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This paper takes a comparative look at the missions and ideologies of the most influential periodicals in Serbian and Italian cultures in the years preceding the First World War, the Srpski knjizevni glasnik (Serbian Literary Herald) and La Critica. It also describes the public roles and political ideas of the editor of La Critica, Benedetto Croce, and the editors of the Glasnik, Bogdan Popovic, Pavle Popovic and Jovan Skerlic. It looks at the interpretations of Croce?s political ideas put forward in the Glasnik, recognizing a closeness between the liberal literary and political renewal programmes of Benedetto Croce, on the one hand, and Bogdan Popovic, Pavle Popovic and Jovan Skerlic, on the other. Finally, it points to the Glasnik?s repulsion towards the imperialist ideas of Gabriele D?Annunzio, Croce?s main rival in the Italian culture of the period. But under the editorship of Jovan Skerlic, at the time when Serbia was subjected to Austria-Hungary?s pressure and war threat, the Glasnik published D?Annunzio?s short stories and advocated the ideals of activism, vitalism and heroism.

The brief sojourn of St Hilarion to a setting not far from Epidaurus in Dalmatia in circa 365 CE was depicted by St Jerome in Vita Sancti Hilarionis, portraying the two notable miracles of the famous Palestinian anchorite - the slaying of the dragon Boas ravaging the area and the rescue of the city from the giant waves that threatened to devastate it. Both miracles have been interwoven into the later narratives of both medieval writers and the Renaissance chroniclers of Dubrovnik, especially Thomas the Archdeacon (of Split), Anonymous, Nicolo Ragnina and Serafino Razzi. The paper discourses these historians? interpretations (along with the accounts of later Dubrovnik chroniclers) of the glorious miracles of St Hilarion. In the Dubrovnik chronicles, the miracle of the dragon is correlated with the legend of the Theban king Cadmus, who was transformed into a serpent upon his arrival in the area, or with Asclepius, the Greek god of medicine whose most famous sanctuary was the homonymous town in the Peloponnese and whose symbol was a serpent or snake on a rod. In accordance with the local legend, the mentioned chroniclers unambiguously correlated the liberation of the city from beast with the ending of paganism and the baptising of the Dubrovnik populace. Furthermore, the paper discusses the elements related to the cult of St Hilarion in Dubrovnik and its vicinity, drawing attention to the lore preserved in oral tradition.

The paper explores the ways religious grassroots actors in the borderlands contribute to the new understanding of cross border regions and religious groups in the space between the Serbian and Romanian Banat from the perspective of the anthropology of borders. The border region included in this paper was the place of interreligious and interethnic encounter, where religions and languages mixed and there was a continuous interaction between Orthodox Christians, Catholics and Protestants. By studying the region that had strong cultural, historical and religious connections, the aim is to provide new insights on the borders and religious groups that are understudied. This article explores the ?liminal? character of religious identities, development of renewal movements and crossing symbolic boundaries with the examples of the ?home-grown? religious movement of the Lord?s Army (Rom. Oastea Domnului) emerged in the first decades of the 20th century.

This article, which examines contemporaries? personal experience of illness in Renaissance Italy, is part of a growing literature which concentrates on the patient rather than the practitioner. The basis of this study is the correspondence of Pietro Bembo, the well-known humanist, papal secretary and latterly Cardinal, with his cousin Gian Matteo Bembo and his long-standing secretary and friend, Cola Bruno. These letters are revealing of how a non-medical man understood and described illness in the sixteenth century, and his personal experience associated particularly with ?mal delle reni?, which he shared with his friends and recommended treatments. It also reveals his attitude towards medical practitioners, ranging from scepticism to fully embracing new therapies such as Holy Wood, which was used to treat the new epidemic disease of the Great Pox. Indeed he shared his enthusiasm for the efficacy of this drug with his great friend the physician Girolamo Fracastoro, the author of Syphilis, the poem which he dedicated to Bembo, and also of the treatise De contagione et contagiosis morbis (1546).

This paper details the entry of the Serbian army into Bosnia and Herzegovina in the concluding stage of the Great War, after the breakthrough of the Salonica (Macedonian) front. It examines the interaction of the Serbian army with the newly established authorities in the province, in Sarajevo and on the local level, in the vacuum brought about by the collapse of the Habsburg regime, and the order and peace keeping to which the presence of Serbian soldiers was crucial. On the basis of military records, the paper challenges the conventional wisdom about the creation of Yugoslavia by shedding additional light on the attitude of the three Bosnian-Herzegovinian religious and ethnic communities towards the Yugoslav unification realised in Belgrade on 1 December 1918.

Les contributions réunies dans ce volume cherchent à décrire la complexité du processus de la réorganisation des Balkans, suite à la fin des hostilités, dont les contours ont été tracés pendant la guerre. La question yougoslave, comprise comme la somme des aspirations territoriales des nations yougoslaves, se résuma pendant la guerre à la demande impérative : Delenda Austria. Tous les projets cherchant à endiguer cette demande par des réformes intérieures au sein de l’Empire des Habsbourg, comme le démontre Jean-Paul Bled, s’avéraient à la fois insuffisantes et inefficaces. Les autres solutions géostratégiques pour la réorganisation de l’héritage territorial des Habsbourg, notamment celle qui fut à l’origine de l’entrée en guerre de l’Italie décrite par Luca Riccardi, n’arrivaient pas à s’imposer face à l’avancée des nations yougoslaves. Éditions spéciales / [Académie serbe des Sciences et des Arts] ; 150

The paper offers a critical survey of vulnerable and endangered languages and linguistic varieties in Serbia presented in three international inventories: UNESCO?s Atlas of the World?s Languages in Danger, Ethnologue and The Catalogue of Endangered Languages. As the inventories differ widely in terms of assessing the exact level of language endangerment and vulnerability, and lack to provide empirical support for their assessment, the paper provides thorough information from official local sources, relevant studies and the authors? own field research, when available, on the language categorized as endangered (Aromanian, Banat Bulgarian, Judezmo, Vojvodina Rusyn, Romani), but also presents additional linguistic varieties which have not been registered yet by any of the mentioned inventories (Megleno-Romanian, Bayash Romanian and Vlach Romanian).

This paper will try to provide, in a concise form, the synthesis of new and past knowledge about the phenomenon of messianism, one of the pillars of the political philosophy of Italian revolutionary Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872). This paper analyzes the origins, the influence and the power of the irredentist ideas for the naissance of Italian imperialism, and their conditionality with Mazzini's political and theological thought. Mazzini's writings abound with many allusions, quotes, metaphors, and affirmative messages that were deliberately misinterpreted or misused by some of the devotees of his work. For example, it is believed that the "sacralization of the political" and "laicisation of religion",-in this case of Christianity are the two important elements of the Mazzini's philosophy of reincarnation. The issue of the esoteric character of Mazzini's metaphysics represents also a neglected and overlooked aspect of his whole thought. Messianism and the inclination to deist interpretation of historical events led a number of Italian and world intellectuals to recognize in Mazzini an authoritarian thinker.

The paper analyzes the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church Municipality in Trieste (SOCM) in Yugoslav-Italian relations in the period from the signing of the London Memorandum in 1954 to the early 1970s. In that period, the SOCM president Dragoljub Vurdelja, an anti-communist and an opponent of socialist Yugoslavia, had a decisive role. Yugoslavia perceived the SOCM under Vurdelja?s leadership as a center of anti-Yugoslav propaganda, so it sought to take control over this church community. To that end, Yugoslavia raised this issue in its relations with Italy and used all available diplomatic means to persuade this country to remove Vurdelja from Trieste. However, the improvement in relations between the SOCM and Yugoslavia began only after Dragoljub Vurdelja died in 1971.

The aim of this paper is to show, using a micro-example, the nature of the Austro-Hungarian regime in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The subject, Kosta Hörmann and the Provincial Museum, is a small case study that illustrates the nature of Austro-Hungarian rule in the occupied province of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today, the features and character of Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina are a subject of a rather lively discussion.

From the outset of her existence, Italy was the bête noire of the successor state of Yugoslavia created on the ruins of Austria-Hungary after the Great War. A historical claim on Dalmatia populated by Yugoslavs remained a watchword of Italian nationalists despite the territorial settlement reached between the two countries in Rapallo in 1920 and Rome’s acquisition of the town of Fiume in 1924 as part of the Italo-Yugoslav treaty of friendship in 1924 (Pact of Rome). The Italians based their territorial ambitions on what the Entente Powers had granted them on the eastern coast of the Adriatic by the 1915 Treaty of London, but had not fully materialized at the end of the war. Moreover, for Italy, the very existence of Yugoslavia was an obstacle for its grandiose plans for political domination in the Balkans and the Danube region. The animosity towards Belgrade was made more pronounced on account of Yugoslavia’s friendly relations with France and membership of the anti-Hungarian Little Entente, together with Czechoslovakia and Romania, which Rome perceived as an instrument of French security system in post-war Europe. For that reason, Yugoslavia became central to Mussolini’s rivalry with France over predominance in South-Eastern Europe, which made her importance in international relations far exceed her economic and military capabilities

After the signing of the so-called Ciano-Stojadinovic Pact (March 1937), Italian-Yugoslav relations suddenly improved. The turnaround in bilateral relations between the two countries (destined, however, to remain ephemeral) was clearly visible in the field of cultural relations. This essay aims to show how, after 1937, the Italian authorities tried to promote Italian culture and language in a big style in the capital of the Kingdom, Belgrade, in an attempt to counteract the supremacy enjoyed up to then by the cultural action of other countries such as France, Germany, etc., in order to promote the Italian language and culture. The fascination with the Italian civilization was also meant to contribute to bringing Yugoslavia politically and ideologically closer to the Fascist regime. Despite the invested resources and the success of some major events (for example, the great exhibition of Italian portraits through the centuries) the results were disappointing, showing once again the structural limits of Fascist political and cultural action abroad.

On the opposite sides during the Great War, Yugoslavia and Germany established diplomatic relations in 1920. During the first decade they were not too significant, but the turning point was the global economic crisis of 1929- 1931. In 1931 Germany became the biggest importer of Yugoslav goods, and the German diplomatic representative in Belgrade maintained cordial relations with King Alexander. As is often the case with Germany, the economic influence preceded the political. Germany was quick to capitalize on the void left after Yugoslavia joined the League of Nations’ sanctions imposed on Italy in 1935, and practically took the place of Italy as importer of Yugoslav goods. By the time of the Anschluss, Germany had already accounted for 42% of both Yugoslav import and export. This trend only intensified after the Second World War began, and Germany soon accounted for more than 50% of all Yugoslav trade

In the months between the Italian armistice (September 1943) and the end of the war (May 1945), Italy became the destination of a large group of Yugoslav exiles who, in various ways, opposed Tito and the Socialist and Federal Republic in the process of being formed. These exiles, divided by nationality and political affiliation (ranging from exponents of the resistance linked to the government in exile in London to the most radical collaborators with the Nazis), were united by their staunch anti-communism. Carefully observed by both the Italian secret services and the Allied military government, with the approach of the Cold War this Yugoslav ?refractory community? was increasingly used as a centre of propaganda and in part also of information by the West. After the Tito-Stalin split, this function was reduced, and the community waited for new developments that would only appear forty years later with the dissolution of the disdained Federal and Socialist Republic. This essay is an integral part of research based on the archives of the Italian Military Intelligence Service (SIM) kept at the Historical Office of the Italian Army General Staff in Rome, in the fonds of the Confidential Affairs of the General Directorate of Public Security of the Italian Ministry of the Interior and in the ?Affari Politici - Jugoslavia? collections of the Historical-Diplomatic Archive of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The research is still in progress and aims to create a map of the Yugoslav anti-communist community in Italy from the end of the Second World War until the dissolution of the Federal Republic between 1989 and 1992.

This paper looks at the typology of borders which have traversed the Balkan lands for centuries. They have been diverse - geographical, political, economic, ethnic, linguistic, religious and cultural. As a result of their length of duration, consequences and importance, they led to phenomena which can hardly be fully appreciated. Serbs lived along those borders, be they already existing or created over time. This research is focused on two borders. The one created by the division of the Roman Empire (395) and strengthened by the schism of Christianity (1054), and the other, completely different, created by the Ottoman conquest of the Balkan lands in the fifteenth century. Local Balkan borders, on the other hand, have never acquired a broader significance in the culture of this region.

The rivalry between Serbia and Italy over the Adriatic region also involved Albania as a point of dispute. The political leaderships of both countries were driven by the war aim of putting an end to Austro-Hungarian hegemony in south-east Europe and of preventing any other country from taking its place. Each of the two countries sought for some time to establish its influence in Albania either through a local proxy, Essad Pasha Toptani, or by occupying the parts of Albania considered important for its perceived strategic interests after the war.

This paper seeks to examine the outlook of the Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Mata Bošković, during the first half of the Great War on the South Slav (Yugoslav) question - a unification of all the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in a single state, which was Serbia’s war aim. He found himself in close contact with the members of the Yugoslav Committee, an organisation of the irredentist Yugoslav émigrés from Austria-Hungary in which two Croat politicians, Frano Supilo and Ante Trumbić, were leading figures. In stark contrast to other Serbian diplomats, Bošković was not enthusiastic about Yugoslav unification. He suspected the Croat émigrés, especially Supilo, of pursuing exclusive Croat interests under the ruse of the Yugoslav programme. His dealings with them were made more difficult on account of the siding of a group of British “friends of Serbia”, the most prominent of which were Robert William Seton-Watson and Henry Wickham Steed, with the Croat émigrés. Though not opposed in principle to an integral Yugoslav unification, Bošković preferred staunch defence of Serbian Macedonia from Bulgarian ambitions and the acquisition of Serb-populated provinces in southern Hungary, while in the west he seems to have been content with the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, part of Slavonia and an outlet to the Adriatic Sea in Dalmatia. Finally, the reception of and reaction to Bošković’s reports on the part of the Serbian Prime Minister, Nikola Pašić, clearly shows that the latter was determined to persist in his Yugoslav policy, despite the Treaty of London which assigned large parts of the Slovene and Croat lands to Italy and made the creation of Yugoslavia an unlikely proposition. In other words, Pašić did not vacillate between the “small” and the “large programme”, between Yugoslavia and Greater Serbia, as it has been often alleged in historiography and public discourse. [177011: History of political ideas and institutions in the Balkans in the 19th and 20th centuries]

In this essay, the author deals with the crisis between the Principality of Serbia and the Ottoman Empire following the Turkish bombardment of Belgrade in June 1862. The main part of the article discusses the Italian attitude towards those events in an attempt to discover the authentic policy of the Kingdom born the previous year (March 1861). The Serbian affairs were the first international test for the new Italian State. After the unification, the Italian policy in the Balkans became more prudent than that of the Risorgimento years (for example in 1849), as the attitude of the Turin government illustrated during the Conference on Serbian aff airs held in Constantinople.