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Scholars have called for critical research that positions Black girls in a positive light while centering their constructed meanings and resistance against stereotypes and dominant discourses in mathematics spaces, particularly in reform-oriented instructional contexts. Black girls may resist deficit master-narratives about the intellectual ability of Black women and girls (macro-level) in moment-to-moment classroom interactions (micro-level). In this article, we tell a counterstory of how sensemaking and silence became forms of resilience for a Black girl during a standards-based whole-class mathematics discussion. Using theoretical perspectives rooted in critical race theory and positioning theory, we operationalized Black girls' forms of resilience as repeated acts of resistance, which were evidenced by negotiated or rejected positions. Amari's mathematical brilliance was centered in this counterstory while showcasing how forms of resilience emerged from repeated acts of resistance at a micro-interactional timescale. Implications point to a need to specify microlevel responsibilities in classroom settings that challenge racism, sexism, and oppression that exist in macro-level reform efforts.

Historically, Black colleges, universities, and social workers have shared a history of serving marginalized people. This research is conducted at a point in time when the profession and academic field of social work have expressed an interest in eliminating racism, but more so in upholding the values of social work education in support of working with marginalized populations. Social work as an academic discipline and the origin of Historically Black Colleges and Universities is introduced. The integration of social work in Historically Black Colleges and Universities is analyzed by cataloging the number and type of institutions that offer social work programs. Exploratory summative content analysis is used to identify the prevalence of race-related themes in doctoral dissertations. Dissertations in social work at the doctoral level are multi-dimensional. Despite this complexity, this study indicates that students at Historically Black Colleges and Universities are likely to study issues of race and racism. Recommendations on how Historically Black Colleges and Universities can assist are offered and, in some cases, provide a roadmap for the future development of social work as a practice and discipline.

We compare the institutional standards and expectations for English language arts (ELA) educators from the National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE), the leading professional organization in this field, and the state of Georgia. By conducting a critical policy analysis of documents from NCTE and the Georgia Department of Education (GADoE) we sought to understand the tension between standards set for training English education students in institutions of higher education and the standards those teachers would be required to use in Georgia K-12 schools. We analyze these documents through Cooper et al.'s (2004) policy analysis framework, which questions the normative, structural, constituent, and technical dimensions of policy development. We found that the ideological beliefs and values embedded in the policies and documents from NCTE and GADoE have developed divergent sets of expectations for ELA teachers in Georgia, particularly around how teachers respond to oppression in our society; how we understand the overall purpose of ELA instruction; and the scope of responsibilities for educators. We end by presenting implications for educators working among these two sets of policies, in recognizing where these expectations may overlap as well as diverge.

The privilege walk is a pedagogical tool used to teach students about often-ignored aspects of privilege. Despite their popularity, privilege walks are under-examined in the scholarship of teaching and learning. This leaves open questions about the efficacy of the walk, and whether, and to what extent, the walk yields different results among students from different backgrounds. This paper critically examines the privilege walk by reflecting on our experience of teaching the walk and analyzing student learning reflections about the exercise. We draw on critical race theory to interpret our data and also to help introduce the concept of slippage. We use slippage as shorthand for systematic issues long described by critical race theorists, such as meritocracy, that are reframed as individual responsibilities. We conclude by discussing how educators might prioritize teaching about structural power by integrating ideas from critical race theory, and abandon intellectual traditions that center Whiteness or the individual.

This study explored how 14 higher education and student affairs (HESA) professionals navigated institutional policy vacuums to address interpersonal racial conflict between students. Grounded in perspectives of policy vacuums, findings revealed that HESA professionals learned about racial conflict by referring to their own personal, professional, and academic training. Additionally, they employed strategies that were often self-generated and informal to address racial conflict. The paper concludes with a discussion of the findings, specifically highlighting that relying on HESA professionals' dispositions is an insufficient way to address racial conflict and that more institutional support is necessary to train racially responsive HESA professionals.

Antiblackness is a persistent feature of American society with continued implications for the experiences, outcomes, and well-being of Black communities. In the wake of widespread protests against antiblack police brutality and heightened awareness of racial injustices in 2020, federal, state, and local political actors swiftly began a concerted effort to maintain the illusion of racial progress within the United States. These efforts, which we identify as manifestations of what Carol Anderson (2016) describes as White rage, have taken the form of educational censorship policies that have been successfully enacted in at least 18 states. This study interrogates the policy development process of two such censorship policies in Texas and North Dakota. Drawing on Black critical theory and insights from critical policy analysis, we demonstrate the ways that antiblackness was made legible in the policy development process and conclude with recommendations for combatting the further spread of antiblack educational censorship.

Community and campus partners can benefit from place-based community engagement to enact a commitment to racial equity and community-driven decision-making. Racial equity is paramount in place-based community engagement. However, very little attention has been given to how whiteness in the ideological foundations of higher education shapes the work lives of professionals, faculty, and the collaborations they form to address community issues. Thus, the purpose of this case study is to foreground some paradoxes of whiteness-at-work (Yoon, 2012) in an informal place-based community engagement collaboration between the Center for Public Life at Oklahoma State University-Tulsa and members of the historic Greenwood community in Tulsa, Oklahoma. We take a reflexive stance (Ozias & Pasque, 2019), examining our own experience to explore how Yoon's (2012) concept of whiteness-at-work serves as a tool for advancing the racial equity agenda of place-based community engagement. We conclude that whiteness-at-work provides a useful lens through which to begin explicitly surfacing ways in which place-based community engagement can reify and perpetuate white hegemony. This approach also provides a starting point for racial "justice-in-the-doing," the internal, interpersonal, and institutional work to disrupt hegemonic whiteness" (Yoon, 2022), in place-based community engagement that may move us further toward garnering the racial equity to which we aspire.

While international students' experiences of academic bullying from their advisors have been documented in the literature (e.g., Moss & Mahmoudi, 2021), little is known regarding how race and other identities intersect in normalizing and perpetuating academic bullying within higher education. Utilizing Asian critical theory (Iftikar & Museus, 2018) and interpretative phenomenological analysis (Smith et al., 2022) as the theoretical and methodological lenses, this study examines five Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) Asian international doctoral students' experiences of academic bullying specifically as a racialized phenomenon. Employing in-depth semi-structured interviews, it is found that racialized academic bullying is operationalized and perpetuated through racialized stereotypes, maintaining White supremacy, and oppressions compounded by intersecting identities. Implications and recommendations are offered as to what stakeholders can do collectively to address racialized academic bullying towards minoritized students and combat systemic inequities and oppression.

In this article, we illustrate and address how anti-Blackness and adultism work together in an interlocking form of oppression we call anti-Black adultism. Situated in Amina's (youth author) lived experiences of school, we offer counter-stories that show the ways that educators employed anti-Black adultism to render Amina's civic life incompatible with the academic learning of school and imposed adult-framings of academic success on her as a way to control her in school. We then detail our shared experiences in an affinity group space and youth research project to offer the ways that anti-Black adultism can be disrupted through acts of solidarity. We conclude with lessons for adults to trouble anti-Black adultism to sustain intergenerational work toward racial justice in schools.

Let's explore adultism (in early childhood education)! The first part of the article answers seven questions frequently posed by adults who first come in contact with adultism, involving concepts of adult power, children's dependence and protection, limits, guilt, the intersectionality of discrimination, and the internalization of adultism. It explains how adultism constitutes fertile ground for the cultivation of every form of discrimination. The second part of the article focuses on remedies for adultism, specifically looking at some of the practices that we implemented in our multicultural pedagogical community with children of early childhood age. We look at basic pedagogical choices, matters of organization of time and space, and details of interactions of adults and children. The article concludes that there is no given recipe against adultism, and invites adults to discover the immense, barely charted terrain of anti-adultist action.

This article is a collaboration among three Philadelphia public school teachers who wrote curriculum units based on their new learning and research of W.E.B. Du Bois' groundbreaking book, "The Philadelphia Negro" (1899) of the Seventh Ward. Du Bois' book was the first major race study of an African-American urban community ever published in the United States. Teachers Holloway, Moon, and Yau utilize the past and current history of the Seventh Ward being in Philadelphia to give their students the first hand experience of Du Bois' scholarly work. Tyriese James (TJ) Holloway, an 11th and 12th grade teacher from Overbrook High School begins his session with a personal narrative about the complex meanings of "home" and shares his class assignments and examples of student works. Similarly, Jeannette Moon, a 7th and 8th Grade Teacher from Penn Alexander School designs her curriculum unit to focus students with the essential question: "What is home?" with mapping, reading of primary sources as well as fictional works of Du Bois. Lisa Yuk Kuen Yau, a 5th Grade Teacher from Francis Scott Key School finds it crucial to introduce students at a young age to the race issue by having them create accordion books, data portraits, and community spaces inspired by Du Bois' scholar works.

This article addresses the challenges and importance of integrating discussions on race and social justice into the classroom. Considering recent legislative actions in various states aimed at restricting such discussions, the article presents an empowering framework designed to support educators in facilitating these conversations. This framework, rooted in culturally responsive pedagogy, offers practical tools and guiding questions to help teachers create an environment that encourages inquiry and exploration of racial complexities without imposing personal viewpoints. The framework aims to move beyond simply identifying disparities to examining systems of oppression and encouraging students to take action. Feedback from teachers who implemented this framework shows significant improvements in their comfort and proficiency in discussing racial issues with students, instilling a sense of confidence and capability. The article also highlights the importance of self-reflection and continuous learning for teachers to lead these conversations effectively. It underscores the need for educators to develop strategies that allow students to engage critically with racial topics and employ counter-narratives to challenge discriminatory rhetoric. In conclusion, the article calls for a concerted effort in teacher education to counteract the resistance to racial equity discussions.

Building on Milkman, Akinola, and Chugh (2015), this article presents data from an experiment conducted in Australia that included fictional emails from prospective students seeking a meeting with faculty members. The results show significantly different responses from faculty depending on the student's name and association with a racialized group. While the study reveals evidence of racial bias, there is, contrary to previous studies, little evidence of gender bias. Additionally, the study concludes that gender or racial diversity at the university or discipline level is not associated with lower rates of bias. Additional exploratory analysis further examines the data for evidence of change processes, including the interaction of gender and racial diversity, and lower rates of bias among more junior academics.

Australia's much-vaunted reputation as a successful egalitarian, multicultural country has substantial merit, but it also has a chequered history, and the official narrative of egalitarianism and multiculturalism is experienced differentially by vulnerable, marginalised people and communities who bear the brunt of residual and new forms of racism and linguicism. One of the most vulnerable groups in Australian society is the cohort of Chinese international students, who face barriers of racism, linguicism, and exploitation. This paper presents the results of a study which consulted Chinese international students about their experiences in Australia. It found that while their experiences varied, a disturbing common thread of discrimination - from overt to more clandestine modes of aggression -- occurred. Implications for Australian decision-makers are enormous, particularly for educational and governmental institutions, for whom Chinese international students seem to represent a commodity rather than real, often vulnerable, young people.

The increase in the prevalence of mental illness among Black millennials has led to more awareness and advocacy within the generation. However, Black millennial men are still utilizing counseling services at significantly lower rates than millennial Black women and men of other races. Consequently, this leads to an increase in suicide completions and undiagnosed mental health issues among Black men who experience more severe and disabling symptoms of mental illness. An exploration of racism, stigma, mental health in the Black community, and Black masculinity influenced the development of this study. Based on past reported themes, Black Masculinity and Critical Race Theory are utilized as a multi-dimensional framework for this phenomenological study to provide in-depth information on the barriers to counseling experienced by millennial Black men in a metropolitan city in North Carolina. Using Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis of the semi-structured interviews of this study, results indicated the following three themes as experienced barriers: "Black Pride", "Classical Masculinity", and "Negative Perceptions of Mental Health and Counseling." Implications for improving advocacy efforts in similar metropolitan areas by mental health professionals, universities, and general social justice advocates, as well as future research, are provided.

Early education helping young children manage prejudiced attitudes towards themselves and others is urgent. Early childhood (EC) teachers in Saudi Arabia are making significant changes by applying an anti-bias approach to deal with such issues with young children. In the study reported on here we used a quantitative approach to explore anti-bias education, including an analysis of approaches to the cultural environment, which includes teaching practices and associated learning resources. Many teachers (n = 142) in the cities of Jeddah and Riyadh in Saudi Arabia contributed to this study by completing a questionnaire. Teachers' classroom practices, such as role-play, pictures, books, toys, and materials in teaching children the concept of antibias, were deeply explored. The results of the study show that the greater the previous experience of teachers in teaching children from a culture different from their own, the greater the application of the concept of anti-bias in creating the classroom environment. There is a need for further studies on the extent to which anti-bias education is being implemented on a larger scale in primary schools in Saudi Arabia.

Arab international students are considered an integral part of American universities bringing cultural and academic perspectives that enrich campus diversity. Grounded in Bronfenbrenner's (1977) ecological theory of development, we seek to understand the mutual interactions of ecological factors contributing to Arab international students' campus engagement and academic success in the United States. We used open-ended questionnaires with 18 Arab students to capture their overall lived experiences and conducted semi-structured interviews with five students to get rich insights into their experiences. The findings of this study have revealed the significant role of global and sociopolitical context in shaping Arab international students' social and academic engagement, identity, and wellbeing. Implications of this study drive the need for a sociopolitical turn in designing a culturally engaging campus environment and enacting critical pedagogy to support diverse students' engagement and identity development.

This collaborative, descriptive research project in urban Texas looked at the at the development, implementation, and student perception of effectiveness of a multi-stage pedagogical intervention in a classroom to help preservice teachers become more confident during discussions of controversial identity issues; specifically, ableism, classism, heterosexism, racism, and sexism. Researchers developed classroom experiences based upon worldview threat and defense as well as mindfulness, using qualitative analytic strategies to "foresee" and "assert" the effectiveness of these experiences via mid- and end-point course evaluation surveys. Participants felt more confident and capable when talking to others with differing worldviews due to the experiences and tools provided.

I am an example of a transformed higher education administrator. In this essay, I describe how my journey to an education doctorate impacts my work as a scholar-practitioner in higher education. The CANDEL program challenged what I thought I understood about the status quo in higher education with respect to race, socioeconomic impacts, meritocracy, grit, and assumptions we make about students. The coursework and cohort model confronted my own biases and were foundational to my dissertation questions. Conducting my research on university leadership at my home institution gave me an opportunity to develop a shared equity leadership approach to solving complex problems. Equity-focused work in higher education is a long-game, ongoing, and essential to addressing the challenges facing our institutions. Without this, inequities experienced by faculty, staff and students will persist. The education doctorate and its scholar-practitioners are important drivers in shifting the American educational landscape.

As the story is often told, P4C was established after Matthew Lipman, then a professor of education at Columbia University, observed a deficiency in reasoning skills among his students and colleagues during the student protest of April 1968. Lipman pondered whether there might be a way to enhance the critical thinking skills of individuals through an educational reform; and thus, P4C was born. Consequently, Lipman and P4C are frequently presented as beacons of hope for a more sustainable democratic future in the face of systemic discrimination, pervasive private interests and corruption, and the erosion of justice. I contend that this narrative relies on the delegitimization of a successful grassroots anti-racist campaign against the aggressive gentrification of Black and Puerto Rican families that Columbia had undertaken. Building on Darren Chetty's critique of reasonableness in P4C, I present the conventional narrative of P4C's origin as an instance of reasonableness' gatekeeping function in philosophy for children. I specifically argue that the narrative of Columbia 1968 serves as an explicit example of how reasonableness can silence successful pro-Black educational reforms by labeling the actions of students as "unreasonable". In other words, this paper highlights a significant oversight in P4C practitioners' awareness of their own discipline, particularly in relation to the racial politics of the 1960s.

Reparations policies that seek to make amends for a harm incurred face exigent challenges. In this article we focus on what makes reparations successful and what policy components are necessary, if not sufficient, for success. To study the success of reparations policy design we employ a case study approach. Our analysis investigates the motivation, design, implementation, and impact of past policies to understand what has been successful or unsuccessful within each component of the policy in each historical case. Ultimately, our discussion identifies patterns in the creation and execution of reparations policy that offer important considerations for policies that would provide reparations to Black Americans.

In this article, I document and analyze all municipal, state, and county-level efforts for Black reparations in the United States. Most efforts resemble H.R. 40's exploratory commission model, possibly due to policy path dependency. Few geographies have allocated funding for committee recommendations, but some have allocated funds for committee activities. Only Evanston, Illinois, has allocated and distributed funds to qualifying residents. On average, cities with reparations efforts demonstrated mixed performance on metrics related to Black wealth, with insufficient evidence to suggest local Black-White disparities are more severe than the nation as a whole. Several proposals emphasize the Black-White racial wealth gap as emblematic of slavery- derived disparity, but no municipal or state proposal can rival the scale or potential of a federal program.

This article examines heterogeneity in adverse events and conditions and how low-income African American young adults respond. Although nearly all individuals in the sample report at least one instance of adversity, the nature and frequency of adversity varies, as do the responses. Some individuals see their lives and plans derailed; others engage in more protective strategies. For still others, adversity presents a difficult trade-off between surviving and thriving. We formalize this trade-off as an extension of a basic model of costly human capital investments. The model shows that a rational, fully informed individual facing this brutal trade-off, in an effort to survive the fallout of adversity, may optimally choose not to make high-return investments that promote thriving in the future. Improved policy design would recognize this type of trade-off.

We consider two local reparations cases--the Evanston Restorative Housing Program and Chicago reparations for police torture survivors. We argue that the programs are shaped by the differing political opportunities, the local context, and the social location of their advocates given that one was constructed within government systems in Evanston and the other largely by grassroots organizers in Chicago. Furthermore, both programs are criticized to varying degrees as being exclusive in their design and implementation. We term this exclusion a process of deliberative marginalization, whereby some of the most vulnerable and most directly affected beneficiaries of a redress initiative are left out of deliberations and implementation decisions about the initiative's design. Subsequently, this study shows both the promise and constraints of reparations policy at the level of local government.

The recent expansion in Black suburbanization is the most substantial shift in Black American residential patterns since the Great Migration. It has left Blacks more sorted between urban and suburban neighborhoods across metropolitan areas. This study explores whether this increasing residential stratification is associated with differentiation in Blacks' political views on racialized issues. I first lay out a theory of Black political sorting by place, specifying processes inherent in suburbanization that could lead to opinion stratification between suburban and urban Blacks. This is followed by a descriptive analysis of American Voices Project interviews with suburban and urban Black respondents. The data show Black suburbanization is neither as economically transformative nor politically differentiating as might be expected. Despite subtle opinion differences between suburban and urban respondents, they mostly converge in their bleak assessments of racialized issues.

Paying reparations to Black Americans has long been contentiously debated. This article addresses an unexamined pillar of this debate: the United States has a long-standing social norm that if an individual or community has suffered a harm, it is considered right for the federal government to provide some measure of what we term "reparatory compensation." In discussing this norm and its implications for Black American reparations, we first describe the scale, categories, and interlocking and compounding effects of discriminatory harms by introducing a taxonomy of illustrative racial harms from slavery to the present. We then reveal how the social norm, precedent, and federal programs operate to provide victims with reparatory compensation, reviewing federal programs that offer compensation, such as environmental disasters, market failures, and vaccine injuries. We conclude that the government already has the norm, precedent, expertise, and resources to provide reparations to Black Americans.

Although the ideals of higher education promote learning and personal growth irrespective of an individual's social identity including their perceived or declared race, systemic racism continues to subject Indigenous, Black, and otherwise racialized students, staff, and faculty to unwelcoming academic cultures and, at times, hostilities. The aim of this rapid scoping review was to identify and analyze some of the available peer-reviewed, published research literature between 2000 and 2022 focused on systemic racism in the Canadian higher education context. The authors analyzed 32 articles included in the scoping review to identify the theoretical frameworks used to situate each study. In addition, the analysis surfaced concepts related to how systemic racism is structured and enacted. Using a thematic analysis, a narrative summary is also presented to describe the experiences of Indigenous and racialized staff, students, and faculty. This study offers insight to those committed to building healthier academic communities through understandings of systemic racism as it is theoretically framed, conceptualized, and experienced.

The field of communication has been working to reconcile its historic omission of race from research (Chakravartty et al., 2018) and pedagogy (Chakravartty & Jackson, 2020). The subfield of political communication has begun this process in its research (Freelon et al., 2023) but has yet to consider the implications of race missing from pedagogy. This essay offers an argument for including race in the political communication course, in the form of more focus on race in course content and more work by scholars of color. We offer reasons for these inclusions, ways for instructors to begin this incorporation, and what considerations instructors must be mindful of throughout the process.

This phenomenological study explores the experiences of preservice teachers of color in a teacher education program at a predominantly white institution. Participants experienced feelings of isolation, being targeted because of their race, lack of multicultural education in the program, and feelings of tension in wanting to speak out and fearing the consequences of speaking out. Recommendations are given for improving teacher education programs to better meet the needs of preservice teachers of color.

The paper illustrates the digital narratives of 219 Black students within the K-12 educational setting of a large West coast state in the United States. The researchers employed the method of storytelling to analyze Instagram posts created by students, which aimed to shed light on the various forms of injustice experienced by Black students. These online contributions effectively revitalized the significance of Black students' narratives and encounters with racism. The authors posit that educational institutions should reconsider their approach to mitigating the negative consequences encountered by Black students within educational environments. The present study serves as a call to action for educators and stakeholders to confront systemic anti-Blackness and create inclusive educational environments that prioritize the well-being and success of all students. Through collective effort and a commitment to antiracist practices, we can work towards a more equitable and just educational system. Addressing objectification and Whiteness requires a comprehensive approach that surpasses individual actions. Educators must acknowledge the ramifications of racially insensitive behavior and its impact on Black students in K-12 environments.

This study applies the hermeneutical phenomenological approach, guided by Critical Race Theory, to explicate a nuanced understanding of the way Chinese international students' racial identity shapes the challenges that they faced during the pandemic and their experience of academic institutions' support during this time. The current study highlights the pervasive anti-Asian racism that directly and indirectly contributed to Chinese international students' negative experiences studying in Canada during the pandemic. The findings also highlight the lack of support from academic institutions, despite the rising anti-Asian racism faced by this group of students. Furthermore, this study calls attention to the consideration of race in developing support programs for racialized international students. Recommendations for universities to better support international students (Chinese or otherwise) are developed.

On September 22, 2020, Donald Trump issued Executive Order 13950, titled "Combating Race and Sex Stereotyping." While the order has been revoked, as of May, 2022, 34 states, including Iowa (HF 802), had passed or were considering legislation prohibiting the use of critical lenses, such as Critical Race Theory, in public K-12 schools. In this study, we interviewed equity-oriented leaders in Iowa about how they are navigating HF 802, Iowa's "anti-CRT" law, while remaining committed to their work. Qualitative analyses revealed three significant themes titled: Leaders See the Critical Reality: White Supremacy; Informants and Attacks; and Leading, Navigating, and Subverting HF 802. Recommendations for leadership practice and policy change are included.

Since September 2020, Fox News spawned an anti-critical race theory (CRT) disinformation campaign, that has reverberated in the whitestream's echo chamber. The disinformation largely appeals to white people who refuse to see racism, unless they feel it is impinging their rights. The campaign against CRT has penetrated the e-tailer site Amazon.com where books identified by Fox News as CRT texts have experienced increasingly hyperbolic and disinformed customer reviews. Encountering these reviews, we questioned how Amazon reviewers used a mundane platform to reify whiteness, while feigning hurt and ignorance. In this article, we present results from a qualitative critical race content analysis of Amazon.com customer reviews of four books identified by Fox News. A dialectical engagement between the tenets of CRT and key concepts of critical whiteness studies guided our analysis to describe how Amazon reviews enforced en/whitened postdigital spaces. Our results indicate that reviewers transmitted emo-social whiteness, discursively keeping white racism implacable yet, off the table. Framing our discussion, we examine current violent movements resulting from the anti-CRT echo chamber and its impact on education.

Background: South African narratives of and by early childhood development (ECD) practitioners often focus on policies, practices and perspectives in research. While these are important for the development of the field, the voices of ECD practitioners, in this marginalised space, are silent. Aim: This article aims to understand: Who are the ECD practitioners? What are the conditions of their lives and livelihoods? How do they negotiate opportunities for employment, socioeconomic growth and further education and training? Setting: The study describes the marginality of ECD practitioners by narrating the lived experience of work and post-school education and training of one mature woman in the Western Cape. By narrating a single story, the stories of others unfold; working in similar circumstances and negotiating the same opportunities in the harsh reality of poverty and oppression. Employing a narrative methodology is a commitment to decolonising the practice of research, where voices of the 'Other' are centralised and amplified. Methods: An intersectional lens forms the theoretical grounding for this article with life history interviews as its primary form of data collection. Results: Adult women ECD practitioners are mainly poor, black and female. They pursue access into higher education to improve their lives and livelihoods. Conclusion: The intersections that shape their lives limit their opportunities for access and success. Contribution: The power of narrative research, displayed in this article, ensures that voice is used to move the lived experiences of black women ECD practitioners from the margins to the centre.

Background: A separate, apartheid system of schooling in South Africa entrenched European racialised ideologies of white supremacy that left a legacy of social, economic, and educational inequalities. The 1995 White Paper for Education, the 1996 South African Schools Act, and the Revised National Curriculum Statement outlined steps for equalising education. However, inequalities within the schooling system remain. Aim: The study aimed to understand how principals experience the lasting effects of apartheidera segregationist policies in primary schools and to document principals' solutions. Setting: A meeting of principals who work at primary schools in the Western Cape province. Methods: Researchers purposively sampled four principals from the primary schools represented at the meeting, conducted semi-structured interviews with the principals chosen, and adopted an interpretive approach to analyse findings. Results: This study finds from principals' perspectives that neighbourhood gang violence, and highly unequal funding for schools in different neighbourhoods adversely impact primary school children's education and principals' abilities to lead as a result of context, overcrowding and inequality. Principals note that when parent-led programmes such as the Walking Bus produce a positive effect, the government tends to undercut parents' efforts to work with principals to secure and equalise young children's schooling. Conclusion: Giving greater governance power to parents and principals may help to equalise the extremes of inequalities in primary schools remaining from Nationalist Party policies of the pre-1994 apartheid era. Contribution: This study contributes to primary school principals' ideas for improving primary schoolchildren's education.

As an epistemological, axiological, and methodological paradigm, Critical Race Theory (CRT; Crenshaw et al., 2000; Harris, 1993) is a scholarly tool to identify and disrupt inequities, possible via CRT's core tenets towards troubling systemic racism. We argue that political movements in North Carolina (NC) exhibit attempts to delegitimize critical race scholarship and curricula that accurately portray history and contemporary student populations' racialized experiences, a manifestation of the conservative agenda to whitewash the state's history that is predicated on racism and white supremacy. In alignment with radical theorizations and research that examine ideologies at the root of ill-informed hysteria, we present a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of the effects of political power in foreclosing educational possibilities toward building equitable societies through our analysis of data from NC's Fairness and Accountability in the Classroom for Teachers and Students for North Carolinian "FACTS" submissions (Robinson, 2021). FACTS is a reporting tool targeting NC educators who employ critical lenses in their instruction that promotes unfounded antagonism toward CRT. The significance of this research is a localized example of CRT being targeted by conservative politicians toward the intent of delegitimizing critical scholarship and education and thus perpetuating ahistorical ideals rooted in racism and white supremacy.