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We describe and reflect on a rapid qualitative survey approach called "Broad Brush Survey" (BBS) used in six community-randomized trials (CRTs)/studies in Zambia and South Africa (2004–2018) to document, compare, classify, and communicate community features systematically for public health and multidisciplinary research ends. BBS is based on a set sequence of participatory qualitative methods and fieldwork carried out prior to a CRT intervention and/or research by social scientists to generate rapid community profiles using four key indicators: physical features, social organization, networks, and community narratives. Profiling makes apparent similarities and differences, enabling comparison across communities and can be facilitated by an ideal model of open-closed systems. Findings have provided practical outputs (e.g., community profiles) and academic opportunities (e.g., community typologies). The BBS approach enables complex social landscapes to be incorporated in CRTs. This method has proven to be useful, adaptable and to have multidisciplinary appeal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labour migrants with uncertain permissions to remain in a new country are especially vulnerable to exploitation. Based on interviews with Filipino domestic workers, this paper explores the variation in migrants' reaction to their present circumstance. Their response to injustice or neglect may fall anywhere along a continuum from abject resignation to aggressive activism. Our discussion concerns the capability of the context in which the migrant's response unfolds. We ask: what could happen here? In this context, what kind of response makes better sense? But the answer changes according to the migrant's focus. In the narrow context of this place at this time activism may not be feasible and what looks like resignation the only option. But if the context of response is expanded to include remittances which will send children to school or parents to hospital; and to visions of a better future back in the home country, then its capability changes. Resignation in the present maybe a strategy actively directed toward future goals. In this light resignation and activism are not fixed and opposite responses. The individual migrant combines them to match the capability of the context in which she defines herself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To my reading this book has two aspects, severally represented by its main title and sub-title, and the first is very much more exciting than the second. This may be [...]

The history of anthropology is a growing field of study within the discipline itself. Our series 'Key Informants on the History of Anthropology' contributes to the discussion of how anthropology, as it is understood and practised today, evolved and took shape. In the following invited contribution Sandra Wallman uses her experience of fieldwork in the Italian Alps in the 1970s to reflect on the essential fuzziness of our categorial boundaries—between then and now, us and them, participant and observer, etc. Professor Sandra Wallman has also done fieldwork in Lesotho, London, Turin, Uganda and Zambia. She has worked in the universities of Amsterdam, Bristol, LSE, Stockholm and Toronto. From 1993 to 1997 she was chair of the (GB) Association of Social Anthropologists. Widely published on a range of contemporary issues, her books include Take out Hunger (1969), Eight London Households (1984), Kampala Women Getting By (1996), and the edited volumes Perceptions of Development (1977), Ethnicity at Work (1979), Social Anthropology of Work (1979), and Contemporary Futures (1992). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The middle ground of risk is less well developed than broader considerations at policy level and fine-tuned individual perception and behaviour at micro level. The sex industry in particular is increasingly portrayed as a global phenomenon and, alternatively, within the context of interpersonal relationships. This article explores a middle-level analysis of threats and risk-taking behaviour. It draws attention to important distinctions between danger, risk and no risk and locates these in a discussion of sex work among migrant women in mainland Europe. The work of a non-governmental foundation, TAMPEP, in supporting migrant sex workers in managing the range of personal risks they encounter, is outlined. Two findings are underlined: that a sense of control over threat is prerequisite to dealing with risk; and that it is on the ground, in local context, that control must be and can be negotiated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The clinical association between HIV and other sexually transmitted disease is accepted medical wisdom and it is widely recognised, even among those persons most at risk, that the same behaviours are implicated in the spread of both infections. How is it then that sexually transmitted disease remains a life-threatening problem in so many areas? One answer is that too little attention is paid to social and cultural risk factors embedded in the context of ordinary people's lives; that reduction of health risk is never a matter of 'simple' behaviour change. This article sets out the interaction of risk factors in the context of a low-income Kampala parish. It demonstrates the logic of 'risk' patterns in the management of sexually transmitted disease-not only of delaying or avoiding treatment altogether, but also of the common first recourse to self-prescription and home treatment, and of the preference for traditional over Western options. These choices are made by people who are aware of the risks to health and life associated with venereal infections, and who 'know' that biomedicine administered in the nearby hospital is optimal in their treatment. The anomaly is explained by the fact that sexually transmitted disease and the risk of HIV are never the only things they have to worry about. The specifics of this case show that external efforts to control HIV/AIDS will be improved by sensitivity to other-than-health risks inherent in the context of sexually transmitted disease treatment/non-treatment choices. The observation that health and life may be put at risk for reasons having little to do with poverty and/or ignorance has general application in the prevention of other diseases and the design of more appropriate intervention programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Europe, as well as in Africa, HIV-related studies of women tend to focus on narrowly-defined professional, behavioral, or reproductive categories. The research population for this study of symptom definition and treatment-seeking among women in Kampala, Uganda, was defined only by residence in one low-income “parish” of that city. Its practical justification is the association of STD and HIV: effective treatment of (curable) STD can reduce the risk of HIV infection.STD and AIDS, however prevalent, are never the only things ordinary people have to worry about; their capacity for preventing, managing, or explaining infection is dependent on the range of other things that may be happening in their lives. An analyst-observer's view is by contrast narrower, and the context of scientific understanding is different. This paper sets out an approach that stresses the differences between “real people” knowledge and scientific or professional knowledge about the problem, and between practical and symbolic levels of context. In the light of this approach the seeming chaos of what these women do—or do not do—about getting treatment for STD becomes intelligible.I conclude that the contingency of context and the gap between “real” and “scientific” understanding combine to account for the normal inconsistency of social data, and that the proper use of a context perspective renders these data intelligible. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Deals with the problems of rural development in Lesotho in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Failure of development projects in the country; Economic problems facing the country; Characteristics of countries suffering from the non-development syndrome.