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Background In conflict-afflicted areas, pregnant women and newborns often have higher rates of adverse health outcomes. Objective To describe maternal and child health indicators and interventions between 1998 and 2016 comparing high and low conflict areas in Colombia. Methods Mixed study of convergent triangulation. In the quantitative component, 16 indicators were calculated using official, secondary data sources. The victimization rate resulting from armed conflict was calculated by municipality and grouped into quintiles. In the qualitative component, a comparative case study was carried out in two municipalities of Antioquia: one with high rates of armed conflict and another with low rates. A total of 41 interviews and 8 focus groups were held with local and national government officials, health professionals, community informants, UN agencies and NGOs. Results All of the indicators show improvement, however, four show statistically significant differences between municipalities with high victimization rates versus low ones. The maternal mortality ratio was higher in the municipalities with greater victimization in the periods 1998–2004, 2005–2011 and 2012–2016. The percentage of cesarean births and women who received four or more antenatal visits was lower among women who experienced the highest levels of victimization for the period 1998–2000, while the fertility rate for women between 15 and 19 years was higher in these municipalities between 2012 and 2016. In the context of the armed conflict in Colombia, maternal and child health was affected by the limited availability of interventions given the lack of human resources in health, supplies, geographical access difficulties and insecurity. The national government was the one that mostly provided the programs, with difficulties in continuity and quality. UN Agencies and NGOs accessed more easily remote and intense armed conflict areas. Few specific health interventions were identified in the post-conflict context. Conclusions In Colombia, maternal and child health indicators have improved since the conflict, however a pattern of inequality is observed in the municipalities most affected by the armed conflict.

Páginas: 82-102., Este artigo analisa o discurso pronunciado por Juan Manuel Santos após receber o Prêmio Nobel da Paz, em dezembro de 2016. A partir de uma perspectiva interpretativa interdisciplinar da análise do discurso, a dimensão retórica-argumentativa do ethos é usada para explorar a inscrição de a temporalidade na construção da imagem de si mesmo, administrada pelo presidente em seu discurso. O processo analítico aplicado foi de ordem inferencial, para a busca de categorias emergentes na base teórica da noção de ethos discursivos. Como resultado, as maneiras pelas quais o ethos e a temporalidade convergem são explicadas em um relato finalista do conflito armado, orientado para a reparação da imagem do presidente, afetado durante o processo de aprovação popular do acordo de paz com os guerrilheiros das FARC. Nas conclusões, as dimensões cronológicas, os planos da identidade verbal e os recursos identificados estão integrados, através da noção de ethos histórico., En este artículo se analiza el discurso pronunciado por Juan Manuel Santos al recibir el Premio Nobel de la Paz, en diciembre de 2016. Desde una perspectiva interpretativa interdisciplinar del análisis del discurso, se utiliza la dimensión retórico-argumentativa del ethos para explorar la inscripción de la temporalidad en la construcción de la imagen de sí mismo, gestionada por el presidente en su alocución. El proceso analítico aplicado fue de orden inferencial, hacia la búsqueda de categorías emergentes sobre la base teórica de la noción de ethos discursivo. Como resultado, se explican los modos en que convergen el ethos y la temporalidad en un relato finalista del conflicto armado, orientado hacia la reparación de la imagen del mandatario, afectada durante el proceso de refrendación popular del acuerdo de paz con la guerrilla de las FARC. En las conclusiones, se integran las dimensiones cronológicas, los planos de la identidad verbal y los recursos identificados, a través de la noción de ethos histórico., This paper analyzes the speech given by Juan Manuel Santos when he received the Nobel Peace Prize in December 2016. From an interdisciplinary interpretive perspective of discourse analysis, the rhetoric-argumentative dimension of ethos is used to explore the inscription of the temporality in the construction of the image of himself, managed by the president in his speech. The analytical process applied was of an inferential order, towards the search of emerging categories on the theoretical basis of the notion of discursive ethos. The results explain the ways in which ethos and temporality converge in a finalist narrative of the armed conflict, aimed at repairing the image of the President, affected during the process of popular plebiscite of the peace agreement with the guerrilla FARC. In the conclusions, the chronological dimensions, the planes of verbal identity and the identified resources are integrated, through the notion of historical ethos., Bibliografía y webgrafía: páginas 99-102., Artículo revisado por pares.

Este artículo muestra como el sistema jurídico Colombiano, y especialmente la Ley de víctimas y restitución de tierras (Ley 1448 de 2011), satisface los requerimientos de la Comisión y de la Corte Inter-Americana de Derechos Humanos, para reparar a las víctimas del conflicto. Sin embargo, las normas sobre reparación pierden efectividad al momento de ser implementadas, debido a la permanencia del conflicto armado en Colombia. En particular, se estudia el caso de la reparación de víctimas a través de la restitución de tierras. Así mismo, se ofrecen una serie de recomendaciones para contribuir a la resolución de los problemas. This article argues that the colombian legal framework, and specially the Law of victims and restitution of lands (Law 1448 of 2011), satisfies the requirements of the Inter-American Human Rights Commission and Court about the reparation of victims from an internal conflict. However, the persistence of the conflict in Colombia, constrains the success of the implementation of the measures of reparation. It is especially true with regards of the restitution of lands to the victims. Also, a series of recommendations are presented to contribute to solving the problems.

Massive violence exerted by paramilitary groups has been a gruesome central feature of Colombia’s protracted armed conflict. Particularly in the past thirty years, paramilitary atrocities have critically affected small farmers, human rights defenders, community and labour leaders, and leftist intellectuals and politicians. But who and what are the paramilitaries and how did they emerge as key players in the armed conflict? Which sectors of Colombian society are supporting them? Why has the state not confronted them or, worse, has acted in collusion with them? Was the demobilization of the paramilitary United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) some ten years ago a farce, leading to the transformation of the paramilitary groups but not to their extinction? These and other related questions have exercised and tormented many minds in the past decades, both in Colombia and abroad. But finding cogent and persuasive answers remains work in progress.