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Democracy has been overtime portrayed as the best form of government until it revealed its own inherent problems. In South Africa under multiparty system, democracy has been practiced in a way that one party gets absolute majority and rule the country while the second majority party becomes the official opposition. With the advent of Government of National Unity(GNU) there is no more than clarity of the ruling party and official opposition party, rather than a partnership of political parties. While the one-party system was making it easy to blame the ruling party for corruption exposed by opposition, under GNU that checkand - balance for which the official opposition party was responsible seems not owned. This desktop study adopts analytic theoretical framework to unravel and an analyse different uncertainties brought by this new form of government in South Africa. Different types of literature available in the public domain will be used and be subjected to thematic analysis. At the end this study may chant a way towards suggesting either the way in which GNU may effectively govern or an alternative than GNU in a third world democracy. The major finding in this study is that GNU formation poses many uncertainties on South African voters. However, this study concludes that the advent of GNU in South African politics gives a good shift from the political norm that South Africans are accustomed to. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies main socio-cultural resources that ensure the success of the management strategy of modern China. The Law “On Public Service” is considered as an important legal resource regulating the activities of public personnel. Since the social stability of the Chinese society is explained by the multiparty political system of the country with the leading role of the Communist Party of China, the article presents a table compiled by the author about the parties, including the logo, information about the leaders and their education, data on the degree of influence of each party in society and its establishment time. The possibility of consultations with the participation of all officially operating parties guarantees the Communist Party of China the adoption of a theoretically grounded plan for ongoing reforms implementation, which is interpreted as an important managerial resource along with personnel policy. The socio-cultural vector of the management strategy is interpreted in the discourse of the building socialism theory with Chinese specifics, which implies the living standards improvement with industries development that provide vital human needs and socially important innovation directions in science and economy. The author concludes that the management strategy resources have a multi-vector character, which is manifested in economic and cultural, scientific and technological, political and ideological spheres.

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This study aims to propose a new macropartisanship indicator under a multiparty system. Previous macropartisanship studies have focused mainly on the US two-party system. To identify macropartisanship under a multiparty system, I propose an index that considers the effective number of parties in the electoral space and the proportion of non-partisan voters, using five countries as cases: the US, the UK, Japan, Germany, and Denmark. Further, a brief examination using fractional integration shows that the newly defined macropartisanship in two-party systems is more stable than in multiparty systems, where macropartisanship has more frequent updates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the party system in post-communist Romania has evolved following the nine rounds of parliamentary elections. Using Blondel’s classic explanatory model and, in addition, the ENP formula, the paper tries to outline a specific model of Romanian partidism. It analyzes every electoral moment and emphasizes that the party system in post-communist Romania falls rather within the multiparty type with a dominant party.

Copyright of A&C - Administrative & Constitutional Law Review - Revista de Direito Administrativo e Constitucional is the property of A&C - Revista de Direito Administrativo & Constitucional (Instituto Bacellar) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the everyday life of Moroccans and at a very symbolic level, each time that the monarch engages in different activities related to various socio-economic fields within the country or in relations to international relations, television viewers are reminded of the centrality of the monarchy in the Moroccan political scene, and of the relative irrelevance of other political actors as well as the weakness of the members of government in strategic matters. During the recent 'blocage' that Abdelilah Benkirane was faced with as he was attempting to constitute of the government following the 2016 elections, the activities and travels of the monarch were regularly and widely reported on television and radio. This reporting clearly and symbolically reinforces in the minds of people the importance and dominance of the monarchical institution and hence minimizes the weight and significance of other political actors and the multiplicity of parties that garnish the Moroccan political scene. This article deals with the 'relevance' and 'irrelevance' of the Moroccan political parties in the context of what I call the Moroccan 'political theatre'. I argue that the parties are both irrelevant as far political power is concerned but they are simultaneously relevant in terms of sustaining the nature of the political regime in Morocco. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore monogamy and polygamy relations of entanglement in multipartite systems. By using the power of the bipartite entanglement measure, we establish a class of tight monogamy relations of multiparty entanglement with larger lower bounds in comparison to all known entanglement monogamy relations. We also give a class of tight polygamy relations of multiparty entanglement with smaller upper bounds than the existing ones, in terms of the power of the entanglement of assistance. We provide examples in which our new monogamy and polygamy relations are tighter than the previous ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The staying power of the Nkrumahist minor parties in an institutionalised two-party system is the specific puzzle that underlies this paper. It argues that post-election opportunities for party patronage remain important despite the persistently unsuccessful electoral strategies of the Nkrumahist minor. In national elections minor parties' salience has declined. Nevertheless, the competitiveness of elections sometimes calls for the support of a third-party to win elections. The paper reports that the Nkrumahist parties activated their 'coalition potential' during open presidential races. The few members winning legislative seats used their 'blackmail potential' to gain influence in the government parties. More significant, however, are the post-election patronage opportunities provided by winning parties, involving public sector employment and other forms of recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines effects of negative campaigning by political parties on citizens' electoral preferences in the 2015 General Election in England. We do so by using a large Internet panel study and an operationalisation of (perceived) negative campaigning that avoids social desirability. Our study acknowledges England's multiparty system by distinguishing between the campaign tones of all parties. Potential problems of endogeneity are addressed by leveraging the panel structure of the data and by extensive controls. We find that electoral preferences are weakened for parties engaging in negative campaigning and that this backlash effect gets stronger over the course of the campaign. We also find support for a second-preferences boost hypothesis: preferences for one's second-most preferred party are strengthened if its campaign is more positive than that of one's most-preferred party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1999 elections electoral democracy Indonesia is marked by drastic changes in the party system implementation, from simple multi-party system in the New Order era to the extreme multiparty system. Judging from the election as the most massive space is provided to facilitate the political participation of the people, multiparty phenomenon is certainly a sign that democracy was growing. But in terms of the need to realize the importance of a stable and effective government, multiparty phenomenon is actually not a wise choice. Scott Mainwaring comparison study results conclude that the application of a multi-party system with a presidential system is a bad combination. That is why since the 2004 elections simplification efforts of party system in Indonesia is done through various policy strategy. This paper is a study about the application of extreme multiparty system and its impact on the election, the behavior of political parties in Parliament, and the relation of Parliament-President; and political strategy or policy simplification of party system that has been taken in Indonesia after the reform to realize a simple multiparty system. Permalink/DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sd.v2i2.2816

The purpose of this study is to examine whether citizens are more likely to vote in a political system that uses a proportional electoral system if the election is close. The results show that citizens who live in Swedish municipalities in which the competition between the two leading parties is close are more likely to vote. However, the results also show that the vote gap between the two major traditional blocs, the left and the right, is not important for citizens when they are considering whether or not to vote in municipal elections. In the study, a theoretical argument has been formulated which suggests that voters are confused and discouraged when there are many aspects to consider regarding the form of an upcoming coalition government. Accordingly, potential voters see the issue of how the coalition will be formed as too complex, and therefore the vote gap between the two blocs is not an issue that is prioritised by potential voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Carmines and Stimson’s seminal work, the concept of issue evolution has become a common theoretical toolkit to examine and explain polarization around cultural issues and partisan realignment in the United States. However, very few studies outside the United States have applied the concept of issue evolution to explain electoral change and realignment around new issues at national elections over time. Analyzing whether and how Carmines and Stimson’s concept travels to electoral change in a multiparty system would provide more theoretical leverage and create empirical knowledge on the logic of issue evolution outside the United States and also whether the logic of electoral change differs from U.S.-style two-party systems. This article applies the issue evolution concept to a multidimensional multiparty system using micro-level data from 1971 to 2011 in combination with data on elite-level polarization to demonstrate that partisan realignment in Denmark follows an issue evolution process with niche parties as main drivers. Moreover, niche party polarization on the new dimension of conflict has a stronger effect on vote choice than mainstream party polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Categories are one of the primary ways by which people make sense of complex environments. For political environments, parties are especially useful categories. By simplifying political life, party categories enable people to make sense of politics. A fundamental characteristic of party categories is that they minimize perceived differences of members within a party (e.g., two Democrats) and maximize perceived differences between members of different parties (e.g., a Republican and a Democrat). In two-party systems, politicians in leftist parties will often be perceived as highly differentiated from politicians in right-wing parties. Yet, in multiparty systems there is greater complexity and potential for confusion since there are often multiple parties on the left and/or right. Spatial models of political competition predict that ideologically close neighboring parties will be perceived as similar, yet a categorical perspective holds that the public will perceive parties on the same side of the ideological divide to be dissimilar. In the present article, we review a research program investigating how political parties are treated as categories and present new data from seven democracies showing that people perceive parties to be highly differentiated regardless of where parties are located in ideological space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After local elections in 2017, the Cambodian People's Party intensified its attacks on free media, NGOs, and the Cambodian National Rescue Party. Meanwhile, stronger links to China and waningWestern leverage are enabling Prime Minister Hun Sen to transform the post-1993 multiparty system into a patrimonial dictatorship. Cambodia enjoyed strong economic growth but saw little improvement in its weak institutional framework, in social justice, or in economic competitiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1996 and 2006 were two milestones in the political history of Cameroon. They represent, respectively, the establishment of a one-party system in the country and the parliament’s passing of bill that created an independent body to organize country’s elections. The road followed by Cameroon, when compared to those of most African countries, notably Niger and Benin, seems to be different in regards to what political framework was chosen. Analyzing discourse from Cameroonian newspapers in comparison with similar events in Benin and Niger, the article shows that since 1966 the country’s rulers have laboured to create a ‘Cameroonian exception’ to its method of governance, with the eventual aim of having a Cameroonian model of democracy. In reality, the hidden aim has been to perpetuate the domination of the state party in the political landscape of the country.

статье рассматриваются важнейшие этапы в истории Ирана и Турции через призму воздействия происходивших в них внутриполитических событий на формирование и проведение внешнеполитических курсов этих стран. Автор исследует важнейшие факторы, влияющие на формирование внешнеполитической стратегии Ирана и Турции, и приходит к выводу, что, несмотря на различия в государственном устройстве, в каждой из этих стран имеется много центров, участвующих в принятии внешнеполитических решений. Однако в силу особенностей общественного и исторического развития Ирана и Турции центры влияния в них имеют существенные различия, специфика которых подробно исследуется в представленной работе.

статье рассматриваются важнейшие этапы в истории Ирана и Турции через призму воздействия происходивших в них внутриполитических событий на формирование и проведение внешнеполитических курсов этих стран. Автор исследует важнейшие факторы, влияющие на формирование внешнеполитической стратегии Ирана и Турции, и приходит к выводу, что, несмотря на различия в государственном устройстве, в каждой из этих стран имеется много центров, участвующих в принятии внешнеполитических решений. Однако в силу особенностей общественного и исторического развития Ирана и Турции центры влияния в них имеют существенные различия, специфика которых подробно исследуется в представленной работе.

Issue evolution is a well-established theoretical perspective in the analysis of long-term party competition and partisanship in the US. However, this perspective has rarely been used to analyze political elite effects on partisan polarization in European multiparty systems. Consequently, I apply the issue evolution perspective to polarization in a European multiparty system. I find an emergence of cultural issues in Denmark, where mass level polarization on cultural issues followed elite level polarization. Unlike two-party systems, niche parties drive issue evolution on the elite level, which is then followed by niche partisan polarization and, finally, mainstream party adaption. The findings illustrate the mechanisms of issue evolution in a European-style multiparty system and the role of niche parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the authors evaluate the multi-party system in Bolivia in order to identify its evolution, limits, achievements and failures. Following this analysis, a strategy for strengthening the party system is elaborated upon, including changes in the representation system, pacts, deliberative processes, political opening and modernization, and the formulation of policies designed to satisfy social demands.

This study aims to provide insights into how and why a dominant party system emerges after an era of multipartyism. Conceptualising the emergence phase of a dominant party system within the framework of Sartori's ‘predominant party system’, it elaborates the causal weight of different theories within the Turkish context through a comparative-historical analysis. Comparing the case of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) with the Justice Party (AP), it argues that perceptions of an incumbent's good economic performance and lack of centrifugal intra-party conflicts are two crucial factors that lead to the emergence of a dominant party system after multipartyism. Restrictive electoral rules and existing social cleavages, however, create a favourable setting for this outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article describes how political parties in parliamentary election campaigns in Western Europe make use of negative campaigning and examines whether their behaviour differs from that of candidates competing in US presidential election campaigns. Furthermore, it theorises how the differences and similarities between negative campaigning in these countries can be explained. First of all, this comparative study adds to the development of a more general theory on negative campaigning. Second, the study presents interesting new data measuring the use of negative campaigning by 31 political parties in 23 parliamentary election campaigns in Germany, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands between 1980 and 2006. Results show that there are no signs of an increase in negative campaigning and that the majority of attacks are issue attacks. However, there are systematic differences in the overall level of negative campaigning between these countries and we suspect that the type of party system could be the main explanatory factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cadernos de Estudos Africanos is the property of Instituto Universitario de Lisboa, Centro de Estudos Africanos do ISCTE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Creation of the modern epoch, the state law is mainly governed by the supremacy of law, but of a fair law, equal for all citizens and exerting positive effects not only for the society as a whole but also for each individual in part. Subsequently, the constant application of this principle is possible only under the circumstances of a democratic organization and functioning of the social life, which ensure the observance of basic human rights and freedoms, while fundamental human values are being preserved and promoted. But even though democracy and state law are based on correlative principles, they also stand in a relative opposition: the sovereignty of law and the multiparty system, the stability of law and the succession to power of various political parties, the reflection of the general interest by the law and the legislation principle of the parliamentary majority. Therefore, eliminating dysfunctionalities generated by such a relative antagonism imposes a series of corrective measures not only regarding the way democracy is applied, but also regarding the organization and functioning of the state. This paper aims to analyze precisely these corrective measures, also emphasizing the dysfunctionalities that may appear if these measures are not taken into consideration properly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article supplements and further develops the almost exclusively American literature on the determinants of negative campaigning by analyzing the tone of the Danish parties’ election campaigns. It concludes that proximity to governmental power matters, as oppositional parties are more negative than incumbents. This is comparable to the American experiences. The prospect of electoral failure, however, does not affect the tone the same way as poor poll standings do in the US. Moreover, it is suggested that future studies of negativity might consider how different party organizations affect the campaign tone; at least this study finds indications that parties with large proportions of party identifiers are slightly more negative than other parties. Finally, it is found that parties campaign differently in different channels of communication; that is, they are generally more negative in channels that allow direct interaction among politicians. This finding poses the question whether some channels are better empirical sources for studies of negativity than others, which is addressed in the closing section of the article. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article is a reflection on the divided party in Argentina. It also represents an analysis of the negative consequences brought by the presidentialist-multiparty system for the country's governing and the institutional development. The Argentinean case study allows to prove that the minority government does not constitute an obstacle for the institutional development, and that the problem due to this - such as the legislative hindrance and the institutional conflict - can be solved avoiding thus crisis. In this sense, the role played by the provincial parties, which have been fundamental to avoid issues linked with the divided government, is here analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War intractable civil wars have emerged as a primary challenge to international peace and security. Following the disastrous Somalia peace enforcement operation, the United Nations has promoted a two-tier, or task-sharing, conflict management system. Under this approach, it is envisaged that regional organisations, such as the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) will assume primary responsibility for mediation, peacekeeping, and peace enforcement initiatives in their own region. The UN, for its part, will most likely play a coordinating role which includes authorising, monitoring, and supporting regional operations. In this article, I shall argue that regionalising international conflict management is an inadequate response to the unique challenges posed by civil wars. Regional organisations are designed primarily for dealing with inter-state disputes between their members, and ill-equipped for civil war situations. The UN'S two-tier system is most fully developed in the African setting, where seven regional peacekeeping operations have been undertaken since 1990. These operations and their institutional innovations most vividly illustrate the present dangers of the regional approach to contemporary international conflict management. Nevertheless, regional organisations can play a valuable role in conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction if they adhere to a strict set of guidelines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phase of multiparty politics from 1911-1935 provides an opportunity to apply modern political science techniques for the study of party competition to an important period of New Zealand's history. This article initially seeks to reconcile the three-party format with the workings of the simple plurality or ‘first-past-the-post’ (FPP) electoral system. Although normally associated with the maintenance of two-party systems, for the period under study the reductive effect of FPP on the number of parties was mitigated by the spatial pattern of support for the Liberal, Reform and Labour parties. The focus of the article then shifts in an attempt to determine whether the persistence of multiparty parliaments during this period led to unstable government. The initial findings are derived by measuring cabinet duration and identifying the modes of termination, but their value is limited due to the operational difficulties inherent in matching detached analysis to the political reality of the time. As with the investigation into the effects of the electoral system on the party system, a wider range of variables (which are more difficult to measure) need to be canvassed to provide a more balanced assessment of governmental stability in this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Tested a comprehensive set of moderators in a unified model. • Provide insights into affective polarization in a multiparty context. • Political identity centrality was the strongest and most consistent moderator. • Differences in moderators were identified across major vs. minor parties. • Personality predicts affective polarization for major competitive parties. Affective polarization (i.e., differences in evaluations of the in-party and out-party) has important implications for political outcomes including civic engagement and partisan-motivated attitudes and behaviours. In this study, we add to the burgeoning literature on affective polarization by examining moderators of the effect of in-party support on out-party opposition across the three main political parties in New Zealand. Using a large national probability sample of adults (N = 19,078), we assessed the effects of social demographics, Big-Five personality traits, liberal-conservative ideology, political identity centrality, and weekly news exposure on the relationship between in-party and out-party support. Results show political identity centrality is the strongest and most consistent moderator. The effects of some other moderators (e.g., personality, news exposure) are party-specific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]