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This article reads the political thought of a collection of treasonous and treason-sympathizing French military officers who supported the cause of the OAS (Organisation de l'armée secrète), a terrorist organization that fought President Charles de Gaulle's decision to leave Algeria in 1960. It draws upon a selection of the doctrine they wrote, that of guerre révolutionnaire or counterrevolutionary warfare; the novels that popularized their perspectives for broader audiences; and the transcripts from the trial of General Raoul Salan, the leader of the OAS. Based on these texts, it argues that counterrevolutionary warfare doctrine attempted to circumvent decolonization by articulating a form of violent nostalgia that continued colonial war without colonial conquest. In this way, counterrevolutionary warfare was a military doctrine, an ideological world view, and a theory of decolonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most common explanation for Morocco’s foreign policy in the 21st century is the realist one, which argues that after the Arab Spring, Morocco focused on gaining power by making efforts to exert broader influence on African states, establish and nurture regional military alliances against terror groups, and reinforce security collaborations in the Western Sahara conflict against Algeria. However, this article argues that since 2009, Morocco has strongly embraced a neoliberal foreign policy strategy based on knowledge-based economy (KBE) cooperation alongside the subaltern and peripheral realist approach, contributing to the strengthening of ties with Israel. The study employs a mixed methodology, encompassing qualitative and quantitative analyses, to explore the extent of the KBE policy’s influence on Moroccan-Israeli relations from 2009 to 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the lessons learned from the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Mali, known as MINUSMA, which faced complex challenges due to jihadist movements, geopolitical influences, and multiple layers of conflict. The author, who served as the Force Commander, highlights the importance of clarity in the mission's mandate, adapting the peacekeeping mindset to new realities, understanding the host nation's perspectives, addressing human rights issues pragmatically, improving logistical support, and coordinating military efforts effectively. The withdrawal of European nations from the mission and increased cooperation between Mali and Russia also influenced the mission's dynamics. The author emphasizes the need for a thorough evaluation of peacekeeping missions to draw appropriate conclusions for the future. [Extracted from the article]

The resolve to subjugate Boko Haram terrorism and restore social order in the northeast and Nigeria as a whole is at the top of the wish list of the Nigerian state. However, the spiralling nature of the asymmetric conflict and the gruesome records of atrocities perpetrated by the terrorist group have not only intensified the apprehension regarding the dynamic trend of its violence and attendant realities, but also cast a scepticism on the effectiveness of the counter terrorism efforts of the Nigerian state. This paper examines the consequences of the heinous activities of the Boko Haram terrorists and the efforts of the Nigerian state in combating terrorism in the northeast Nigeria. It further discusses the obstacles associated with the substantial financial expenditure on counter terrorism operations and also examines how Sambisa Forest militates against the concerted efforts to end the menace. This article argues that while there are few glimpses of optimism, the despair seems to be much more as a result of many debilitating factors such as corruption, secrecy in military spending among other things. The article concludes that a comprehensive cum effective strategy to combat terrorism in the interest of peace and meaningful development in the northern Nigeria requires a balance between both the military and the civilian procedures. The article recommends among other things the need to address the root causes of terrorism while government also improves accountability of the funds dedicated to the counter-terrorism operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper proposes an instrument to measure the risk of terrorist conflicts through the concept of affiliation to a terrorist organization. The proposed instrument is called the Tool for the Assessment of Terrorist Affiliation Degree (TATAD) and measures how close the respondents are to a complete affiliation, on a scale of four degrees. Based on the Methodology for the Analysis of Computerised Textual Data, each degree is characterized by specific interactive modalities that differ in the ways they contribute to conflict or to community cohesion. Based on the degree of affiliation, it is possible to anticipate acts of conflict that are coherent with the modality of interaction measured by TATAD. By considering the interactive modalities, and not only the contents linked to terrorism, the process of affiliation is the same independently of the type of terrorist society and its beliefs (ideological, religious, etc.). Therefore, TATAD can be used independently of the specific context and motives of terrorism. By detecting critical modalities of interaction, TATAD can be used to support decision making and plan interventions to promote community cohesion in prisons and migration services, and to evaluate the efficiency of counter-terrorism strategies, policies and projects aimed at promoting social cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countering violent extremism (CVE) intervention programs are often designed as non-punitive approaches to reduce the likelihood of youth joining terrorist groups through offering social, family, mental health, and/or practical supports. Since public support is crucial for determining whether a CVE intervention program is implemented or successful, we conducted two online vignette-based experiments to examine how factors such as political orientation, the youth's ethnicity, and the public's perspective-taking with at-risk youth can alter their support. Across both studies (U.S. online sample N = 153, U.K. online sample N = 760), participants generally reported less support for a CVE intervention program aimed at at-risk youth than a similar gang intervention program, although in the U.K., conservatives supported both programs the same relatively lower amount (compared to liberals). This effect was partially explained by participants reporting less perspective-taking with an at-risk youth considering joining a terrorist group than considering joining a gang, which in turn led to lower public support of the program. This suggests that CVE intervention programs face barriers, even among the more liberal-leaning members of the public, and that helping people to take the perspective of at-risk youth may be one pathway for increasing public support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study aims to conduct an epidemiological analysis of the country, race, weapon type, and type of attack, along with the medical consequences of terrorist attacks on ambulances. Methods: The population of this retrospective cross-sectional epidemiological study consisted of terrorist attacks on ambulances, as documented in the Global Terrorism Database provided by The National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, covering the period from 1970 to July 2021. Incidents, deaths, and injuries from these terrorist attacks were analyzed according to country, attack type, and weapon type. Additionally, incidents, deaths, injuries, and material losses from attacks against ambulances were analyzed by year. Results: In the last 52 years, 80 terrorist incidents occurred, and 444 people were adversely affected medically in 75 of these incidents. In 96.3% of these cases, the terrorist organization achieved its desired goal, and 71.3% resulted in material loss. During this period, terrorist attacks on ambulances were reported in 27 countries. In 17 of these incidents, the nationality of the attacker was different from that of the target person, and 70 people were adversely affected medically. These incidents featured seven different types of attacks and five different types of weapons. The most preferred type of attack was bombing (n=38), while the most commonly used weapon type was explosives (n=39). Conclusion: In the last six years, there has been an increase in terrorist attacks, adversely affecting many people medically. The main reasons for this increase include growing civil unrest in countries, easy access to ambulances, perceived lack of threat, and a rise in individual armament. Due to these issues, it is crucial to train health workers, take precautions, make preparations, and create emergency action plans to mitigate terrorist attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing line of research examines causes and consequences of militant group competition. However, empirical work on these topics has limitations. Most quantitative research uses relatively rough proxies for competition, such as counts of groups in a country. Other work uses dichotomous indicators, ignoring the intensity or degree of rivalries. Additionally, many studies examine either terrorist organizations or rebel groups, overlooking cross-type rivalry (e.g., terrorist vs. rebel). We address these issues by introducing time-varying dyadic rivalry data on hundreds of groups – rebels, terrorists, and pro-government militias – in Africa and Asia, 1990-2015. Rivalry levels include denouncements, threats, and violence. After presenting the data, we test the "outbidding" hypothesis: the notion that inter-organizational competition leads to more terrorism. This argument has found support in qualitative analyses, but quantitative tests using rivalry proxies show mixed results. Using our data we find support for the hypothesis. We conclude with research questions that could be addressed with the data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will analyze how the conceptualization of the term ‘Basqueness’, and the meaning of ‘being Basque’, have been instrumental in determining the way in which citizens of the Basque Autonomous Community (BAC) have chosen to identify themselves. What it means to be Basque has experienced a significant evolution from its ethnic and linguistic origins to being a matter of feeling and doing; however, the way Basque citizens felt about Basqueness, and what actions participated in Basqueness, was substantially influenced by the climate of political polarization, the appropriation by nationalism of Basque symbols and features and the violence of terrorist organization ETA, as well as the justification of its crimes. Working from the semantic theory of Brandomian inferentialism, I want to show how these factors functioned as inferential relations that constituted the meaning of Basqueness. As these inferences changed with the dissolution of ETA and the easing of political polarization, what it means to be Basque has subsequently changed its meaning, which might contribute to explaining why in recent years an increasing number of people in the BAC have incorporated Basqueness into their mixed or liminal identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

David Kahn was one of America's leading experts on the history of cryptology, the art and science of breaking the communications codes, ciphers, and secret writing of hostile nations and terrorist organizations – a vital intelligence tradecraft for anticipating potentially dangerous operations of foreign adversaries. As both a journalist and a professional historian, he pursued scholarly interests in cryptology as well as modern German history. His most well-known book, entitled The Codebreakers, influenced the field of cryptology and attracted many young readers to this intelligence profession. Kahn wrote many other studies on the topic and founded the journal Cryptologia. He received an array of honors for his work, including induction into the National Security Agency's Cryptologic Hall of Fame. In addition, Kahn was a popular social fixture at prestigious clubs in New York City and a member of several boards of editors devoted to Intelligence Studies, including this journal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first transfer of power presents unique challenges to terrorist groups. Four challenges of succession are more manifest the first time a terrorist group undergoes transition: first, a lack of precedent creates greater uncertainty about the group's ability to survive leadership change; second, where the new leader replaces a mythical founder, there is an inevitable negative comparison to the predecessor; third, the successor must prevent infighting and splintering that results when the glue that held the group together is lost; and fourth, a first successor often has to shift the source of organizational authority from charismatic leadership to a rational-bureaucratic model. This article argues that the shadow of the departing leader and his actions in preparation for power transition affect the magnitude of the challenges his successor faces. Three case studies—al-Qaeda, the Peruvian Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path), and the Abu Nidal organization—demonstrate both first succession challenges and the role of founders in shaping these challenges' magnitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study employs a bibliometric analysis of emerging trends in money laundering for terrorism financing (ML/TF) to provide direction for future research. The authors used VOSviewer and analyzed 2577 published documents retrieved from the SCOPUS database using the PRISMA methodology. The findings reveal a growing research interest in understanding the complex interplay between money laundering and terrorism financing. This research emphasizes the significance of ML/TF for economic stability, as understanding terrorism financing mechanisms allows authorities to trace and block funds going to terrorist groups, which is crucial for national security. Critical insights for policymakers underscore the need for robust legislative frameworks, effective Financial Intelligence Units (FIUs), and international collaboration to combat these global threats. This analysis offers a foundation for future research, mapping the evolving knowledge landscape in ML/TF. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorism financing poses a direct threat to South Africa's national security as well as the integrity and reputation of its financial system. Terrorism financing has the potential to finance and enable terrorist activities locally and abroad. Over and above posing a security threat, it also impacts the integrity of non-financial institutions such as charities and non-profit organizations which could be exploited, often unwittingly, for the financing of terrorism. Terrorist groups make use of multiple methods to raise move, store and/or use funds and exploit the inherent vulnerabilities of countries' regulatory, financial, law enforcement and security frameworks. Their techniques vary and depend on the sophistication and objectives of terrorists, terrorist organizations and their sympathizers. Terrorism financing investigations are usually extremely complex, particularly with regard to the identification of financiers and ultimate end-users of the generated funds. This is due to the myriad financial transaction mediums such as cash and crypto assets, the international nature of transfers between financial jurisdictions, the informal financial sector (e.g. Hawala), as well as the capacity and capability challenges faced by financial institutions, regulators, supervisory bodies and law enforcement agencies. Funds intended for terrorism related activities may be derived from legitimate as well as from illicit sources, making terrorism financing particularly difficult to detect, disrupt and prevent. The constant evolution of terrorism financing methods in response to new and increasingly sophisticated countermeasures remains a continual challenge locally and for international financial oversight bodies such as the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and its regional-style bodies. This paper will investigate and assess South Africa's vulnerability to terrorism financing and the counter-terrorist financing framework to effectively combat terrorism financing. The key issues to be appraised include an assessment of factors that contribute to SA's vulnerability to terrorism financing. A counter-terrorist financing framework adopted by SA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to build upon Ryan and Deci's self-determination theory and shows how continual neglect of an individual's psychological need for autonomy, competency, and relatedness increases their susceptibility to terrorist organizations recruiting tactics. It begins by establishing how fulfillment of these psychological needs is necessary for normal human functioning. It then explains how failing to meet these needs pushes an individual away from normal social interactions; placing them at odds with a world which they are unable to integrate with. Once sufficiently excluded from normal social functioning, the individual is highly susceptible to the promise of belonging, power, and self-realization that terror organization offers in their recruitment. The individual will begin to alter their belief systems and entirely cut themselves off from their previous lives; eventually losing themselves in a new identity which is interconnected to their terror group. The article concludes with reflections on how future research of this process can have a meaningful impact on curtailing terrorism in the United States. Public Significance Statement: Terrorism is a persistent international threat, and it presents a clear danger to societal well-being. This article illustrates how neglect of psychological needs facilitates the radicalization process for terror organizations; and in turn, places an individual at odds with the social world that they were raised in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil disorder has always plagued humanity, with violence being triggered by real or perceived grievances, rumours and speculation, and internal or external agitators. The risk to people, communities, businesses and the rule of law is not isolated to a particular country or society. The propensity for violence and how it is incited is, however, an evolving threat with the advent of the 'modern riot'. The causes of violence centre on economic and social injustice, sports- and event-related riots, a reaction to police or security forces and political unrest. As the US nears the contentious 2024 elections, the failing trust in the three branches of government combined with external global tensions and conflict, threats from domestic extremist groups, a rising acceptance of violence as a means of settling political disagreements, hostile nation actors and international terror groups that exploit societal instability create fertile conditions for widespread violence. Exacerbating these factors are the risks from artificial intelligence (AI) deepfake, rapid mass communications, the citizen journalist, prominent influencers amplifying grievances and inflammatory media reporting. This convergence of exacerbators and accelerants for political discord offers the potential for serious security risks and significant business disruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The security challenges posed by Boko Haram and its breakaway factions in the riparian states of Lake Chad have attracted plethora of academic inquiries. Comparatively less attention has been paid to the relationship between the national economic interests of the riparian states (Lake Chad oil, fish, etc.) and adopted strategies for dealing with the challenges posed by these terrorist groups. Practically, regional organizations and national governments have evolved different strategies to counter the perennial security threats and hence stabilize the region for intra- and inter-state movements, trades and development with little success. The study argued that historical antecedents among states in the Lake Chad region which appear to institutionalize centrifugal social relations and conflicting economic interests in a security-threatened region that lacked durable security interdependence feed into sustenance of Boko Haram and subsequently undermine counterinsurgency operations. Data collection was based on survey method and complemented by documentary evidence based on secondary sources. The study found out that insurgency will persist unless appropriate security infrastructure is emplaced to promote patterns of amity and economic interdependence that will entrench deeply rooted and durable security architecture in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations targeted sanctions against terrorist organizations are administrated under the Security Council Consolidated List. Apart from listing terrorist organizations and individuals that are linked to Al-Qaida, ISIL, and the Taliban, the list also includes non-terrorist entities that allegedly support listed organizations. This paper studies 7 businesses and 22 humanitarian organizations that are currently listed, resulting in two insights. First, listing these entities effectively pushes them out of business by rendering them illegal. Even when entities succeed in getting delisted, the damage is already done. Ironically, the impact on non-terrorist entities is bigger than on some terrorist organizations, who carry their listing as a badge of honor to attract recruits. Second, by comparing the UNSC consolidated list to related Interpol's Special Notices, we find that there are several inconsistencies between the lists, both in terms of the details provided and the updating of unlisted entities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world faces the ongoing challenge of terrorism and extremism, which threaten the stability of nations, the security of their citizens, and the integrity of political, economic, and social systems. Given the complexity and multifaceted nature of this phenomenon, combating it requires a collective effort, with tailored methods to address its various aspects. Identifying the terrorist organization responsible for an attack is a critical step in combating terrorism. Historical data plays a pivotal role in this process, providing insights that can inform prevention and response strategies. With advancements in technology and artificial intelligence (AI), particularly in military applications, there is growing interest in utilizing these developments to enhance national and regional security against terrorism. Central to this effort are terrorism databases, which serve as rich resources for data on armed organizations, extremist entities, and terrorist incidents. The Global Terrorism Database (GTD) stands out as one of the most widely used and accessible resources for researchers. Recent progress in machine learning (ML), deep learning (DL), and natural language processing (NLP) offers promising avenues for improving the identification and classification of terrorist organizations. This study introduces a framework designed to classify and predict terrorist groups using bidirectional recurrent units and self-attention mechanisms, referred to as BiGRU-SA. This approach utilizes the comprehensive data in the GTD by integrating textual features extracted by DistilBERT with features that show a high correlation with terrorist organizations. Additionally, the Synthetic Minority Over-sampling Technique with Tomek links (SMOTE-T) was employed to address data imbalance and enhance the robustness of our predictions. The BiGRU-SA model captures temporal dependencies and contextual information within the data. By processing data sequences in both forward and reverse directions, BiGRU-SA offers a comprehensive view of the temporal dynamics, significantly enhancing classification accuracy. To evaluate the effectiveness of our framework, we compared ten models, including six traditional ML models and four DL algorithms. The proposed BiGRU-SA framework demonstrated outstanding performance in classifying 36 terrorist organizations responsible for terrorist attacks, achieving an accuracy of 98.68%, precision of 96.06%, sensitivity of 96.83%, specificity of 99.50%, and a Matthews correlation coefficient of 97.50%. Compared to state-of-the-art methods, the proposed model outperformed others, confirming its effectiveness and accuracy in the classification and prediction of terrorist organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increased terrorist propaganda has caused greater violence worldwide. Communities are efficient channels through which terrorist organizations can access target audiences; thus, communities are playing larger roles in terrorist propaganda distribution. However, no previous studies have examined the interactions between terrorists and governments regarding terrorist propaganda in communities from a game-theoretic lens. This article aims to fill this research gap. We first classify the relationships between the communities as independent or interactive. For both cases, we describe the process of terrorist propaganda distribution in communities, highlighting the dependence of the degree of terrorist ideology within a community on the terrorist-organization and government resource allocations; based on this, we build novel sequential game models of the terrorist and the government and obtain the equilibrium solutions. Furthermore, we conduct a comparative study to elucidate the differences in the expected government losses for independent and interactive communities. The outcomes are as follows: (i) the higher the community propagation centrality, the greater the resource expenditure of the government and terrorist organization, and (ii) introducing an interaction network among communities decreases the expected government loss when the network directly destroys the distribution uniformity of the community propagation centralities. Finally, we present a case study to illustrate the usability of the proposed models. This study provides novel insights for governments targeting optimal allocation of intervention resources to communities so as to counter terrorist propaganda distributed by a strategic terrorist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although a universally accepted definition of terrorism does not yet exist, almost all researchers of this phenomenon agree that it has existed since ancient times, evolves and very skillfully adapts to the new digital age. Terrorist organizations began to feel the benefits of the Internet as soon as it appeared, especially in fast communication, which, although at first it seemed not so secure, later with the help of the encrypted platforms developed by terrorist organizations, communication not only which has become much safer, but it has given even more courage to sympathizers to join the terrorist cause and make their contribution, whether they be the so-called “worker bees” (mujaheddin/mujaheddin - the diligent ones), or join the battlefields. This paper aims to highlight how terrorists use the benefits of the developed technology especially the internet. One of the things that emerges as a challenge is precisely the role that women play in recruitment and radicalization for terrorist organizations. Namely, a woman seems to go beyond the conservative treatment in the regions where terrorism is present. Thus, terrorism begins to use all possible resources available to it. Children also become a potential target for recruitment mostly in the internet space, but also in the gaming world. Like the uneven distribution of goods, the power struggle of the great powers, and at the end of the day, systemic inequality contributes to terrorism still being treated as one of the biggest security threats in the global world.

The document is a letter to the editor titled "Trivializing Terrorists: An Exchange – The Author Replies" by Sarah G. Phillips and Nadwa al-Dawsari, responding to a critique by Jenna Jordan on their article about counterterrorism in Yemen. The authors emphasize the transformative nature of counterterrorism in Yemen and the constitutive relationship between counterterrorism measures, terrorist groups, and state actors. They argue that Yemeni expertise challenges mainstream discourses on terrorism and counterterrorism. The authors highlight the need to listen to Yemenis' perspectives on terrorism and counterterrorism to avoid dismissing their expertise and perpetuating ineffective interventions. [Extracted from the article]

The article "The Non-Trivial Accomplishments of Counterterrorists" by Jenna Jordan discusses how counterterrorism knowledge can undermine local resistance to terrorism. The authors argue that mainstream terrorism studies create limited categories that hinder effective solutions to violent extremism. They focus on Yemen to show how local discourses trivializing terrorist groups can destabilize counterterrorism practices. The article critiques existing counterterrorism literature and emphasizes the need to identify mechanisms that can improve counterterrorism strategies. [Extracted from the article]

This study aimed to explore the millennials attitudes towards Muslims and their root causes. Phenomenological approach was used to analyze the experiences of millennials towards Muslims and the root causes of their negative attitudes and perceptions. The participants in this study were the millennials. The study was conducted in Palimbang, Sultan Kudarat located along the mountainous coastal part of the province of Sultan Kudarat. Eligible roles may include but are not limited to school teachers and staff, out of school youth, registered business owner establishments, registered farmers and fishermen, livelihood program beneficiaries of Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE), and Local Government Unit employees. A total of ten (10) millennial participants voluntarily consented to participate in this study. The researchers used open-ended questions through an in-depth interview to effectively get the primary data. The study highlights themes such as trust and unpleasant experiences with a sub-theme of mistrust of differences, encounter with a Muslim, and injustice; stereotyping and terrorism perception with a sub-theme of terrorist act on media and Muslims practice terrorism; peace building with a sub-theme of no equal representation, and leader’s attitude; Muslim attributes with a sub-theme of traitor, unwelcoming, and audacious. These finding suggest that respondents' negative sentiments and attitudes towards Muslims stem from a variety of factors. First, there's an underlying theme of mistrust and differences, indicating a lack of understanding or acceptance of cultural or religious diversity. Additionally, negative encounters with Muslims, characterized as "sad encounters," seem to have contributed to the negative perceptions. Furthermore, perceptions of injustice perpetrated by Muslims, possibly in personal or societal contexts, have influenced attitudes. Media portrayal linking Muslims and Islam to terrorist acts appears to have played a significant role in shaping negative perceptions, reinforcing stereotypes and biases. Moreover, the association of Muslims with specific terrorist groups has likely fueled fear and prejudice. Lack of equal representation in elected positions suggests a systemic issue of underrepresentation, which can exacerbate feelings of marginalization or discrimination. The attitudes and behaviors of Muslim leaders also seem to have impacted respondents' perceptions, possibly indicating a lack of positive role models or leadership. Terms like "traitor," "unwelcoming," and "audacious" further highlight the negative connotations associated with Muslims, suggesting perceived betrayal, hostility, or arrogance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are few theoretical and empirical researches on sexual fluidity and sexual victimization against men inside terrorist groups. Drawing from the case of Islamic terrorists group (Boko Haram), queer theory, and discursive accounts of male survivors, NGOs and security agents, I argue that Boko Haram's rape of men and boys, whether collectively or individually, exposes their sexual fluidity. The reconstruction of acceptable sexual norms, syncretism due to the existence of same-sex subculture in Lake Chad, and hypocrisy explain their sexual variability. This study adds to the growing body of knowledge on the dynamics of sexuality and terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many governments maintain lists of terrorist groups, imposing sanctions on designated organizations. However, the logic behind designation remains unclear. Furthermore, most studies focus on Western countries. This paper develops arguments for why attack attributes, group attributes, and policy diffusion might explain proscription. Empirically, we examine hundreds of militant organizations to see which are listed by the European Union, India, Pakistan, Russia, the United Kingdom, or the United States. Generally, designation does not seem to be driven by target or attack severity. It often results from diffusion: most countries follow the United States. Islamist group motivation is also an important factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: This paper estimates the effect of exposure to terrorist violence on education. Since terrorists may choose targets endogenously, we construct a set of novel instruments. To that end, we leverage exogenous variation from a local terrorist group's revenues and its affiliation with al‐Qaeda. Across several Kenyan datasets, we find that attacks suppress school enrolment more than predicted by difference‐in‐differences‐type estimators. This indicates that terrorists target areas experiencing unobserved, positive shocks. Evidence suggests fears and concerns as mechanisms of impact, rather than educational supply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamist terrorism poses a significant threat to global security. Current prevention measures focus largely on combating terrorist financing in order to hinder terrorist organizations' ability to pay their fighters and orchestrate attacks, with the aim of weakening their structures. The banking sector in particular is subject to strict regulations that intend to increase transparency and identify suspicious transactions. However, the present study illustrates that the banking sector continues to offer opportunities for terrorist financing. Using a qualitative study of 15 presumed providers of illegal financial services and 15 compliance experts to detail how terrorist financiers abuse the financial system to fund terrorist organizations, this paper has implications for both compliance officers and regulating authorities. In particular, the perceived challenges facing those at the frontline of the banking sector in detecting and preventing terrorist financing are analyzed with the intention to establish avenues for future research and countering the financing of terrorism regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kashmir Valley is an abode to number of workers from different states and union territories of India. The present study attempt to investigate the causation of inflow of migrant workers to most highly militarized and conflict hit zone in the world. The study is based purely on secondary data. The migration data has been related to civilian fatalities because the fatalities of civilians create more fear of insecurity among the masses than the military causalities normally in conflicting zone. Simple statistical tools of growth and CGAR has been used to show the trend of both the migrants and civilian fatalities over more than three decades along with major massacres occurred during the period under study. The study found that despite several massacres and individual civilian killings in the conflict hit Jammu and Kashmir the migrant workers didn't stopped coming to this conflicting zone except after the abrogation of article 370 when a new trend of targeted killing started on out of state migrant workers which hitherto was not visible. It is only after abrogation of said article the migrant workers started out flowing from the UT especially Kashmir valley temporarily when spate of attacks were carried out by Terrorist groups with fear of demographic change. The main reason behind the in-migration of workers in spite of having conflicting zone are lack of economic opportunities at their place of origin and better wages and community support at the destination place. It is also revealed by study that livelihood is paramount to security for the migrant workers. The workers are ready to take risky employment to feed their dependents than caring about their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the subject of religious cyberterrorism, which is remains relevant in the contemporary discourse. The author underlines the possibility for terrorist organizations to form "sleeper cells" and "lone wolves" who can be deployed at any time to complete their missions. The article outlines religious terrorist organizations' goals and propaganda methods, as well as countermeasures and counter-propaganda strategies. The relationship between their goals and propaganda tactics, information, and psychological methods of persuasion employed by propagandists is examined. The purpose of this article is to examine the information strategy of terrorist group propagandists aimed at recruiting new combatants, as well as a qualitative examination of legal, technical, and counter-propaganda methods adopted by various governments throughout the world to counteract terrorist propaganda. The author lists countermeasures and evaluates each one's effectiveness. China is used as an example, as it is now the most effective in technological terms, despite criticism from human rights groups. As part of a counter-agitation approach, the experience of getting clergy to dispute terrorist organizations' religious doctrine is explored. It is concluded that, notwithstanding the defeat of ISIS, the problem of opposing religious terrorist propaganda operations remains relevant today. The most essential feature of the article is the investigation of this subject within the context of Kazakhstan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, relations between Türkiye and the US have been influenced by periodic developments and can become strong or fragile at times. In this context, relations between Türkiye and the US have been dragged into a deep crisis due to the presence of the PKK/PYD/YPG in northern Syria and the US’s support for these groups. Türkiye views the PYD/YPG as an extension of the PKK, considering it a terrorist organization and a direct threat to its national security. The existence and activities of these terrorist organizations raise serious concerns for Türkiye’s security. The US supports this group by rebranding it as the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and describing it as the most effective ground force against DAESH. This situation has damaged relations between the two NATO allies, leading to diplomatic crises and regional strategic incompatibilities. Türkiye’s cross- border operations and the US’s support for the PYD/YPG are the most significant points of tension overshadowing the common interests of the two states. Despite these challenges, Türkiye and the US have the potential to protect their common interests in the fight against terrorism and regional security issues. This study analyzes how Türkiye’s policies in Syria have been shaped by US support for the PYD/YPG and how the tensions in this context have affected the strategic goals of both countries. Türkiye’s national security strategies and cooperation dynamics with the US can be reshaped through diplomatic negotiations and strategic cooperation mechanisms. In this context, relations can progress on a more constructive basis if both parties act with mutual understanding and flexibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the post-9/11 event has animated how state actors frame terrorism, contemporary studies have failed to address the politics inherent in proscribing, repressing, and labeling separatist movements as terrorists. This paper explores the politics of framing terrorism using the contemporary self-determination struggles advanced by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and the Yoruba Nation's freedom frontiers. The study proposes a United Nations-coordinated global framework for regulating and evaluating states' activities in identifying specific groups as terrorists. Taking such a stance would prevent aggrieved agitators from being persecuted by the state in the name of terror. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically tests the impact of terrorism and counter‐terrorism on voting by focusing on the two 2015 general elections in Turkey ‐ and the 2011 general election. This period offers a unique case because, after the first election, the ongoing peace process between the incumbent party (AKP), the political party associated with the perpetrators (pro‐Kurdish political party, HDP), and the imprisoned leader of the terrorist organization (PKK) was canceled. Instead, terror attacks recurred and curfews were implemented as counter‐terrorism measures. This enables the impact of curfews and terror attacks on electoral outcomes to be analysed in a difference‐in‐differences setting. Terror attacks are estimated to reduce the incumbent's vote share by 3.2% points, while increasing the vote share of the party associated with the perpetrators by 3.6% points. Curfews are estimated to cancel out the impact of terror attacks in attacked municipalities and decrease the incumbent's vote share by 4.7% points in non‐attacked municipalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an assumption that the COVID-19 pandemic will reduce the number of acts of terrorism. However, that opinion has yet to be proven in Indonesia. Acts of terrorism continue to grow despite the COVID-19 pandemic limiting human activities. Various acts of terror, both physical and non-physical, through social media occur. Even the campaign of terrorism through cyberspace is increasingly massive and difficult to contain. This phenomenon is interesting to study, significantly how Indonesia's COVID-19 pandemic impacts counter-terrorism measures. To answer this question, data through internet searches on counter-terrorism programs from the National Agency for Counter-terrorism in Indonesia and related institutions are explored. Researchers also interviewed officials from the National Counter-terrorism Agency and former terrorism offenders. The results showed that the COVID-19 pandemic affected Indonesia's counter-terrorism strategy. First, the campaign of terrorist groups that are rife in the mass media is addressed by counter-narrative through social media. Second, there has been a shift in counter-terrorism efforts from a hard approach to a soft approach. Third, there is increasing Pentahelix synergy in countering terrorism in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even after the demise of its territorial caliphate in 2019, ISIS persists as a potent threat, adapting to new technologies and maintaining its status as an active insurgency. Amidst the backdrop of the terror group's demonstrated resilience, this paper examines its practice of (de)legitimation and language of persuasion through a multimodal argumentation analysis. It combines the argumentation strategies (topoi) proposed by Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) and tools from Social Semiotics with argumentation theories, achieved through a comprehensive enthymematic deconstruction of arguments in ISIS's e-magazine, Dabiq. The findings reveal four interrelated sets of plausibly inferable premises, namely, advantage and disadvantage; threat and obligation; negative consequence and history; and authority and Shariah law. These premises fall within broad social, political, historical, and religious categories and are deliberately crafted to lend support to ISIS's desired conclusions, aimed at systematically altering the addressees' state of knowledge and eventually eliciting acceptance from the intended public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some terrorist groups cooperate with criminal organizations? This behavior is puzzling because there are reputational reasons for each of these kinds of groups to avoid the other, yet such cooperation seems to be increasingly common. The growing literature on the "crime-terror-nexus" examines terrorist-criminal cooperation, but questions remain. We discuss relevant research, and present hypotheses. Analysis of nearly 400 terrorist organizations using a newly-coded measure of inter-organizational cooperation suggests that certain types of terrorist groups are more likely to work with organized crime: those that are involved in the drug trade, cooperate with other terrorist groups, are older, or are more lethal. These relationships are robust. We also find some evidence that the crime-terror nexus is more likely for groups that have state sponsors, have larger memberships, operate in more capable countries, or operate in less-democratic countries. There is also some evidence that ethnically-motivated terrorist groups are less likely to cooperate with organized crime. Interestingly, there is little or no support for the idea that the nexus is related to territorial control or religious ideology. These findings go against some previous research and suggest steps for future analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study examined the validity of the forced choice test (FCT) in a forensic scenario when used to detect concealment of semantic memory (SM-FCT). We also compared the SM-FCT validity to the FCT validity in the more commonly investigated episodic memory scenario (EM-FCT). In simulating a scenario of investigating suspected members of a terror organization, 277 students were asked to deceptively deny being enrolled in a college in which they do actually study. Results indicated that the SM-FCT's validity level was within the range of the EM-FCTs' validity levels. Theoretically, the results support a cognitive-based explanation for the FCT operation mechanism. Practically, they imply that FCT can be used in criminal or intelligence investigations of suspected members of terrorist or criminal organizations or suspected perpetrators of illegal acts or acts of terrorism, in which the incriminating evidence being sought is in the realm of designated semantic memory or knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research suggests that members of terrorist groups prioritize forming network ties based on trust to improve their organizational and operational security. The homophily principle, which postulates that individuals tend to form relationships based on shared characteristics, can be a key mechanism through which people identify trustworthy associates. Next to homophily, the mechanism of establishing interconnected relationships through transitivity is also well-known to serve this purpose and shape community structures in social networks. We analyze the community structures of the Islamist co-offending network in the United States, which is highly violent, to assess whether homophily and transitivity determine which extremists form co-offending ties. We rely on a new database on the individual attributes and the co-offending relationships of 494 Islamist offenders radicalized in the United States between 1993 and 2020. Using community detection algorithms, we show that the US Islamist co-offending network is highly clustered, modular, and includes many small but only a few large communities. Furthermore, results from exponential random graph modeling show that transitive relationships as well as spatial proximity, ideological affiliation, and shared socio-cultural characteristics drive co-offending among US Islamist extremists. Overall, these findings demonstrate that the processes of homophily and transitivity shape violent social networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The typical threats to human security such as terrorism and insurgency as witnessed in Nigeria have attracted global attention. However, the security implications of climate change as they impact terrorism are of increasing relevance to international peace and security. Since the inception of Boko Haram in Nigeria in 2009, more than 40,000 people have been killed by the terrorist group and over two million displaced from their homes. The group has at various points cashed in on the drastic effects of climate change to recruit foot soldiers, male and female alike, and their operations have continued to have devastating impacts on the security of lives and socio-economic development of Nigeria. This study, therefore, examined the impact of climate change on Boko Haram's recruitment drive in Nigeria. It adopted Delanda's account of assemblages and social complexity to draw the connections between climate change, terrorism and Boko Haram's recruitment in Nigeria. The study relied largely on data from secondary sources collected through the documentary method. It examined how climate change-induced environmental stress such as drought, desertification and shrinkage of Lake Chad create conditions that enable the recruitment of terrorists. It argued that climate change has exacerbated the loss or collapse of rural livelihoods in Nigeria's northeast, heightening affected populations' vulnerability to recruitment by Boko Haram. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "Social Origins of Terrorism: An Exchange – The Author Replies" by Josh Tschantret is a response to Paul Staniland's comments on Tschantret's previous article on the social origins of modern terrorism. Staniland raises questions about the conceptual framework and empirical strategy of Tschantret's article, highlighting the ambiguity of the conceptual network and the difficulty of establishing a causal relationship between civic associationism and terrorism. Tschantret responds by defending the article's departure from mainstream terrorism research and proposing possible research strategies to better isolate causal factors. Tschantret also discusses the theoretical narrative that civic associationism contributed to terrorism's emergence and suggests that grievance and relative deprivation play a significant role in radicalization. The article concludes by emphasizing the need for further investigation into political violence and the foundations of terrorism research. [Extracted from the article]

This article by Joshua Tschantret explores the social origins of modern terrorism, specifically focusing on the role of civic associations in facilitating terrorist activities. Tschantret argues that civic associations, such as the YMCA, generate social and human capital that increase the ability and motivation of marginalized individuals to form small terrorist groups. Using a global dataset of cities from 1860-1945, Tschantret finds that terrorism often followed the establishment of YMCA branches, particularly in the context of civil wars. However, there are some theoretical tensions in the article, such as the relationship between social solidarity and political objectives in terrorism. Overall, this article provides valuable insights into the social preconditions and historical evolution of urban terrorism, but further research is needed to fully understand the complex dynamics at play. [Extracted from the article]

Al-Shabaab is swiftly becoming the most lethal terrorist organization in the Horn of Africa. Somalia has been one of the most victims of Al-Shabaab terrorist attacks for the last two decades. However, Al-Shabaab's threats and attacks extend beyond Somalia, targeting neighboring countries like Ethiopia and Kenya as key targets. Al-Shabaab's threat to and counter-terrorism efforts in Somalia received substantial policy and academic attention, whereas Ethiopia and Kenya's vulnerability and experience, as well as their counter-terrorism strategies, have received less attention. Thus, the purpose of this article is to assess Ethiopia and Kenya's experience and vulnerability to Al-Shabaab's threats and attacks and their counter-terrorism strategies from a comparative perspective. The article employed a qualitative desktop review, utilizing secondary sources. The findings indicate that Ethiopia and Kenya have varying levels of experience and vulnerabilities to Al-Shabaab's threats and attacks. Although both countries have been fighting Al-Shabaab for over two decades, Kenya has faced more threats and attacks than Ethiopia. Ethiopia, despite being equally targeted by Al-Shabaab, has a better track record of combating Al- Shabaab terrorist attacks and threats compared to Kenya. This article argues that Ethiopia's superior deterrence of Al-Shabaab can be attributed, among other factors, to its effective counter-terrorism strategies. Over the past two decades, Ethiopia's counter-terrorism strategies have resulted in fewer terrorist attacks. In contrast, Kenya's counter-terrorism strategies have not led to a decrease in the number of Al-Shabaab terrorist attacks. The Kenyan counterterrorism efforts are deemed ineffective when compared to the number of Al- Shabaab strikes carried out in Ethiopia. Thus, this article concludes that Ethiopia is considered a more successful counter-terrorism case study than Kenya. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to prevent and fight terrorism, a new research area has developed called terrorist financing. An important aspect is the financing of terrorism by Non-Profit Organization (NPO), through transfer funds, terrorist alliances, abuse of NPOs, terrorist recruitment, and false NPOs and agents. Therefore, the NPO counter-terrorist financing strategy was established, considering four major aspects: warning information indicators, internal management mechanisms, international cooperation and information sharing, and counter-terrorist Financing legislation. This paper provides a new way to supervise the terrorist financing of NPOs. First, actual cases should be collected, and viable warning indicators for regulatory agencies and NPOs should be established. Second, internal management mechanisms should be strengthened to actively prevent terrorist activities within NPOs. Third, given the global activity of NPOs and terrorist organizations, information-led international cooperation must be emphasized. Fourth, from the angle of independent counter-terrorist Financing legislation, the gap should be filled in NPO counter-terrorist Financing legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Granting amnesty to perpetrators of gross human rights is becoming a re-emerging phenomenon in Africa. Nigeria is currently witnessing unprecedented threats of violent extremism unleashed by terrorist groups; despite efforts to curb such acts, there has been little or no success. One such counter-terrorism measure has been the grant of amnesty to the Boko-haram terrorist group. Gauging the effectiveness of such a policy is of great importance to the survival of democratic principles. The article explores the Nigerian debate around amnesty. It argues that these debates need to evaluate the substance of the rule of law and ensure that impunity is not entrenched in achieving 'peace' without justice. There is a need for the executive to justify, explain and defend decisions on the grant of amnesty. Giving such explanations will allow for the public greater participation in security matters. The grant of amnesty to 'repentant' terrorists has not effectively facilitated law enforcement agencies' disruption of terrorism in Nigeria. Inclusive decision-making process around amnesty must be invoked to have efficient amnesty program in Nigeria and safeguard the rule of law. Public debates on granting amnesty be encouraged, taking into cognisance the consequences of not prosecuting violators of gross human rights abuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prison radicalization poses a significant and evolving threat in Bangladesh's correctional facilities. This research article delves into the conditions fostering radicalization, including corruption, overcrowding, violence, and the lack of essential amenities. Drawing on extensive analysis of secondary data and expert interviews, this article argues that these conducive conditions have transformed Bangladeshi prisons into breeding grounds for radical ideologies, allowing militants to establish networks and plan attacks within and beyond prison confines. This article also points out the transformation of prisoners, even those with minimal radical tendencies, into militant leaders, along with the shift of non‐radical individuals toward extremism. Moreover, it underscores the lack of de‐radicalization programs within the current prison system as a crucial gap in countering this escalating issue. Furthermore, the research identifies societal denial, limited post‐release opportunities, and mistreatment by security forces as factors exacerbating radicalization post‐incarceration. As such, this study emphasizes the urgent need for comprehensive strategies to address prison radicalization. Related Articles: Awan, Imran. 2012. "'I Am a Muslim Not an Extremist': How the Prevent Strategy Has Constructed a 'Suspect' Community." Politics & Policy 40(6): 1158–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00397.x. Heinmiller, B. Timothy, Matthew A. Hennigar, and Sandra Kopec. 2017. "Degenerative Politics and Youth Criminal Justice Policy in Canada." Politics & Policy 45(3): 406–31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12204. Spalek, Basia. 2010. "Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to 'New Terrorism.'" Politics & Policy 38(4): 789–815. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00258.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]