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The study examines the early incorporation of reinforced concrete in the architecture of Historicism in Austria–Hungary. Spanning the late 19th to early 20th centuries, the research illuminates the period's stylistic pluralism and the transformative impact of reinforced concrete. The paper examines the integration of reinforced concrete into traditional forms, providing detailed case studies and architectural examples. It navigates through various aspects, including the evolution of reinforced concrete during the historicist period, its adoption in notable structures, and its documentation in contemporary literature. Case studies, such as the Lutheran Church in Battyánd (now Puconci, Slovenia), the Roman Catholic Church in Topolya (now Bačka Topola, Serbia), and the former Synagogue in Český Krumlov, Czechia, showcase the innovative ways reinforced concrete addressed structural challenges while adhering to historicist aesthetics. The research concludes by reflecting on the transformative role of reinforced concrete in challenging the conventions of Historicism, paving the way for modern architectural expressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the foreign policy views of Prince Vladimir P. Meshchersky (1839–1914), a famous Russian conservative political writer. Three articles by Meshchersky are introduced into scientific circulation. They were published on the eve of the First World War in the Vienna newspaper Neue Freie Presse and aimed at changing public opinion in Austria-Hungary regarding the foreign policy of the Russian emperor. Wishing to prevent the impending military conflict with Germany and Austria-Hungary, the prince sought to convince readers of the influential Vienna newspaper of the indifference of a significant part of Russian society to the Balkan issue, the absence of Germanophobia among most representatives of the Russian elite, and peacefulness of the tsar and the Russian Foreign Ministry. Laying the main blame for the aggravation of Russo-German relations on the nationalist-minded press, which formed the public opinion of European countries, as well as on the adventurism of Balkan politicians, Meshchersky called on Vienna and Berlin to be reasonable, convincing them that an alliance between Russia, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Turkey should be the guarantor of European peace and the pacification of the Balkans. It is shown that the series of articles by Meshchersky, published in German a few months before the outbreak of World War I, largely coincided with the theses of the famous P. Durnovo Memorandum as well as with the views of a significant part of the Russian right-wingers of the early 20th century who opposed the aggravation of relations with Germany and Austria-Hungary over the Balkan issue and preferred good-neighborly relations with these countries. Meshchersky’s articles are also of undoubted interest as one of the latest attempts by the Russian conservative camp to change the foreign policy course taken by St Petersburg, Berlin, and Vienna. Meshchersky’s publications in the Austrian press are interesting for many valuable observations and are a vivid illustration of the pre-war sentiments of the part of Russian society that made desperate attempts to prevent Russia from being drawn into conflict with continental European monarchies on the eve of the war.

The second half of the nineteenth century was an era of mass labour migration in Europe, when the Atlantic route became of paramount importance alongside intra-continental mobility. From the last third of the century Italy and Hungary were among the most important emigrating countries. By this time changes in the regulation of migration had begun to take place with the development of stronger state control, which affected mobility and the relationship between emigrants and transporters. The question also arose as to whether and how the large emigrating states could ensure the loyalty of their emigrant citizens and control them en route and in the destination states. The regulatory process which began in the 1880s gradually moved from an administrative approach to the development of more comprehensive legal sources covering more and more aspects of emigration with the Hungarian government making use of foreign solutions, particularly the Italian Emigration Act of 1901. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vladimir Putin's legitimation of Russia's brutal war of aggression against Ukraine raises questions about traditional understandings of nation and empire. Should we contrast the two in terms of values and practices? In this case, Putin uses both nationalist and Imperialist rhetoric to justify his actions. My essay questions how we understand nation and empire using the example of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. How did this empire develop laws, institutions and administrative practices to manage conflicts and claims around language use and nationalism? How did Austria's governments rule a multi-lingual, multi-confessional society effectively, without resorting to brutal policies of nationalization? When nationalist conflicts arose in different settings, how and why did they originate? I conclude that in European terms, Imperial Austria and even nationalist Hungary apparently managed daily-life issues around diverse language use and religious practice far more humanely and effectively than did the successor nation states after 1918. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When Austria-Hungary occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina, it brought many social and cultural changes. One of them was suppressing the widespread culture of holding and carrying arms that existed in Ottoman Bosnia. Holding arms was still possible but under strict control. Firearm holders were, therefore, a very tiny, privileged group inside society. In this paper, we analyze the ethnic/religious and social structure of this group in the case of the Tuzla Circle in 1904. How large was this group? Were there differences along ethnic and social lines in terms of firearm holding rates? These are the key questions we are seeking answers to in this paper, with an aim to get the first insight into the broader picture of firearm holding in the entire province under the Monarchy’s control.

The article examines and analyzes the portrayal of Austro-Hungary by correspondents of the Russian daily newspaper, “Russian Invalid,” during 1914–1915. This was a period when the Russian Empire was actively engaged in military conflict with the states of the Triple (and later, Quadruple) Alliance on the European front, with Austro-Hungary emerging as one of its primary adversaries on the Eastern Front. Established in February 1813, the “Russian Invalid” was the official print publication of the Military Ministry of the Russian Empire and served as a pivotal source of information on the empire’s foreign policies. This state-run newspaper was financed by the budget of Russia’s Military Ministry. In the early stages of World War I (1914–1915), the “Russian Invalid” correspondents devoted significant attention to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Only Germany, Britain, and France received more coverage in this publication. The majority of the information about Austro-Hungary appeared under sections titled “Military Chronicle,” “Feuilleton,” “War,” “Telegram,” and “Articles.” The study concludes that during World War I, the “Russian Invalid,” the daily newspaper of the Military Ministry of the Russian Empire, played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion within the empire. It crafted diverse images of the states involved in the early 20th century’s major military conflict, designating them as either “enemy,” “neutral state,” or “ally.” The Austro-Hungarian Empire was depicted as a nation that had significantly exhausted its economic, military-technical, and human resources in the initial two years of the war. Such depletion was foreseen to not only incite widespread national unrest but also accelerate the empire’s eventual disintegration, an entity long referred to as a “prison of nations.”

What happens when nation-builders in an independent state imagine themselves to have fallen behind kinfolk living under imperial oppression, and how does this affect their vision of a future of national unity? This paper explores the shapes that critical self-comparison could take among Romanians in the Kingdom of Romania around the turn of the twentieth century by considering three interconnected vignettes. First, it outlines the context in which politicized notions of mutual interdependence between the Kingdom and Transylvania allowed for comparison as self-criticism to take root and gain salience in the public sphere. It explores the implications that comparison as self-criticism had on ascribing agency and apportioning blame for causes of the disparity between state and kinfolk. Second, it examines two Transylvanian travelogues produced by major political and cultural figures on the fringes of the Romanian establishment, and, in a reflexive move, contrasts their politics of comparison. Third, it offers a grassroots perspective on how the travelogues of teachers and priests, as rank-and-file nation-builders, expressed these topoi. The article contributes to the nascent trend of considering historical comparisons in actors' own terms, and as historical processes unto themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Proceedings of Matica Srpska for History / Zbornik Matice Srpske za Istoriju is the property of Matica srpska and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Sciences & Humanities Studies / Društvene i Humanističke Studije (DHS) is the property of Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Tuzla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Summary: Croatia is a Central European and Mediterranean country with a long maritime border with Italy. Throughout history, it was not only goods but also knowledge and medical practices that were exchanged over its borders. Following archival sources, individual informal networks, professional publications, daily newspapers, and public lectures, we aimed to present main channels by which Croatian intellectuals embraced Lombroso's criminal anthropology at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. We illuminated the fact that the adoption of Cesare Lombroso's concepts stimulated the joint engagement and communication of medical and legal realms in Croatia. Our analysis exposed the traces of Lombroso's ideas within the reform of the penal code, thus influencing forensic psychiatric practice. We showed how those ideas were translated into policy, politically exploited, and pitched into discussions employing rhetorical techniques, which led to the stigmatization of certain groups of people, particularly patients suffering from epilepsy. Our results also showed that, contrary to other countries that formed Austria-Hungary, the discussions about Lombroso's criminology waned in Croatia after the First World War. We believe that our results can close the gap on this topic, adding the evidence about the spread and influence of Lombroso's concepts within Austria-Hungary in the analyzed period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The submitted study analyses the legislative and organisational-political framework in building up a health system in Czechoslovakia, specifically in the historical lands (Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia) in the first decade of its existence using unpublished and published sources and academic publications. Not only did the Czechoslovak health system build on its predecessor in the Habsburg Monarchy, but in addition almost immediately following the establishment of the new state in 1918, adopted legislation began the construction of a modern and respected healthcare system in terms of both organisation and funding.

Magyar Társadalomtudományi Szemle (MTSZ), i.e. Hungarian Review of Social Sciences, was published between 1908 and 1918, and it was the highest-toned journal of contemporary Hungarian conservative sociology. At that time, in the last years of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, one of the most pressing social issues was the nationalities question: what rights belong to non-Hungarian-speaking nationalities living in the territory of the Kingdom of Hungary? This question was answered by two schools of tender-aged Hungarian social science. In general, liberal-left sociologists following Western scientific patterns believed that the language and cultural rights of national minorities need to be expanded. Conservatives, on the other hand, called for a restrictive policy to maintain the territorial integrity of the Kingdom of Hungary. The analysis of the authors and writings in favour of the extension of rights has been completed (Litván 1978, 2006; Litván–Szücs 1973). Conservative sociologists who support the restriction, however, have so far received almost no attention in the history of sociology. In this writing, I would like to fill this gap. After the short institutional presentation of contemporary conservative sociology, I will focus on their central journal, MTSZ. I will analyse the articles in which the authors have taken a position on the nationalities question. I argue that the articles published in the MTSZ have primarily addressed the nationalities question as a political and demographic issue. Therefore, I will describe these two types of writing. (Beyond that, some articles focused on social theory, culture, or education when writing about the rights of non-Hungarian-speaking minorities.) My basic question is how those aspects of the nationalities question appeared in MTSZ and how those all create a specific political store of knowledge. If we get answers to this, not only will we shed light on one of the forgotten but exciting schools of early Central European social science, but perhaps the history of the first quarter of the 20th century will also be better understood.

The article analyses the source and information potential of the reports of the delegations of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine, which were sent to multinational camps of captured soldiers of the tsarist army for the purpose of compiling lists of Ukrainians for their subsequent transfer to the Ukrainian Freistadt camp. The importance of the topic chosen for research lies in the fact that the information gleaned from these reports makes it possible to clarify in detail the main manifestations of the daily life of prisoners, as well as to learn some features of their national character. At the same time, the mentioned reports fully illustrate certain aspects of the organizational activities of the Union, which made it possible to lay a lasting foundation for the unity of Ukrainians in the multinational camps of prisoners of war from the tsarist army. The stay of the IED delegates in the camps made it possible to form a small circle of Ukrainian activists capable of risking their lives to carry out the difficult task of spreading national liberation ideas among prisoners of the tsarist army. The methods used by the author of this article include the narrative methodology, which involves the description of a social phenomenon, as well as military anthropology, with its focus on the study of world pictures, symbolic systems and fundamental forms of human behavior, mostly hidden and not clearly formulated. It became possible to analyze the general psychological state of prisoners in the conditions of camp isolation thanks to the use of the methodology of social determinism. The characteristics of the national types of prisoners of the tsarist army are of significant scientific interest, the knowledge of which is an important task of Ukrainian historical science — especially in the light of the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2022–2023. Studying the mental traits of captured Russians and Russified Jews, who were ready for any tricks against those Ukrainians who dared to have their own opinion, allows us to understand the depth of the fall of the modern Russian ethno-social conglomerate.

A COMMENT ON THE ATTEMPTS TO IDENTIFY PIOTR NIEWIADOMSKI’S REGIMENT The 2022 Polish critical edition of Józef Wittlin’s World War One novel, Salt of the Earth, features a footnote where the editor unequivocally identifies the main protagonist’s military unit as the Austro-Hungarian 55th Infantry Regiment, based on the initial letter of the unit’s Colonel-in-chief ’s name mentioned by the author. This aligns with the 1991 edition, which previously identified him as Nicholas I of Montenegro. With publications on the Austro- -Hungarian army now more widely accessible, the new editor enumerates the regiment’s characteristics and briefly outlines its history. However, other pertinent details scattered throughout the novel, such as the unit’s recruiting district (Śniatyn in Eastern Galicia), its garrison town (Stanisławów), and facing colour (orange), are completely disregarded. This article aims to demonstrate that, when considered collectively, these clues lead to the conclusion that Wittlin’s portrayal of the unit is entirely fictitious. The writer not only fails to mention the regiment’s number (replacing it with “X”) but also presents its mutually exclusive formal characteristics. It can be inferred that the author either could not present the unit consistently or, more likely, intentionally did so to prevent readers from associating it with any actual place and people. This conclusion is drawn from scrutiny of official printed sources in German, along with fundamental Austrian and Polish publications.

With this text I am publishing three identical brass spikes with production stamps, from the hull of the Saint Nicholas Bay Shipwreck (SNBS). While identical, the stamps were illegible to the naked eye. By deciphering one of them, we were able to establish that they relay the name of the largest Austro-Hungarian private shipyard of the ‘Long nineteenth century,’ the Technical Establishment of Trieste (Stabilimento Tecnico Triestino, 1857–1929). The production stamps provided the latest terminus post quem for the formation of the archaeological site in Saint Nicholas Bay and a tangible link between the historic ship, as presented in the archaeological record, and the Austro-Hungarian coast of the Adriatic Sea. This paper summarises the archaeology of the SNBS, discusses the fastening system of its wooden hull, analyses the three artefacts and assesses their significance for the interpretation of the underwater archaeological site.

This article provides an overview of the most interesting episode of 1917 on the Romanian Front on the Danube, the sinking of the Austro-Hungarian river monitor Inn, based on unpublished archival sources. In this article, the author examines in detail the sinking of the Inn caused by running into a contact mine, using the original reports on the event, the following inquiry conducted by the Austro-Hungarian Navy, and the salvage of the monitor. The article also takes a closer look at the myths surrounding the sinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Two Homelands / Dve Domovini is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the end of the nineteenth century, both the Kingdom of Italy and Austria-Hungary, which were members of the Tripartite Alliance, were diplomatically involved in the Albanian National Question. Albeit their geopolitical rivalries, both Great Powers were willing to assume the common sponsorship of a future independent Albanian State. Sometimes antagonistically, Vienna and Rome tried to befriend the nationalistic impulses of the Albanians, including those of the Italian-Albanian community (known as the Arbëresh) settled in Italy since the late fifteenth century. This article investigates how between 1895 and 1897, both Austria-Hungary and Italy tried to gain the support of the Italian-Albanians in function of their respective foreign policies. In the late nineteenth century, different intellectuals from these communities envisioned nationalist programs for an independent Albania. Some of them found support in the imperialistic segments of the Italian governmental establishment; others were willing to cooperate and forged stronger contacts with Vienna. Yet, regardless of their frictions, both Great Powers succeeded in preserving an equilibrium between their contesting interests for controlling the Albanian nationalist movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic situation in Galicia in the last year of the war was desolate. Protests, strikes, and looting marked the beginning of 1918. Then a wave of violence came in response to the Brest-Litovsk Treaty. Jews were considered a foreign element loyal to the hated central authorities and were often the targets of violence. After the national passions caused by the loss of the Chełm region due to the Brest-Litovsk peace cooled down, the violence caused primarily by food shortages emerged. Jews perceived as dishonest merchants were often the victims of an angry mob. In the last months before the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, war exhaustion was steadily becoming more noticeable. The hardships caused by the lack of food as well as national and social stirrings worsened the overall situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzing published and unpublished sources, the paper aims to determine to what extent the crisis in the Balkan Peninsula influenced the dynamics and stages of the negotiations in Lausanne between the Italian and Turkish delegations to end the Italo-Turkish War. The analysis spans from mid-July to the signing of the First Treaty of Lausanne (Treaty of Ouchy) and the entry of Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece in the war against Turkey on 18 October 1912. Italy tried to end its conflict with Turkey and prevent the Balkan countries in their aspiration to disrupt the status quo in the Balkan Peninsula. Italian diplomacy used the friction between the Balkan countries and Turkey to conclude as favorable a treaty as possible, directly pressuring the Turkish delegation at Ouchy and using the great powers’ pressure on Turkey. The practical results of signing the Treaty of Lausanne were the establishment of direct Italian rule in Libya and retaining temporary control of the Aegean islands.

The paper aims to present the promulgation process of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Landesstatut) in the context of the Austro-Hungarian colonial administration of this territory. The passing of the promised constitution, locally known as Zemaljski statut, was an important political issue in the Dual Monarchy and attracted significant attention among contemporaries. The complex internal dynamics of Austria- Hungary and the peculiar legal status of Bosnia and Herzegovina make the process of enacting the supreme legal act of the newly annexed territory an intriguing case study within a colonial regime.

Few products, which today seem so marginal, had capital importance for national well-being and the country's economy like plums. Bosnia and Herzegovina had particularly favorable climatic and pedological features for plum cultivation. These natural benefits and the multiple possibility of exploitation have enabled the plum to take a dominant place among Bosnian fruits. Its economic importance did not go unnoticed by the Ottoman and later Austro-Hungarian authorities, who paid special attention to it. Therefore, it should not be surprising that in the observed period the plum was a kind of national treasure, and plum growing was the most developed branch of fruit growing. The Austro-Hungarian occupation authorities especially improved the method of processing and the sale of plums and contributed to its becoming an important economic branch.

This paper is an overview of the Czech officials in the administration of the Donja Tuzla District during the Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The paper has been written as a part of the author's obligation in the Ph.D. studies, and it aims to represent a basis for further research in this field. The paper has been written according to the schemes of the administration published in the „Bosniak“ journal, official reports on the administration, laws, and order imposed upon Bosnia-Herzegovina, journals, and relevant studies. A general conclusion is that the Czechs were very numerous strangers in service in the administration of the Donja Tuzla District, that they were present on both district and county levels, that they worked in every county of the district, as well as in every department of the administration.

The article addresses some of the paradoxes of the interwar Czechoslovak Sokol Association. It shows how after 1918 Sokol historiography experienced a boom following national independence: a proliferation of accounts of the Sokol movement's history to date told in largest part by the leadership of the association itself. These accounts re-narrated the history of the movement so that it became well-adjusted to the new culture of victory of the interwar state, positing throughout a separation between nation and empire and a struggle in which the former, aided by Sokol mobilization, was sure to emerge victorious. The article asks that we read this historiography 'against the grain', showing that the actual relationship of Sokol to late-Habsburg civil society was protean and shifting, and only re-cast as unswervingly adversarial in the post-1918 period. The second part of the article looks at the participation of Sokol members and leadership in the war in Slovakia (1919), presented in interwar historiography and commemoration as a culminating moment in Sokol's participation in the national liberation of Czechs and Slovaks. In fact, there is a compelling case to be made that Sokol's role in fighting and violence at this time also shows the ongoing contestation and conflict associated with the creation of Czechoslovakia. The article shows that re-narrating the history of the Habsburg period and the war itself to emphasize the voluntarist contribution of groups such as Sokol was an important part of establishing and maintaining the legitimacy of the interwar state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Društvena Istraživanja is the property of Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Društvena Istraživanja is the property of Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Much has been written about Austria-Hungary under the state of emergency during the First World War. Historians have analysed many aspects of wartime government, among them the political, bureaucratic, and constitutional background since 1867. Emphasis has been placed on the legal regulations that underpinned the state of emergency and their wartime implementation, institutional responsibilities, and the different kinds of hardship emergency decrees imposed on the Habsburg Empire's diverse population, including the targeting of particular nationalities and political ideologies. Much of this scholarly work, however, focuses solely on one or other of the two halves of the monarchy without looking at their differences and similarities. This article therefore analyses: To what extent did one of the main characteristics of Austria-Hungary as a state, namely its dualism, influence planning for and implementation of the wartime state of emergency? While in both halves of the Monarchy parliamentary legislation transferred authority to the government in the event of a state of emergency, in Austria there were fewer safeguards against the military's abuse of power. The more significant limitations on the military's authority in wartime Hungary and the greater powers reserved to its Parliament and judicial system were not sufficient in themselves to reduce the repressive nature of emergency rule or its negative impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study investigates the sources and peculiarities of President Woodrow Wilson’s “Fourteen Points” in the context of the diplomatic and propaganda attack of the Entente states on Austria-Hungary and Germany. On January 5, 1918, the President of the United States proposed a liberal model of post-war reconstruction, which contradicted the old ideas of monarchical and colonial powers. Particular attention was paid to the content analysis of Point X, which dealt with complex national issues of the Austria-Hungarian Monarchy. Some aspects of US propaganda activity in the confrontation with the Central Powers during the final stages of World War I are also explored. The liberal peace program that US President Woodrow Wilson made at the end of the war was only partially implemented, particularly in terms of the political self-determination of nation-states that appeared in the region or expanded territorially as a direct consequence of the collapse of Austria-Hungary. However, the United States, like the Entente states, failed to transform the “chaos” of national aspirations in the region into a Danube Federation, following the example of Switzerland.

Austria-Hungary’s leaders were highly interventionist in their response to trans-Atlantic migration, eager to maintain loyalty among their diaspora in America. This article explores the very active role that the Austro-Hungarian government—especially the Hungarian Prime Minister’s Office—played in overseeing migrant loyalty in the United States from 1902 until World War I, examining both its successes and the protests it inspired. Intervention followed migrants overseas: the government integrated itself into the migration bureaucracy and attempted to integrate the home government into migrants’ American lives through the press, churches, and cultural events. Several of Austria-Hungary’s efforts to maintain the loyalty of its migrating citizens backfired, sparking protest.

The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was undoubtedly a complicated state formation whose foundation was influenced by many factors in the 1860s. The Compromise of 1867 established a unique governmental system that had many uncertain legal elements and details that could be interpreted in different ways. Therefore, Austrian and Hungarian politicians and scholars viewed the empire's legal framework mostly through their individual (national) ideologies. This manifested even in the formulation of the Austrian and Hungarian laws which granted the basic administrative structure of the empire. Presumably, this phenomenon caused a long-time discrepancy in the scientific research of the empire. Although the empire's unified customs area enabled the free movement of capital, labour, goods, and services, scholars from Austria and Hungary tended to study socioeconomic dynamics separately in the Austrian and Hungarian parts of the empire, even in recent studies. There is a paucity of comprehensive studies treating the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a singular entity, aiming to comprehend the interconnections among its diverse regions. This study aims to shed light on a research perspective centred on the legal framework of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a unified state space, granted by the customs union. First, the study takes a brief look at the discrepancies between the interpretations of the past studies on the empire and the legal facts of the customs union. Then, as a case study, the paper discovers the main migration patterns between Austria and Hungary, utilising data extracted from the Austrian and Hungarian censuses carried out throughout that era 1870-1910. Using three specific migration indicators, the study analyses the volume of migration and identifies the primary migration patterns between Austrian crownlands and Hungarian counties. The case study not only underscores the importance of this innovative research perspective on the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy but also unveils, for the first time, a seemingly fundamental yet previously undiscovered area of research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Romanian Review of Eurasian Studies / Revista Română de Studii Eurasiatice is the property of Romanian Review of Eurasian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of the article is to show how the governments of Austria-Hungary and Germany, negotiating with the government of the Ukrainian People's Republic on grain supplies (March-April 1918), determined its quantity in Ukraine. The scientific novelty is seen in the fact that for the first time the above mentioned topic is considered in a special study. During the trade negotiations in Kyiv (March-April 1918), representatives of the Central Powers, not having accurate data on the amount of marketable grain in Ukraine, determined it approximately based on general considerations and their own impressions from the inspection of Ukrainian farms. Peasants were the main owners of grain in Ukraine in early 1918 -- during the war years (1914-1917) and they had accumulated significant reserves and were unable to fully spend them (sell or consume). Taking this fact into account, German and Austro-Hungarian experts assumed the possibility to purchase at least one million tons of grain from villages. They considered the assessment of Ukraine's export potential made earlier during the peace negotiations between the UPR and the Central Powers in Brest-Litovsk (February 1918). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The review analyzes the monograph by Croatian historian Branko Ostajmer Narodna stranka u Slavoniji i Srijemu 1883.–1903. [The People’s Party in Slavonia and Srem in 1883–1903] and considers the historiography, source base, structure, and content of the book. Not only does the author of the monograph contribute to the development of Croatian historiography, but he also polemicizes with his predecessors and contemporaries. The extant archival sources of the period studied by B. Ostajmer are not plentiful, so the book is largely based on periodicals. A specific feature of his work is the author’s focus on the outstanding personalities of the era associated with the activities of the People’s Party. In addition, it is necessary to highlight the author’s analysis of Slavonism, a concept that is important for understanding the period and the region under study. B. Ostajmer studies the internal organization of the party and its electorate, including the interaction with individual social and ethnic groups, as well as the activities of the party in the context of Croat-Hungarian relations. Much space in the narrative is given to the figure of Croatian Ban K. Khuen-Héderváry, whose reign was taken as the chronological framework of the work. The book can be of interest to historians of parties and social movements of the Modern Era as well as specialists in Croatia, the Balkans, and Central Europe.

The Treaty of London of April 1915 was primarily provided for an expansion of Italy and its access to the Entente and a break with the Central Powers. The Treaty of London did not mention the creation of a "Greater Serbia", but what Italy will gain and what will remain for Serbia and Yugoslavian peoples within Austria-Hungary. Bulgaria and its compensations in Macedonia are especially included in that agreement, to the detriment of Serbia. The Treaty of London was secret and was therefore rejected in Versailles. Its ideas were only partially realized. It was an important military, political and moral issue. The ideas of the Treaty of London were a subject of speculation.

The assassination of Franz Ferdinand on 28 June 1914 in Sarajevo justifiably continues to attract the attention of historians as one of the key events in the history of the modern world. This review essay examines several recent scholarly contributions published in a collection of essays devoted to the theme. It highlights the ongoing controversies and contradictory interpretations surrounding the subject.

Research on spatial history can be enriched by using approaches from quantitative geography. We analyse an historical regional system and highlight three basic assumptions, building upon Christaller’s central place theory: cities do not stand alone in space, they interact with their hinterlands, and they are hierarchically organised. We investigate the relative position of central places in space and define their hinterlands using a spatial interaction modelling approach. We present the example of functional regional taxonomy in past environments, which therefore has a higher degree of uncertainty in the results and in their interpretation. We use a variant of Reilly’s model to define the functional regions in Austria-Hungary at the beginning and at the end of the 20th century. We present a possible interpretation of the model results based on the identification of the major factors responsible for developments in the urban and regional systems of Austria-Hungary over 100 years. We conclude that the development of urban and regional systems in the territory of the former Austria-Hungary was not considerably affected by the role of political-economic systems, the administrative organisation of states, nor by the different stages in economic development of its formerly constituent territories.

In the historiography on the origins of the First World War, the visions of war among European elites remain controversial. This article examines how Austria-Hungary's military officers imagined the character and outcome of a general European war before 1914. It argues that Habsburg officers writing in military journals adhered to the idea of a short war with only limited impact on economy and society. They were optimistic about winning a major European war alongside their ally Germany. Their belief in a limited war was based on the experiences of the modern cabinet wars fought in Europe in the middle of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the prevalent nationalist interpretation of historical images featuring textiles from rural regions. In an effort to disentangle the threads of folk costumes, it proposes a conscious unlearning of the way we read images of rural material culture from the late 19th century. This period has entered historiography as a period of intensifying national movements and political use of rural culture, in particular in Central and Eastern Europe. So-called folk costumes have been viewed as a symbolic representation of the nation, whereas their broader social and economic role in the history of industrial society has been overshadowed. By bringing together the production, collection, and exhibition of rural material culture, this article reveals processes in industrial society that shaped the modern history of folk costumes. It draws on late-19th-century source material stemming from a network centered in Prague that promoted textiles from rural Bohemia, Moravia, Hungary, and Galicia as ethno-commodities. Textiles were integrated into women's industrial education and presented at events promoting national economy and the latest technological innovations. Thus, this article contributes to nationalism studies by discussing capitalism and industrialism and seeks to further scrutinize the history of nationalism in Central and Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines the fates of Austro-Hungarian merchant ships that were stranded in ports in the United States at the beginning of the First World War. The wider context of the relationship between Austria-Hungary and the United States is also analysed. The article proves the hypothesis that even though there were in fact not that many of these ships in number, they did represent a significant portion of the Austro-Hungarian passenger-liner fleet. The article also analyses the way both governments approached this issue, as well as how the owners themselves reacted with regard to the future of their ships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central Europe witnessed an urban boom at the beginning of the 20th century. By that time, the leading state of the area was Austria-Hungary, with Vienna as its capital. Before the First World War, even larger expansion of the cities was predictable. Otto Wagner, a leading architect of the empire and an expert in urban planning and architectural theory, published his vision about the future of the evolution of cities in 1911. In this book, he formulates clear rules about how a city should sustainably expand in a controlled manner. In this article, these rules of the inherited patterns are systematised and turned into recursive algorithms to simulate the urban growth controlled by them and the resulting patterns. The algorithms are tested on 1911 Vienna and, as comparison, on 2021 Miskolc, a medium-sized city in Hungary with different geographic surroundings. In the article, the resulting patterns are presented in 2D and 3D.

The events of the mid-19th century marked a fundamental change for Central Europe, and the Austrian monarchy was no exception. Although the revolution of 1848 did not mean the permanent entrenchment of liberal changes (which did not occur until the adoption of the February Constitution in 1861), the changes associated with these events fundamentally changed the society of the empire. The end of the division of society and the introduction of equality before the law also significantly affected the social position of businessmen. Before 1848, their legal status was not defined and prestige depended primarily on the place on the traditional ranking of the social hierarchy, which was linked to the holding of a noble title or burgher rights. However, the year 1848 changed this situation and their prestige began to grow thanks to ever closer cooperation with the state and growing political influence. Since the change of the electoral rules to the Chamber of Deputies of the Austrian Imperial Council in 1873, businessmen have even had their own curia (chambers of commerce and trade). At this time, the aristocratic title was no longer a prerequisite for belonging to the elite, but it remained an external symbol of prestige and many businessmen sought it. They saw in it a depiction of their achievements and a fulcrum for the historical memory of their entire family. However, the path to it was not easy and in the case of businessmen it also differed significantly from other social groups of the monarchy.

Copyright of Journal of Public Law / Zeitschrift für Öffentliches Recht is the property of Verlag Oesterreich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to the study of the problem of migration processes in the late 19th – early 20th centuries from the territory of Austria-Hungary to America. Demand for workers in the United States, which has been active since the mid-19th century and exacerbation of socio-economic contradictions in Austria-Hungary in the second half of the 19th century, caused the intensification of migration flows between the two continents. Among the emigrants were all the nations who inhabited the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. But the population of the north-eastern regions of the country prevailed. At first there were Slovaks and Ukrainians. They traveled to improve their lives and the lives of their families. Low living standards due to economic backwardness, slow growth of production, lack of new technologies in agriculture only increased the flow of migrants. Lack of land suitable for agriculture, low wages also contributed to travel abroad. There were two main categories, workers, who returned home at the end of the working season, and it was mostly part of spring, summer and autumn, and the next year they went again to search some work. The second category – those who left and never returned. In the following years, some immigrants, Slovaks and Ukrainians, formed community centers, which played an important role in the formation of independent states. At the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries. There was the migration process between the United States and Austria-Hungary took place. The main routes of the continents passed through the ports of Hamburg and Bremen. The diplomacy of the Russian Empire paid much attention to the issue of migration. The interest was due to a desire to understand more about a country that was a political opponent of Russia in European politics. The work is written on the basis of diplomatic reports published in the "Collection of diplomatic reports" in the late 19th – early 20th century. The used materials provide an opportunity to study the process of resettlement of the nations of Hungary to America from the standpoint of Russian diplomacy in the late 19th – early 20th century.

The subject of this paper is in connection with the establishment of Czechoslovakia the Slovak ques- tion at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919-1920. The essay is based on the approach that the concep- tion of this issue is not only a matter of internal significance, ie only for Czechoslovakia itself and the Czech and Slovak people, as the majority of professional studies are oriented. The solution of this issue was very important also in terms of stability of the forming international system after the First World War. After a clear historical recapitulation of the development and formation of the Czechoslovak state idea, attention is paid to discussing the establishment of Czechoslovakia and, in this context, especially the Slovak issue at the Paris Peace Conference in search of the optimal concept. The researched issue is affected in two interconnected levels. The first is recognition of the existence of Czechoslovakia as a state and, together with that, the second recognition of the territorial scope of that state with a focus on Slovakia.