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This article examines the history of lynching in the United States and its impact on African Americans and foreign nationals. It discusses the unequal response of the federal government to mob violence, as it compensated the families of foreign lynching victims but not African American victims. African Americans recognized this hypocrisy and used international protests to advocate for equal protection, although they did not achieve legislative victories. The article also explores the complicated response of African Americans to lynching, with some expressing solidarity while others accepting guilt. Efforts were made to pass federal legislation to protect the rights of both foreign nationals and African Americans, but these efforts were largely unsuccessful. African American activists used international criticism of American mob violence to raise awareness and appeal for assistance in the fight against lynching. The international press began to criticize the United States for its practice of lynching, and black activist Ida B. Wells capitalized on this by mobilizing support in Britain against American white supremacy. While some Britons criticized Wells, others praised her efforts. African Americans continued to use international criticism to advocate for justice, but foreign governments were hesitant to challenge U.S. sovereignty. During World War I, African Americans protested the double standard of U.S. authorities, who compensated foreign governments for crimes against their citizens but ignored African American protests. The relative powerlessness of African Americans allowed federal authorities to ignore their demands. African American activists sought international support and intervention to address lynching in the United States, using instances where victims from different backgrounds attracted attention and criticism from foreign governments [Extracted from the article]

As the international environment evolved and de-escalated in the 1970s, South Korea (the Republic of Korea, or ROK) adjusted its foreign policy to allow trade with communist governments. In 1974, South Korea attempted to import chilli peppers from the People's Republic of China, aiming to open a path to dialogue and improve relations. However, the first effort to initiate trade failed due to the Chinese government's indifferent attitude and trade demands from opponents on both sides. South Korea tried to import Chinese chilli peppers for a second time in 1978. This time, the transaction was successful via indirect trading, thanks to changes in China's foreign policy and its softening attitude towards South Korea. The success of the Chinese chilli pepper trade in 1978 established a more feasible trade paradigm for China and South Korea in advance of the diplomatic recognition between the two countries. This trade in chilli peppers was directly influenced by the China–South Korea relationship and reflects the complex and subtle changes between the two countries ahead of the establishment of diplomatic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to review the relations between the Republic of Korea and Cuba at the present stage, after the establishment of official diplomatic ties between the two countries. Until recently, Cuba and Syria were the only UN member states with which South Korea did not have formal relations. But in early 2024, a breakthrough occurred in Seoul's diplomacy, and after years of negotiations, relations between Seoul and Havana were established. Due to the f act that Cuba is traditional and one of the closest foreign policy partners of the DPRK, this event acquired a special meaning in the context of inter-Korean relations. And in South Korea, both in the media and in academic and political circles, it was presented as a political and diplomatic “blow” to North Korea. Why did Cuba decide to establish relations with South Korea right now? What was DPRK's reaction to this step? Could the establishment of relations between Cuba and South Korea increase tensions on the Korean Peninsula? And what are the prospects for the future relations between Seoul and Havana?

The late 19th century marked a significant period in Korea's history, when it established formal diplomatic relations with the outside world. Goryeo celadon began appearing in the context of diplomatic and other exchanges in the 19th century. These celadon pieces were exquisite and often of the highest quality. There are also cases of foreign diplomats collecting Goryeo celadon. British consul William Carles, French consul Victor Collin de Plancy, and American consul Horace Allen played prominent roles in collecting, selling, and donating Goryeo celadon. In the complex landscape of East Asian diplomacy, ceramics occasionally played a role in exchanges between China, Japan, and Southeast Asian regions. Overall, this phenomenon can be attributed to the changing economic and cultural value of Goryeo celadon, particularly during the late 19th century. However, the inclusion of Goryeo celadon in diplomatic contexts or as prominent diplomatic gifts was also closely related to the changing perception of Goryeo celadon within Korea, as it began to be viewed from a more externalized perspective. Moreover, as foreign interest in Korean (Joseon) culture expanded into a range of ethnographic studies, Goryeo celadon came to be recognized as an artistic product that demonstrated the cultural competence of the nation. Simultaneously, Goryeo celadon took on the role of a diplomatic medium, symbolically representing Korea's heritage on a national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After gaining independence (1947) and following die partition of its vast territory, India wanted to reassert itself on the political scene and develop economically. One step towards achieving these goals was establishing diplomatic relations with as many countries as possible. The period that followed saw numerous diplomatic agreements concluded by India with countries from Asia and Europe. Diplomatic relations with Romania began in the first half of the 20,h century and they continue today on a political, economic and cultural level. Romania and India established diplomatic relations in 1948, at legation level, and in 1957 relations were raised to embassy level. Romania's diplomatic office in India opened in 1955, and India's in Romania in 1959. From the discussions and negotiations, to the cultural and political relations established, the history of the beginning of diplomatic relations between Romania and India deserves to be analyzed and discussed. The existence of the Romanian Embassy in New Delhi and of the Indian Embassy in Bucharest proves the desire, but also the necessity, to create a close link between die two countries. In the last 75 years, Romania and India managed to follow common interests and created a strong partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If Stalin's religious policy underwent radical changes after 1943, when the Moscow Patriarchate was re-established, in the context of post- war international relations and the configuration of spheres of influence, Nikita Khrushchev returns to the attitude of persecuting the Orthodox Church in the Soviet Union since year 1958, the reasons being completely different from those of Stalin. But, towards the middle of the 1960s, a change in the anti-religious attitude took shape in Khrushchevs case as well. An example in this sense are two documents from the Soviet archives, which show Khrushchevs position towards the establishment of relations between the Vatican and the Soviet Union, reflected in the instructions sent by the Soviet leader to the USSR ambassador in Cuba and the meeting with the American journalist Norman Cousins, on which occasion he the issue of the release of the Greek-Catholic archbishop Slipyi was addressed in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the international relations literature, the purpose of this paper is to investigate whether and when diplomatic relations between countries have an influence on firm internationalization speed. We discover that the friendlier bilateral diplomatic relations between home and host countries, the more beneficial it is to enhance firm internationalization speed. In addition, the higher trade openness of the host country, the smaller contribution of bilateral diplomatic relations for firm internationalization speed in the host country and friendly bilateral diplomatic relations have a stronger positive impact on internationalization speed when the internationalizing home enterprise is a state-owned enterprise (SOE). Our findings not only contribute to both the firm internationalization speed literature and the international relations literature, but also have managerial significance for how enterprises can use the friendly diplomatic relations between countries to improve firm internationalization speed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the termination of the diplomatic relations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria in April 1941 and the expulsion of Yugoslav diplomatic personnel from Sofia. The first part of the article gives a brief overview of the events that ultimately resulted in two neighboring Balkan countries taking the opposite sides in the new world conflict, while the second part analyzes the causes and consequences of the closure of the Yugoslav legation in Sofia. The work is based on unpublished archival material from the archives in Serbia and Bulgaria, published sources and literature.

This paper focuses on the study of the activity of German consular institutions on the territory of Soviet Ukraine during 1922–1938. German consular representatives operating in Ukrainian cities were career diplomats, who had higher education, a perfect command of foreign languages, and deep knowledge in the fields of history, geography, statistics, political economy, and international law. While operating in Ukraine, German consuls were taking their official duties seriously: normalization of bilateral trade and economic relations, the establishment of cultural ties, as well as protection and assistance to German citizens living within the consular district. One of the important aspects of consular activity was the performance of the “honorary spy” functions.

The relevance of the study is conditioned upon the sharp deterioration of diplomatic relations between Ukraine and the Islamic Republic of Iran against the background of the latter's cooperation with the russian federation, which could potentially result in the severance of all ties. The purpose of this research is to identify the main preconditions that contributed to the decline of relations between Ukraine and Iran. The main methods include logical analysis, functional analysis, synthesis, deduction, induction, historical, formal and legal, etc. The study explored the history of diplomatic relations between the two countries since the beginning of the existence of independent Ukraine. The main events that were significant for both sides were considered. In particular, trade and economic relations were analysed, which consisted of exploring statistics on exports and imports of products. It allowed determination that Iran was among the top 10 exporters of Ukrainian products. The most important stage was to determine Iran's role in the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the russian federation in 2022. The positions of representatives of the international community were considered, and data from American and Ukrainian intelligence agencies were presented, which demonstrated Iran's involvement in war crimes on the territory of Ukraine, and the possibility of future liability. Based on this, the main reason that called into question the possibility of further cooperation was identified. Notably, the severance of ties reduces Iran's status in the international arena. The practical value of the results obtained is to highlight the bilateralism of Iran's policy and to establish the necessity of further cooperation between Ukraine and this country

Abstract Background Vaccine equity has been a major concern during the COVID-19 pandemic. According to the principle of vaccine equity, donor countries should apply the criterion of needs to make decisions about vaccine donation instead of considering recipient countries’ economic status. We examine whether people follow the same criterion or consider other factors to decide which country to donate vaccines and how many vaccines should be delivered. Methods We conducted online surveys with the design of conjoint experiment in the United States and Taiwan in 2021. 1,532 American citizens and 1,587 Taiwanese citizens were interviewed. The respondents were broadly quota-matched to their respective demographic proportions on the dimensions of age, gender, and education. We estimated the average marginal component effects (AMCEs) of the conjoint attributes by using the OLS regression models with standard errors clustered at the respondent level. Results 15,320 and 15,870 decisions on vaccine donation generated by conjoint experiment respectively in the United States and Taiwan were included in the analysis. Both American and Taiwanese people tend to donate vaccines to countries that suffer severe consequences of COVID-19 and democracies compared to authoritarian countries. However, they are less willing to donate vaccines to those with higher levels of capability in response to COVID-19. Taiwanese people tend to donate vaccines to countries having formal diplomatic relations with Taiwan (AMCE 13.4%, 95% CI 11.8%-15.1%). Nonetheless, American people would rather donate vaccines to countries without formal diplomatic relations with the United States (AMCE − 4.0%, 95% CI -5.6%--2.4%). Conclusions The findings reveal that politics plays a significant role in people’s decisions about vaccine donation. Under electoral pressure, political leaders must think about how to respond to the public’s preferences over vaccine donation to achieve vaccine equity and address the global health crisis.

This article examines the latest diplomatic developments between Saudi Arabia and Iran and China’s role in regional politics. The study explores the historical context of these nations’ harsh diplomatic relations and the different concerns that have pursued the latest diplomatic warmth. Moreover, it explores China’s enhancing engagement in the Middle East, specifically its growing financial and strategic relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran, and the impression of this on regional political order. This research is the result of an analysis of both primary and secondary sources, involving official data, and academic and media reports. The results suggest that the improvising relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran have the courage to incorporate stability into International Politics, while China’s contribution to regional order can give a new arena for support and development. This article yields with recommendations for relevant stakeholders and political actors in leading stability and peace in the Gulf.

Abstract Foreign policy constitutes an institutional mechanism of a state, formed by a set of carefully analyzed, balanced, and articulated actions that facilitate relations with other countries. This type of policy is intrinsically linked to a state's domestic national policy and utilizes diplomacy as a fundamental tool for its implementation. It must be formulated considering the goals and interests of both the state and its wider society. This encompasses both specific objectives, such as cooperation and trade agreements, and broader engagement in bilateral and multilateral policies. From this perspective, governments develop their foreign policy based on a combination of factors: their own interests, the actions of other international actors, and their adherence to guiding principles. Foreign policy can thus serve to maintain or increase a state's presence and influence in international politics, whether through alliances or divergence from other actors, all within the framework of public international law. Drawing from an academic approach, this research analyzes the political-diplomatic relations between El Salvador and the United States (USA) from 2014 to September 2023, examining them through the lens of international law and diplomatic history from a Salvadoran perspective. This period witnessed a significant shift in government, from an administration aligned with Latin American values to one challenging the status quo of a traditional two-party system that held power for three decades. Furthermore, the research explores how the Salvadoran state's recent actions, particularly across its executive and legislative branches, reflect a departure from a foreign policy heavily reliant on the United States, suggesting a potential shift towards paradigms that may not always align with the decisions of this global power.

This research aims to explain how Indonesia's Diplomatic Relations with Brunei Darussalam developed in the 1984-1998 period. The research method used is a historical method consisting of heuristics, source criticism or verification, interpretation and historiography. In collecting sources, the author uses sources from contemporary newspapers and source books related to the discussion. The results of this research are that Indonesia and Brunei Darussalam have had good relations since the time of the kingdoms in the archipelago. One proof of this good relationship is the kinship between the Brunei Royal family and the Majapahit Kingdom. During the Guided Democracy era, Indonesia and Brunei had cold relations due to differences in political views between President Sukarno and the Sultan of Brunei Sir Omar Ali Saifuddin III regarding the movement for the Unitary State of North Kalimantan led by A.M. Azahari. During President Suharto's time, Indonesia restarted diplomatic relations with Brunei Darussalam which began in 1981 until official diplomatic relations in January 1984. In its development until May 1998, Indonesia's diplomatic relations with Brunei Darussalam went well with a high spirit of friendship. This can be seen through various collaborations in various fields such as politics, economics, education and tourism. The political and economic fields are the most impressive areas in diplomatic relations between the two countries. One of them is that Brunei Darussalam provided an interest-free loan to Indonesia in 1987.

The policy of the German Empire in the East after the conclusion of the Brest Peace possessed a crucial importance for the course of the last campaign of the Great War and the escalation of the Civil War in Russia. For a number of reasons, it has been still understudied, that’s why particularly important are the question of clarifying the source situation and the problem of the prospects for expanding the existing base. The German emissaries in Moscow in 1918 can be divided into several groups: diplomats, military, economists and journalists. The analysis of their personal testimonies can give valuable results under considering the professional specifics and details of their stay in the RSFSR. The testimonies of two ambassadors (Mirbach and Helfferich) and their deputies (Ritzler and Bassewitz), as well as military attaches, would be of crucial importance, but for various reasons it should be stated that there is a clear shortage of memories or their deliberate distortion for the sake of the political conjuncture not only of the 1920s-1930s, but also of the 1950s-1970s. The chances for the significant replenishment of the sources are small, but further work is needed to clarify the composition of the Kaiser’s missions in the RSFSR, and a careful selection of preserved materials could provide the subsequent introduction into the actual pool of sources of Russian historiography. The complementing of the source base would be a basic condition for creating a refined history of Soviet-German relations at their first stage, which could be an important step towards a genuine historicization of the events of 1918 in the former Russian Empire.