouragement to re-examine concepts such as authority, private property, capitalism, and the state within the framework of Islam-based political thought. Studying how Muslim anarchists construct a social movement in today's Turkey is essential to understanding Islam-based conceptualizations of politics in Turkey and unpacking the relationship between Islam and anarchism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, political philosophers have debated the role of religious reasons in public deliberations, such as appealing to religious convictions and religious classics. Exclusivists, such as Rawls, Quong, Hartley, and Watson, argue that democratic governments and citizens should restrict or exclude the use of religious reasons in making laws and policies, while inclusivists, such as Gaus, Vallier, and Billingham, oppose such categorical exclusion. Nevertheless, the debate mainly focuses on the role of religious reasons in public deliberation. In this paper, I will argue that religious behaviors—defined as highly altruistic actions motivated by religious beliefs, such as dedicating substantial time and effort to serving the poor and advancing the common good—can exert positive influences on public deliberation. Through this kind of altruistic action, religious believers can subtly influence non-religious citizens. While religious believers may not rationally persuade non-religious citizens through religious reasoning, the altruistic actions exhibited by religious believers could emotionally inspire admiration and motivate non-religious citizens to learn more about those religions. This enhances mutual understanding among different religious and secular sects and thus improves public deliberation. Furthermore, I argue that the improved understanding fostered by religious behaviors can facilitate exclusivism and inclusivism to overcome certain philosophical challenges, such as the problems of incompleteness and anarchy, which are among the most frequent criticisms directed at exclusivism and inclusivism. Hence, this paper highlights an aspect overlooked in the exclusivism–inclusivism debate: no matter whether the democratic government and citizens should permit or restrict religious reasons, religious behavior is still beneficial in public deliberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the influential legacy of curator and editor Kasper König (1943–2024), focusing particularly on his groundbreaking editorial work at the Nova Scotia College of Art and Design in the early 1970s. Buchloh traces König's evolution from co-founding the publishing house Gebrüder König with his brother in 1967 to his pivotal role in developing the Nova Scotia Series. The article highlights König's commitment to interdisciplinary approaches, particularly through publishing projects that bridged visual art, performance, architecture, dance, and music. Key publications discussed include documentation of Wittgenstein's architecture, Claes Oldenburg's theatrical works, and volumes dedicated to artists like Steve Reich, Simone Forti, and Yvonne Rainer. Buchloh emphasizes König's democratic-anarchist aesthetic philosophy, which privileged artists' direct communication through primary documents while avoiding interpretive commentary. The piece concludes by examining König's role in documenting institutional critique through Hans Haacke's censored works and his final project with Michael Snow, suggesting how König's editorial practice consistently sought to transform cultural production into moments of potential social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foster examines the historical tension between utopian and anarchist approaches to social transformation, beginning with Anthony Vidler's 1975 question about how to "refuse the present" while acting within it. Through analysis of competing theoretical frameworks—particularly Manfredo Tafuri's critique of the avant-garde and the dialectic between "Chance" and "Form"—Foster reconsiders the relationship between anarchist and socialist approaches to radical change. He reframes Tafuri's dialectic as an antinomy between Psychopathology and Utopia, exemplified by the contrasting legacies of Dada and Constructivism. While acknowledging the historical failures of utopian projects, Foster argues for a contemporary synthesis of anarchist and socialist elements to address climate crisis. He suggests that environmental collapse demands both the mutual aid practices of anarchism and the strong state intervention of socialism. Drawing on thinkers from Rosa Luxemburg to Andreas Malm and contemporary examples from Occupy to COVID-19 responses, Foster advocates for what he terms "socialist Constructivism" to implement necessary environmental measures. The article concludes by proposing that climate refugees be seen as vanguards of new social forms and endorsing Fredric Jameson's reformulation of Gramsci's famous motto as "cynicism of the intellect, utopianism of the will." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVIDicine, many nurses awoke to the ways that the Healthcare‐Industrial Complex (HIC) dictates the care we are able to provide. Using the Foucauldian concepts of pastoral power and governmentality, we explore the ways that nurses participate in upholding power structures within the HIC and reproducing them in our work, contributing to a carceral culture based on hierarchy and power dynamics. We also explore the ways nurses are both agentic in this system and subject to it, reluctant to make waves and lose our place within a system that can offer nurses safety and security in, and most importantly, a paycheck. This paper articulates a prefigurative anarchist approach to nursing praxis. Through the writing of Emma Goldman, we locate a historically founded philosophical basis for practical tactics that nurses can use to actualise this praxis. Both individually and as a collective, nurses can assert their own ethic and power through direct action, micro‐insurgency and solidarity to build the world we know can be. Our only limitation is our imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1929 Alardo Prats y Beltrán published one of the most fascinating reports of Spanish journalism prior to the Second Republic: Tres días con los endemoniados: la España desconocida y tenebrosa. Prats confronted the massive pilgrimages to the sanctuary of the Virgin of La Balma, in the Alt Maestrat region, visited by legions of Valencian, Aragonese, and Catalan " endemoniados " or possessed peasant farmers seeking exorcism. Already an accomplished journalist and in the midst of the Spanish Civil War, Prats visited Aragonese lands to witness the frontline and the collectivizations taking place at the rear. By analyzing his 1929 report and his 1937 Vanguardia y retaguardia de Aragón , I illuminate the insufficiencies of the republican liberal discourse in understanding key aspects of the peasant ethos, and the failure to recognize the effects of land dispossession. In 1929 Alardo Prats y Beltrán published one of the most fascinating reports of Spanish journalism prior to the Second Republic: Tres días con los endemoniados. La España desconocida y tenebrosa. Prats confronted the massive pilgrimages to the sanctuary of the Virgin of La Balma, in the Alt Maestrat region, visited by legions of Valencian, Aragonese, and Catalan "endemoniados" or possessed peasant farmers seeking exorcism. Already as an accomplished journalist and in the midst of the Spanish War, Prats visited Aragonese lands to witness the frontline and the collectivizations taking place at the rear. By analyzing his 1929 report and his 1937 Vanguardia y retaguardia de Aragón, I illuminate the insufficiencies of the republican, liberal discourse in understanding key aspects of the peasant ethos, and the failure to recognize the effects of land dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, Canadian decision makers have come to apply the concept of 'internal flight alternative' (IFA) more expansively than recommended by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Given the significant proportion of refugee claims that are refused on the basis of this concept each year, this divergence of interpretation has a real-life impact. To examine this phenomenon, the article provides a brief overview of the IFA concept, including a review of the scholarly literature and UNHCR guidance. Next, it traces the concept's development in Canadian law and highlights points of divergence with UNHCR's position. Finally, the article discusses potential strategies for realignment. The goal is to encourage practitioners and decision makers to think more deeply about the IFA concept, to raise awareness in regard to existing scholarship and applicable norms, and to ensure that these norms are applied in a conscious, humane, and consistent manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary article explores the role of humour within anarchist thought and practice, emphasising its function as a tool for challenging authority and established norms. Drawing on historical and philosophical sources, it investigates how humour has been used to expose the absurdity of authority and foster a sense of invulnerability against oppression. The paper highlights the use of humour in Parisian cabarets post the 1871 Paris Commune and the case of the French anarchist Ravachol's smile. These examples, both discussed in the articles of Julian Brigstocke (2017, 2022), demonstrate two kinds of humour: directed at other and at oneself. Building on the ideas of Friedrich Nietzsche (1968, 2008) and Albert Camus (2012), I propose a theoretical framework suggesting that anarchist humour should be self-directed in nature, contrary to the argument of Brigstocke. The paper concludes by arguing that this form of humour, by confronting the absurdity of life and the limitations of norms, fosters liberation and resistance, thereby undermining the power of oppressive forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this short paper, I contend that the history and philosophy of geography should be considered as an indispensable scholarly field to nourish both theoretical speculations about geography and ongoing scholars' political and social engagement towards critical, radical, decolonial, feminist and antiracist geographies. I argue that rediscovering 'other geographical traditions' is paramount to these scholarly and political agendas. After briefly summarising my political and theoretical references, I discuss the example of the work of anarchist, feminist and anticolonial activist Louise Michel (1830–1905) to make the case for the inclusion of new figures and ideas in the field of new decolonial, multilingual and pluralist histories of geography. • Performs a militant plea for the History and Philosophy of Geography. • Discusses recent works on alternative geographical traditions and decoloniality. • Makes the case for reading geographically the work of anarchist, feminist and anti-colonial activist Louise Michel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]