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1. Introduction PowerPoint is the most widely used presentation software tool. As of 2012, PowerPoint had more than 200 million presenters worldwide. Presenters all over the world use the program. Some use it for university teaching, others for business meetings and some even use PowerPoint to deliver a sermon. But the program doesn’t always seem to be used to the satisfaction of the audience. In many critical articles, presenters are accused of using too many words on their slides and too often looking at the projection instead of keeping eye contact with the audience. Some authors also criticize the program itself for what they see as a negative influence on presentations. If these critical observations are valid, then PowerPoint presentations don’t conform to the advice given in instruction books nor to the outcome of research into human information processing. This advice usually proposes the use of minimal text on slides, and instead using pictures or other graphics. This would help the audience process the information. In addition, the instruction book stress the importance of maintaining eye contact with the audience. It is remarkable that the program is so frequently used, while it is so often criticized for what seem to be valid reasons. There has been some research into PowerPoint use in the classroom, investigating the effects on student appreciation and grades. Much of this research does not describe how nor why the program is used in these situations. The critical articles on PowerPoint are mainly based on personal experiences and not on research. So there has not been much empirical evidence that presenters actually do use too many words or that they look too often at the projection, nor has the influence of PowerPoint on the presentation been established. In addition it is not clear why so many presenters don’t seem to follow the advice in instruction books, which say to use a minimum amount of text on a slide and which stress the importance of maintaining eye contact with the audience. This dissertation focuses on the role of the presenter. It investigates how presenters use PowerPoint and if they are guilty of the negative behavior mentioned above. If they are guilty, what are the reasons they use PowerPoint in this way? Some authors have suggested that presenters use PowerPoint not only for the benefit of the audience, but that they also use the words on the slides as speaking notes. In particular, presenters suffering from speaking anxiety might be afraid of being “lost for words” or forgetting the structure of their presentation. They would then be able to turn to the text on the slides as support. This dissertation will investigate the possible role of speaking anxiety and how it affects PowerPoint usage. The research looks at the use of PowerPoint by scholars presenting conference papers. Conferences play a central role in the network of scientific communication and are important for a researcher’s profile. The majority of scholars present their work at conferences several times a year and these presentations can be demanding and challenging. In contrast with writing and publishing a paper, conferences allow scholars to interact with an audience of their peers who will evaluate their work by posing critical questions. Challenging exposure of this kind might well engender or increase speaking anxiety in the presenter. Clearly there is a need for empirical research on PowerPoint use, research focused on the program’s use in delivering scholarly presentations. Questions to be answered by the research include: • How do scholars use PowerPoint? • Why do scholars use PowerPoint in the way that they do? • Does speaking anxiety influence the way that scholars use PowerPoint? • Does PowerPoint influence the quality of presentations? This thesis studies the use of PowerPoint in a real life setting and looks at presentations as being complex interactions among slides, presenter behavior and audience. An overview of the different elements regarding the presenter, his/her background, the presentation, the presenter’s behavior and the PowerPoint program itself can be found in Figure I. 2. Method There is a literature review and three empirical studies. The literature review compares the program with its predecessors and describes the software, slide design and the user’s presentation behavior, focusing on the interaction of these elements. Instruction books and articles on PowerPoint, criticism and empirical research on the topics of slide design, presentation behavior and its effects on audiences are discussed. In the first empirical study, fifteen scientific presentations of language scientists are analyzed on the use of text and pictures on the slides. The physical and verbal behavior of the presenter has also been studied, specifically investigating how often presenters look at the projection and if they verbally introduce a slide. Furthermore the relation between the slides and the presenter’s behavior has been analyzed. The second empirical study employs interviews with scholars about their reasons for PowerPoint use. It distinguishes between first-year PhD students (beginners) and advanced, prize winning scholars from different disciplines of science (humanities, physical science, social science and medical science). Special attention is given to the acquisition of PowerPoint skills. The third study consists of a survey using social scientists and focuses on the influence of speaking anxiety on the use of PowerPoint. It tests if speaking anxiety causes presenters to spend more time on preparing and rehearsing the presentation, and analyzes the possible relationships among speaking anxiety, time spent on preparing and rehearsing a presentation, and the use of words on a slide. 3. Results Certain characteristics of PowerPoint such as its default-settings and the ability to use slides on the Internet and as handouts may tempt the presenter to increase the amount of text on slides. These choices, however, are not necessary, and are decisions made by the presenter. The scholars in our study used a relatively large number of words when compared to what instruction books advise (a maximum of 20 to 36 words per slide, depending on the author). An average number of 35 (language scientists) and 50 (social scientists) per slide was found. Many of the scholars used a small number of pictures (depending on the scientific discipline). Presenters look on average 73 times at the projection during their presentation of 20 minutes (more than three times a minute). Looking at the projection to indicate a new slide or ‘new’ elements on a slide seems to be characteristic for the use of PowerPoint. Presenters turn away from the audience and break eye-contact, something which is considered negative in making presentations. The critics of PowerPoint clearly have a point when they complain about the high number of words on the slides and about presenters looking towards the projection. There are differences, however, between beginning and advanced presenters. Beginners use more than twice as many words per minute than advanced presenters and only half as many pictures. In maintaining contact with the audience there is also a difference between beginning and advanced scholars. Advanced presenters often like to present without the use of PowerPoint because this allows more contact with their audience. Some scholars say that they use the text on the slides as speaking notes. Many have also said that they use pictures almost exclusively for the benefit of the audience. Beginners probably use more text and fewer pictures because they suffer more from speaking anxiety than advanced presenters. They might be more concerned with their own performance. Advanced scholars on the other hand have indicated that they have their audience in mind when preparing and delivering a presentation. Speaking anxiety, in an indirect way, also plays a role in the number of words used on the slides. Anxious presenters spend more time rehearsing the presentation; this is related to the number of words used on the slides. Scholars often seem to lack knowledge about how to use PowerPoint in an appropriate manner. Instead of receiving training in using PowerPoint, they learn to present with the program by experimenting and by observing colleagues and designing slides on the basis of common sense, which is often against the advice in instruction books. Moreover some scholars erroneously think that PowerPoint makes rhetorical skills redundant. 4. Conclusions The concept of “performance” seems to be appropriate in describing all the elements that matter in the presentation itself: speech, animated slides, working with projections, physical motion and maintaining eye contact with the audience. Presenters need an understanding of how audiences process different sources of information, and they must then be able to orchestrate their presentation skills in appropriate ways. If we look at PowerPoint presentations as performances, we can see that presenters must be designers, actors and directors at the same time. It is clear that PowerPoint elicits behavior that is not always consistent with what is considered to be good presentation form. This, however, is not the fault of the program. The apparent user friendliness of PowerPoint might disguise the fact that presentations with the program are in fact complex. It is not PowerPoint itself which causes some bad presentations, but the choices and behavior of the presenters who must deal with all the new possibilities and requirements inherent in this program. Presenters should be educated in appropriate slide design. They also should be taught how to direct the attention of the audience. It is not sufficient to teach presenters how they should design and present their slides, however, if they aren’t helped to learn how to reduce their speaking anxiety in ways other than using the PowerPoint slides as support. This thesis suggests ways of teaching these skills

1. Introduction PowerPoint is the most widely used presentation software tool. As of 2012, PowerPoint had more than 200 million presenters worldwide. Presenters all over the world use the program. Some use it for university teaching, others for business meetings and some even use PowerPoint to deliver a sermon. But the program doesn’t always seem to be used to the satisfaction of the audience. In many critical articles, presenters are accused of using too many words on their slides and too often looking at the projection instead of keeping eye contact with the audience. Some authors also criticize the program itself for what they see as a negative influence on presentations. If these critical observations are valid, then PowerPoint presentations don’t conform to the advice given in instruction books nor to the outcome of research into human information processing. This advice usually proposes the use of minimal text on slides, and instead using pictures or other graphics. This would help the audience process the information. In addition, the instruction book stress the importance of maintaining eye contact with the audience. It is remarkable that the program is so frequently used, while it is so often criticized for what seem to be valid reasons. There has been some research into PowerPoint use in the classroom, investigating the effects on student appreciation and grades. Much of this research does not describe how nor why the program is used in these situations. The critical articles on PowerPoint are mainly based on personal experiences and not on research. So there has not been much empirical evidence that presenters actually do use too many words or that they look too often at the projection, nor has the influence of PowerPoint on the presentation been established. In addition it is not clear why so many presenters don’t seem to follow the advice in instruction books, which say to use a minimum amount of text on a slide and which stress the importance of maintaining eye contact with the audience. This dissertation focuses on the role of the presenter. It investigates how presenters use PowerPoint and if they are guilty of the negative behavior mentioned above. If they are guilty, what are the reasons they use PowerPoint in this way? Some authors have suggested that presenters use PowerPoint not only for the benefit of the audience, but that they also use the words on the slides as speaking notes. In particular, presenters suffering from speaking anxiety might be afraid of being “lost for words” or forgetting the structure of their presentation. They would then be able to turn to the text on the slides as support. This dissertation will investigate the possible role of speaking anxiety and how it affects PowerPoint usage. The research looks at the use of PowerPoint by scholars presenting conference papers. Conferences play a central role in the network of scientific communication and are important for a researcher’s profile. The majority of scholars present their work at conferences several times a year and these presentations can be demanding and challenging. In contrast with writing and publishing a paper, conferences allow scholars to interact with an audience of their peers who will evaluate their work by posing critical questions. Challenging exposure of this kind might well engender or increase speaking anxiety in the presenter. Clearly there is a need for empirical research on PowerPoint use, research focused on the program’s use in delivering scholarly presentations. Questions to be answered by the research include: • How do scholars use PowerPoint? • Why do scholars use PowerPoint in the way that they do? • Does speaking anxiety influence the way that scholars use PowerPoint? • Does PowerPoint influence the quality of presentations? This thesis studies the use of PowerPoint in a real life setting and looks at presentations as being complex interactions among slides, presenter behavior and audience. An overview of the different elements regarding the presenter, his/her background, the presentation, the presenter’s behavior and the PowerPoint program itself can be found in Figure I. 2. Method There is a literature review and three empirical studies. The literature review compares the program with its predecessors and describes the software, slide design and the user’s presentation behavior, focusing on the interaction of these elements. Instruction books and articles on PowerPoint, criticism and empirical research on the topics of slide design, presentation behavior and its effects on audiences are discussed. In the first empirical study, fifteen scientific presentations of language scientists are analyzed on the use of text and pictures on the slides. The physical and verbal behavior of the presenter has also been studied, specifically investigating how often presenters look at the projection and if they verbally introduce a slide. Furthermore the relation between the slides and the presenter’s behavior has been analyzed. The second empirical study employs interviews with scholars about their reasons for PowerPoint use. It distinguishes between first-year PhD students (beginners) and advanced, prize winning scholars from different disciplines of science (humanities, physical science, social science and medical science). Special attention is given to the acquisition of PowerPoint skills. The third study consists of a survey using social scientists and focuses on the influence of speaking anxiety on the use of PowerPoint. It tests if speaking anxiety causes presenters to spend more time on preparing and rehearsing the presentation, and analyzes the possible relationships among speaking anxiety, time spent on preparing and rehearsing a presentation, and the use of words on a slide. 3. Results Certain characteristics of PowerPoint such as its default-settings and the ability to use slides on the Internet and as handouts may tempt the presenter to increase the amount of text on slides. These choices, however, are not necessary, and are decisions made by the presenter. The scholars in our study used a relatively large number of words when compared to what instruction books advise (a maximum of 20 to 36 words per slide, depending on the author). An average number of 35 (language scientists) and 50 (social scientists) per slide was found. Many of the scholars used a small number of pictures (depending on the scientific discipline). Presenters look on average 73 times at the projection during their presentation of 20 minutes (more than three times a minute). Looking at the projection to indicate a new slide or ‘new’ elements on a slide seems to be characteristic for the use of PowerPoint. Presenters turn away from the audience and break eye-contact, something which is considered negative in making presentations. The critics of PowerPoint clearly have a point when they complain about the high number of words on the slides and about presenters looking towards the projection. There are differences, however, between beginning and advanced presenters. Beginners use more than twice as many words per minute than advanced presenters and only half as many pictures. In maintaining contact with the audience there is also a difference between beginning and advanced scholars. Advanced presenters often like to present without the use of PowerPoint because this allows more contact with their audience. Some scholars say that they use the text on the slides as speaking notes. Many have also said that they use pictures almost exclusively for the benefit of the audience. Beginners probably use more text and fewer pictures because they suffer more from speaking anxiety than advanced presenters. They might be more concerned with their own performance. Advanced scholars on the other hand have indicated that they have their audience in mind when preparing and delivering a presentation. Speaking anxiety, in an indirect way, also plays a role in the number of words used on the slides. Anxious presenters spend more time rehearsing the presentation; this is related to the number of words used on the slides. Scholars often seem to lack knowledge about how to use PowerPoint in an appropriate manner. Instead of receiving training in using PowerPoint, they learn to present with the program by experimenting and by observing colleagues and designing slides on the basis of common sense, which is often against the advice in instruction books. Moreover some scholars erroneously think that PowerPoint makes rhetorical skills redundant. 4. Conclusions The concept of “performance” seems to be appropriate in describing all the elements that matter in the presentation itself: speech, animated slides, working with projections, physical motion and maintaining eye contact with the audience. Presenters need an understanding of how audiences process different sources of information, and they must then be able to orchestrate their presentation skills in appropriate ways. If we look at PowerPoint presentations as performances, we can see that presenters must be designers, actors and directors at the same time. It is clear that PowerPoint elicits behavior that is not always consistent with what is considered to be good presentation form. This, however, is not the fault of the program. The apparent user friendliness of PowerPoint might disguise the fact that presentations with the program are in fact complex. It is not PowerPoint itself which causes some bad presentations, but the choices and behavior of the presenters who must deal with all the new possibilities and requirements inherent in this program. Presenters should be educated in appropriate slide design. They also should be taught how to direct the attention of the audience. It is not sufficient to teach presenters how they should design and present their slides, however, if they aren’t helped to learn how to reduce their speaking anxiety in ways other than using the PowerPoint slides as support. This thesis suggests ways of teaching these skills

Thesis Summary Spatial information in public consultation within Environmental Impact Assessments Angela N. Mwenda Established in the United States of America in 1970, Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) is an interdisciplinary approach that considers the anticipated impacts of development on the environment, and proposes timely mitigation of these impacts to the extent possible. Since then, EIA has continued to be established in countries worldwide, with modifications being made to suit regional and local requirements. Essential to EIA is an attempt to balance environmental concerns with social, economic and other human needs, which has led to partnership with society, to the extent that public participation is deeply incorporated into EIA. Also central to the EIA process is information related to the natural and human environment. Sources of this information, particularly those that contain spatial elements, are valuable due to their ability to provide information on location. Sources of spatial information are numerous, and may include photographs, maps, satellite images, orthophotographs, verbal descriptions, animations, and virtual reality, among others. Despite its innovative presentation of project-relevant information and communication function during public participation, debate exists on the value of spatial information to EIA. For example, high levels of visual realism may hinder the interpretation of spatial information, while high costs, and technical demands may cause certain types of spatial information to be inaccessible to a large number of stakeholders. These challenges are not unique to any one country, and have also been observed in developing countries, where, in addition to a deficiency of information, less developed and poorly enforced legislative, administrative, institutional and procedural frameworks for EIA intensify the challenges. For example, despite an official recommendation for the use of spatial information during public participation within EIA in Kenya, whether this happens, and the extent, was largely undocumented. In view of this observation, an investigation into the use and status of spatial information during public participation within EIA in Kenya was considered. The main objective of this research was to establish whether spatial information is used in public participation within EIA, and if so, the extent of its use. Three specific sub-objectives were developed, namely: to confirm the presence and extent of public participation within EIA in Kenya; to establish the extent to which spatial information is used in EIA in Kenya; and to evaluate, using case studies, the use of spatial information during public participation within EIA in Kenya. Combined methods of surveys and case studies were used to address the sub-objectives earlier developed. In response to the first sub-objective, namely, to confirm the presence and extent of public participation within EIA in Kenya, five dimensions for the evaluation of public participation within EIA were identified from legal and best practice requirements. These five dimensions were: notification, participation methods, venue, language used, and type of participants, which were then constituted into a Consultation and Public Participation Index (CPPI), developed within this research to analyze a sample of 223 EIA Study Reports submitted to the Environment Authority between 2002 and 2010. EIA Study Reports record activities during the EIA Study Stage, where public participation activities are most intensive, hence their choice as a source of data for the survey. Following analysis of the five dimensions presented in the CPPI, public participation was found to be relatively low, with the highest score of 1.65 out of a possible score of 5. The dimensions of ‘participation methods’ and ‘type of participants’ scored the highest, followed by ‘venue’, ‘notification’, and ‘language used’, in that order. Variations within the dimensions was also evident during the study period. Despite a 95% mention of public participation in the EIA Study Reports, the low CPPI scores were attributed to gaps in reporting and limited choices per dimension. In response to the second sub-objective, namely, to establish the extent to which spatial information is used in EIA in Kenya, survey methods similar to those used to address the first sub-objective were employed, where a sample of 434 EIA Study Reports submitted to the Environment Authority between 2002 and 2013 were analyzed for the presence/absence of spatial presentations, levels of visual realism exhibited, and content presented in the spatial presentations. Almost all (95%) of the EIA Study Reports sampled displayed a variety of spatial presentation types, with preference for the combined use of spatial presentations with low and high levels of visual realism. On the content, information depicting a combination of project location and project activities/details was most popular. In response to the third sub-objective, namely, to evaluate, using case studies, the use of spatial information during public participation within EIA in Kenya, two case studies were conducted, the first in Katani, in the Eastern Province of Kenya, and the second in Kericho, in the Rift Valley Province of Kenya. Both case studies were based on a conceptual framework developed in this research to assess the interplay between EIA, public participation, spatial information and type of participants. In both studies, EIA stages was limited to the EIA Study stage, levels of public participation was limited to ‘inform’, and categories of participants was limited to ‘affected persons’. Seven aspects of spatial information were deemed relevant to public participation, namely: availability, accessibility, content, appropriateness, language, translation, and technical support. In the first case study, all the seven aspects were evaluated, using a cadastral map, where it was established that the requirements for accessibility, language, translation and technical support were met, but those for availability were unsatisfactory, and unconfirmed for content and appropriateness. Out of the 7 aspects of spatial information that were deemed relevant to public participation, the second case study was limited to the aspect of ‘content’, and specifically distance perception. It was argued that distance perception is critical when determining potential benefits or threats from a proposed project. Three types of spatial presentations with different levels of visual realism were used, namely a topographic map, overlay map and aerial map. From this case study, preference was noted for topographic maps, indicating that higher levels of visual realism in spatial presentations were not always preferred. On whether maps improve distance perception, the results indicated that they encourage Euclidian distance perception. The unique point of the case studies was that they were conducted in ‘real-life’ settings, similar to those in which actual EIAs are carried out, as opposed to highly controlled and laboratory-like set ups. Two main innovations are evident: the consultation and public participation index (CPPI) and the conceptual framework developed in this research. The CPPI brought together, for the first time dimensions that are specifically relevant to public participation within EIA, that is, notification, participation methods, venue, language used, and type of participants. These dimensions offer the opportunity for deeper and more structured analysis of public participation within EIA, and the opportunity to improve practice. The second innovation, the conceptual framework, brought together the elements of EIA, public participation, spatial information and types of participants. The novelty of this conceptual framework was the combination of these elements and their placement within the framework of EIA, which will encourage in-depth investigation on their quality and effectiveness to EIA. Still related to the conceptual framework was the emphasis on ‘affected persons’, who often face direct impacts from development projects, yet are often not included in EIA public participation activities due to their low socio-economic status and challenges in accessing them, e.g. poor infrastructure and insecurity. It is due to their increased stake in any decision made that we specifically sought their opinions in this research.

Thesis Summary Spatial information in public consultation within Environmental Impact Assessments Angela N. Mwenda Established in the United States of America in 1970, Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) is an interdisciplinary approach that considers the anticipated impacts of development on the environment, and proposes timely mitigation of these impacts to the extent possible. Since then, EIA has continued to be established in countries worldwide, with modifications being made to suit regional and local requirements. Essential to EIA is an attempt to balance environmental concerns with social, economic and other human needs, which has led to partnership with society, to the extent that public participation is deeply incorporated into EIA. Also central to the EIA process is information related to the natural and human environment. Sources of this information, particularly those that contain spatial elements, are valuable due to their ability to provide information on location. Sources of spatial information are numerous, and may include photographs, maps, satellite images, orthophotographs, verbal descriptions, animations, and virtual reality, among others. Despite its innovative presentation of project-relevant information and communication function during public participation, debate exists on the value of spatial information to EIA. For example, high levels of visual realism may hinder the interpretation of spatial information, while high costs, and technical demands may cause certain types of spatial information to be inaccessible to a large number of stakeholders. These challenges are not unique to any one country, and have also been observed in developing countries, where, in addition to a deficiency of information, less developed and poorly enforced legislative, administrative, institutional and procedural frameworks for EIA intensify the challenges. For example, despite an official recommendation for the use of spatial information during public participation within EIA in Kenya, whether this happens, and the extent, was largely undocumented. In view of this observation, an investigation into the use and status of spatial information during public participation within EIA in Kenya was considered. The main objective of this research was to establish whether spatial information is used in public participation within EIA, and if so, the extent of its use. Three specific sub-objectives were developed, namely: to confirm the presence and extent of public participation within EIA in Kenya; to establish the extent to which spatial information is used in EIA in Kenya; and to evaluate, using case studies, the use of spatial information during public participation within EIA in Kenya. Combined methods of surveys and case studies were used to address the sub-objectives earlier developed. In response to the first sub-objective, namely, to confirm the presence and extent of public participation within EIA in Kenya, five dimensions for the evaluation of public participation within EIA were identified from legal and best practice requirements. These five dimensions were: notification, participation methods, venue, language used, and type of participants, which were then constituted into a Consultation and Public Participation Index (CPPI), developed within this research to analyze a sample of 223 EIA Study Reports submitted to the Environment Authority between 2002 and 2010. EIA Study Reports record activities during the EIA Study Stage, where public participation activities are most intensive, hence their choice as a source of data for the survey. Following analysis of the five dimensions presented in the CPPI, public participation was found to be relatively low, with the highest score of 1.65 out of a possible score of 5. The dimensions of ‘participation methods’ and ‘type of participants’ scored the highest, followed by ‘venue’, ‘notification’, and ‘language used’, in that order. Variations within the dimensions was also evident during the study period. Despite a 95% mention of public participation in the EIA Study Reports, the low CPPI scores were attributed to gaps in reporting and limited choices per dimension. In response to the second sub-objective, namely, to establish the extent to which spatial information is used in EIA in Kenya, survey methods similar to those used to address the first sub-objective were employed, where a sample of 434 EIA Study Reports submitted to the Environment Authority between 2002 and 2013 were analyzed for the presence/absence of spatial presentations, levels of visual realism exhibited, and content presented in the spatial presentations. Almost all (95%) of the EIA Study Reports sampled displayed a variety of spatial presentation types, with preference for the combined use of spatial presentations with low and high levels of visual realism. On the content, information depicting a combination of project location and project activities/details was most popular. In response to the third sub-objective, namely, to evaluate, using case studies, the use of spatial information during public participation within EIA in Kenya, two case studies were conducted, the first in Katani, in the Eastern Province of Kenya, and the second in Kericho, in the Rift Valley Province of Kenya. Both case studies were based on a conceptual framework developed in this research to assess the interplay between EIA, public participation, spatial information and type of participants. In both studies, EIA stages was limited to the EIA Study stage, levels of public participation was limited to ‘inform’, and categories of participants was limited to ‘affected persons’. Seven aspects of spatial information were deemed relevant to public participation, namely: availability, accessibility, content, appropriateness, language, translation, and technical support. In the first case study, all the seven aspects were evaluated, using a cadastral map, where it was established that the requirements for accessibility, language, translation and technical support were met, but those for availability were unsatisfactory, and unconfirmed for content and appropriateness. Out of the 7 aspects of spatial information that were deemed relevant to public participation, the second case study was limited to the aspect of ‘content’, and specifically distance perception. It was argued that distance perception is critical when determining potential benefits or threats from a proposed project. Three types of spatial presentations with different levels of visual realism were used, namely a topographic map, overlay map and aerial map. From this case study, preference was noted for topographic maps, indicating that higher levels of visual realism in spatial presentations were not always preferred. On whether maps improve distance perception, the results indicated that they encourage Euclidian distance perception. The unique point of the case studies was that they were conducted in ‘real-life’ settings, similar to those in which actual EIAs are carried out, as opposed to highly controlled and laboratory-like set ups. Two main innovations are evident: the consultation and public participation index (CPPI) and the conceptual framework developed in this research. The CPPI brought together, for the first time dimensions that are specifically relevant to public participation within EIA, that is, notification, participation methods, venue, language used, and type of participants. These dimensions offer the opportunity for deeper and more structured analysis of public participation within EIA, and the opportunity to improve practice. The second innovation, the conceptual framework, brought together the elements of EIA, public participation, spatial information and types of participants. The novelty of this conceptual framework was the combination of these elements and their placement within the framework of EIA, which will encourage in-depth investigation on their quality and effectiveness to EIA. Still related to the conceptual framework was the emphasis on ‘affected persons’, who often face direct impacts from development projects, yet are often not included in EIA public participation activities due to their low socio-economic status and challenges in accessing them, e.g. poor infrastructure and insecurity. It is due to their increased stake in any decision made that we specifically sought their opinions in this research.

“Groen Kennisnet” creates a content collection and professional “green” knowledge base (agriculture, horticulture, animal welfare, environmental protection, water management, food, fisheries). “Groen Kennisnet” makes these available to the Dutch agricultural education system and agri-business, and organizes communities around specific themes. “Groen Kennisnet” thus contributes to the connection between innovation in research and business & teaching. In our paper we explain how we organize the green information chain, the IT infrastructure and the communities. The combination of content, IT and community results in bringing new innovative knowledge available in the classroom and on the farm.

Currently many initiatives for m-Agri Apps for smallholder development are taking place. The effectiveness and sustainability of the development is promising, however factual evidence of its impact on livelihood improvements is still rare. As a whole the development of m-Agri Apps is mainly stimulated by donor incentives. Among different stakeholders there is the wish to collaborate more and exchange knowledge on: good practises, setting up learning communities, developing m-Agri Apps with open software, making existing data available, developing locally scaled agricultural content and connecting the poorest to mobile networks. Chances lay in better involvement of the agribusiness sector, which gets currently more and more involved with the smallholder communities around the world.

“Groen Kennisnet” creates a content collection and professional “green” knowledge base (agriculture, horticulture, animal welfare, environmental protection, water management, food, fisheries). “Groen Kennisnet” makes these available to the Dutch agricultural education system and agri-business, and organizes communities around specific themes. “Groen Kennisnet” thus contributes to the connection between innovation in research and business & teaching. In our paper we explain how we organize the green information chain, the IT infrastructure and the communities. The combination of content, IT and community results in bringing new innovative knowledge available in the classroom and on the farm.

Currently many initiatives for m-Agri Apps for smallholder development are taking place. The effectiveness and sustainability of the development is promising, however factual evidence of its impact on livelihood improvements is still rare. As a whole the development of m-Agri Apps is mainly stimulated by donor incentives. Among different stakeholders there is the wish to collaborate more and exchange knowledge on: good practises, setting up learning communities, developing m-Agri Apps with open software, making existing data available, developing locally scaled agricultural content and connecting the poorest to mobile networks. Chances lay in better involvement of the agribusiness sector, which gets currently more and more involved with the smallholder communities around the world.

The study revealed that the dominant Agricultural extension approaches used in the rice sector in Cameroon is ToT and T&V. The methods of information circulation using these approaches are individual and group methods. The extension approaches has been criticized for its ineffectiveness especially in the circulation of information in rice production. lack of room for participation in the manner of implementing agricultural approaches (ToT and T&V), government bias policy towards the rice sector, weak linkage of farmers to research and other NGOs for assistance, no accessibility of modern technologies like the radio because its too expensive, insufficient finance, shortage of extension workers, behavioural altitude of extension workers towards the farmers, and women low access to information because they are not involved in extension activities are among the most cited problems hindering the effectiveness of extension services in the rice sector in Cameroon. Apart from these general constraints, the finding revealed that the problems extension workers specifically faces that hinders their work performance in effective information circulation in rice production includes low salary, lack of technical aids, to many farmers to attain to, too technical information to communicate to farmers and no reliable transport. In an attempt to improve the extension services in the rice sector in Cameroon, the information circulation frame work was established whereby the three main stakeholders involved in information circulation, that is research, extension and farmers organization were linked in such a way that each actor does what it can do best in enhancing dissemination and utilization of agricultural information all geared towards the rice famers. Whereas supportive government policy, creation of community radio stations, strong link between farmers and researchers and a bottom up implementation of extension approach in information dissemination in Ndop rice can be a good starting point for effective information circulation in Ndop rice production in Cameroon.

A study was undertaken on the sunflower value chain in Lira district of Uganda. The objective of the study was twofold: First to catalogue innovations that have been developed or introduced in the value chain over a 10 year trajectory (1998-2007). The second objective was to map the knowledge management capabilities of the stakeholders involved in the chain. The study adopted a qualitative approach in which primary data was gathered through group discussion with the largely subsistence sunflower farmers in the district. Eight farmer groups were selected for the study. Key informant interviews were also conducted for the respondents selected from amongst the Millers, Input Stockist, NGOs, Produce Buyers as well as Private and Public Extension Workers. A preset interview /discussion check list was used to guide the data collection processes. Collected data was analyzed through discussion along major themes such source/origin of innovation, networking/linkages and flow of communication and information amongst different stakeholders. The result of the study showed a number of stakeholders involved in a complex relation in the value chain. The stakeholders were identified to include Farmers as producers, Millers as private entrepreneurs, Produce buyers, Input Stockist and Agents, Government agency, NGOs and Extension Workers. The actions of each stakeholder were found to directly affect or indirectly influence the actions of another. There was low rate and level of innovation amongst the stakeholders. Developed innovations were dotted among the stakeholders with only minimal spread to others in the chain. The innovations identified were categorised into four groups namely: Product innovations, Management/Organizational Innovations, Process innovations and Service innovation defined by the form in which such innovation were found. Local innovations generated from the national research programme was lacking as the only case was an improved seed released into the production system in 1991. Since then no other technologies or innovations was release into the value chain from the national research system. Product innovations were mainly developed by Millers and imported. The Management/organizational forms varied across all stakeholders but more strongly exhibited with farmers. Extension providers however, showed no new form of organizations /Management. Communication and knowledge sharing amongst stakeholders were found incomplete, sporadic and near absent in some cases. However, internal communication was strong and informal amongst farmers and enhanced by formation of clusters of mobilized groups. In conclusion I recommend the establishment of platform for coordination amongst extension workers, and this should be guided by management of the various providers of extension services. The noble innovations should be up scaled by extension workers and should be used as bench mark for building the social network to develop an innovation system appropriate for the oilseed subsector under a Joint coordination by the Vegetable Oil development project and the recently formed Uganda Oilseed subsector Plat form. The recently formed oilseed subsector platform to link up with VODP and Districts in consultation with Millers and other stakeholder for capacity building programmes for all stakeholders to stimulate the innovation system. There district as an authority should initiate dialogue amongst Millers to strengthen the already initiated association to be responsive to needs of all.

This study was conducted in the eastern province of Kenya, Makueni district. The district was selected due to the large numbers of farmer who grow citrus. 20 farmers who grow citrus were selected of which 10 were farmers who grow both the grafted citrus and non grafted citrus to find their perception on knowledge circulation in the farming communities. 3 extension workers were also interviewed to find the role in knowledge circulation. The findings from this research reveal that a lot of learning takes place amongst the farmers themselves. In fact 55% of the learning occurs through farmer to farmer knowledge exchange while the 10 % learning occurs through the formal government extension services. The study also found that Knowledge circulation is also enhanced by other development partners working in the rural areas. The findings show that land size, availability of inputs and other off farm activities the farmer engage in have implication on the numbers of citrus trees planted by farmers. The findings show that the extension service is Kenya is slowly adopting new approach to enhance knowledge circulation. Extension service has adopted the group approach as opposed to the individual farm visits. This has been due to the structural adjustment program which led to under funding in the extension department. A lot of reforms are also taking place in the extension department to ensure a better flow of information and knowledge to the farming communities. Extension is acting as the coordinating unit within the district for all the other development partners working in the district. The government extension service is no longer the sole provider of information and knowledge to the farming communities in the district.

Voor het ondersteunen van ruimtelijke vraagstukken wordt intensief gebruikt gemaakt van ruimtelijke gegevens. Het verzamelen en onderhouden van deze gegevens is een kostbare aangelegenheid. Bijvoorbeeld bij de aanleg van een nieuwe weg is informatie nodig over de bodemgesteldheid, de eigendomsituatie, ecologie, landgebruik, etc. Het beheer en onderhoud van deze gegevens is vaak bij verschillende organisaties belegd. Om ruimtelijke vraagstukken goed te kunnen ondersteunen is het delen (Spatial Data Sharing (SDS)) van ruimtelijke gegevens dan ook essentieel. In dit proefschrift staat het verkrijgen van gegevens centraal, vanuit sociaal-cultureel perspectief.

In this PhD an attempt has been made to deliver a cross-cultural contribution to the production of knowledge in tourism and leisure studies. The necessity of this attempt originates in: thegrowing cultural complexity in a globalising world. From a cross-cultural perspective this implies that many interacting networks create a 'global ecumene'. Over the world many cultural contexts are influencing each other in everyday life, but also in business, in public and private encounters, in tourism and in leisure activities. At the same time there is a growing need to overcome the simplicity of much theorising in this area. More particularly, it seems to be important to involve the hidden information from these contexts into the public discussions in order to clarify the above mentioned complexity;2)thefact that the production of knowledge in tourism and leisure studies encompasses a mass of work and scientific products. Still, scientific communities of tourism and leisure studies have a difficulty in determining what the internal (inter)disciplinary coherence of their workis,what their position is with respect to other domains of science and whether there is a matter of scientific progress. The multitude of writings and the appearances of the same issues in (often slightly) modified forms (Lengkeek & Platenkamp, 2006) create an image of chaos in these studies.In line with this twofold necessity in this PhD a way of thinking has been proposed that may lead to an improvement of this situation.It seems relevant to start with 'observable' misunderstandings, conflicts, empirically tested resultsof'cross-cultural theories' or elements of perspectives that become clear during culture shocks. These 'observable elements' emerge from the hidden contexts of the lifeworldsofanyinternational community. The first action required, then, is to interpret these elements according to the perspectives involved. In this process of mutual interpretation people enter a 'hall of mirrors' (C.Geertz, 1983) in which they try to clarify the original misunderstandings a.o. originating from their hidden contexts.In this study an attempt has been made to situate this 'hall of mirrors' in the international classroom of tourism and leisure studies. Through dialogues and interviews with students from diverse cultural backgrounds idealtypical pictures have been consitutedof'SouthAfrican' students, postcommunist students from formerEastern Europe, Chinese or Dutch students. In these pictures 'doxa's' (Bourdieu, 1980) have been distinguished that may serve as a guideline for finding some basic and hidden assumptions in the cultural contextsofthesestudents . A doxa is implicit and self-evident. It is what people in a particular lifeworld or culture share and which goes without saying, it isa'adhésion aux presupposées du jeu' (ibidem, 111). Perspectives from diverse cultural backgrounds are based upon this type of doxa.The next step to be organised after the generation of relevant doxa's in international contexts is the translation into tourism and leisure studies. What may these doxa's add to these studies?In an attempt to structure the above mentioned chaos in tourism and leisure studies a distinction between three modes of knowledge production has been introduced, mode 1, 2 (Gibbons et al, 1994),and 3 (Kunneman, 2005). Mode 1 knowledge production is academic and conceptual and it takes place in the context of universities according to standard procedures in formal settings. Mode 2 knowledge production is problem oriented takes place in projects of people from various backgrounds. It takes diverse interests into account, among which the academic interest is on of them. The aim is to get to the most adequate interventions in practical situations. Mode 3 knowledge has to do with morality and with the existential questions of life and death. The introduction of these three modes is supposed to clarify some confusion in tourism and leisure studies. All modes were creating one amalgam of various types of research. Mode 2 discussions have been treated as mode 1 discussions and the other way around. After this distinction it becomes possible, for example, to stop a mode 2 discussion at a point where moral issues constitute an obstacle in a mode 2 environment. It seems crucial to develop a keen eye for the interrelations between the three modes.As a conclusion the doxa's, that have been generated from the various contexts, have been elaborated in their functionof'settingthe agenda' ofthe discourses in mode 1, 2 and 3 of tourism and leisure studies.In this way the cross-cultural contribution to the production of knowledge has been taken care of at the end of the day. The hidden information of various contexts has been generated into the different modesofknowledgeproduction, as has been the main intention of this PhD.

In this PhD an attempt has been made to deliver a cross-cultural contribution to the production of knowledge in tourism and leisure studies. The necessity of this attempt originates in: thegrowing cultural complexity in a globalising world. From a cross-cultural perspective this implies that many interacting networks create a 'global ecumene'. Over the world many cultural contexts are influencing each other in everyday life, but also in business, in public and private encounters, in tourism and in leisure activities. At the same time there is a growing need to overcome the simplicity of much theorising in this area. More particularly, it seems to be important to involve the hidden information from these contexts into the public discussions in order to clarify the above mentioned complexity;2)thefact that the production of knowledge in tourism and leisure studies encompasses a mass of work and scientific products. Still, scientific communities of tourism and leisure studies have a difficulty in determining what the internal (inter)disciplinary coherence of their workis,what their position is with respect to other domains of science and whether there is a matter of scientific progress. The multitude of writings and the appearances of the same issues in (often slightly) modified forms (Lengkeek & Platenkamp, 2006) create an image of chaos in these studies.In line with this twofold necessity in this PhD a way of thinking has been proposed that may lead to an improvement of this situation.It seems relevant to start with 'observable' misunderstandings, conflicts, empirically tested resultsof'cross-cultural theories' or elements of perspectives that become clear during culture shocks. These 'observable elements' emerge from the hidden contexts of the lifeworldsofanyinternational community. The first action required, then, is to interpret these elements according to the perspectives involved. In this process of mutual interpretation people enter a 'hall of mirrors' (C.Geertz, 1983) in which they try to clarify the original misunderstandings a.o. originating from their hidden contexts.In this study an attempt has been made to situate this 'hall of mirrors' in the international classroom of tourism and leisure studies. Through dialogues and interviews with students from diverse cultural backgrounds idealtypical pictures have been consitutedof'SouthAfrican' students, postcommunist students from formerEastern Europe, Chinese or Dutch students. In these pictures 'doxa's' (Bourdieu, 1980) have been distinguished that may serve as a guideline for finding some basic and hidden assumptions in the cultural contextsofthesestudents . A doxa is implicit and self-evident. It is what people in a particular lifeworld or culture share and which goes without saying, it isa'adhésion aux presupposées du jeu' (ibidem, 111). Perspectives from diverse cultural backgrounds are based upon this type of doxa.The next step to be organised after the generation of relevant doxa's in international contexts is the translation into tourism and leisure studies. What may these doxa's add to these studies?In an attempt to structure the above mentioned chaos in tourism and leisure studies a distinction between three modes of knowledge production has been introduced, mode 1, 2 (Gibbons et al, 1994),and 3 (Kunneman, 2005). Mode 1 knowledge production is academic and conceptual and it takes place in the context of universities according to standard procedures in formal settings. Mode 2 knowledge production is problem oriented takes place in projects of people from various backgrounds. It takes diverse interests into account, among which the academic interest is on of them. The aim is to get to the most adequate interventions in practical situations. Mode 3 knowledge has to do with morality and with the existential questions of life and death. The introduction of these three modes is supposed to clarify some confusion in tourism and leisure studies. All modes were creating one amalgam of various types of research. Mode 2 discussions have been treated as mode 1 discussions and the other way around. After this distinction it becomes possible, for example, to stop a mode 2 discussion at a point where moral issues constitute an obstacle in a mode 2 environment. It seems crucial to develop a keen eye for the interrelations between the three modes.As a conclusion the doxa's, that have been generated from the various contexts, have been elaborated in their functionof'settingthe agenda' ofthe discourses in mode 1, 2 and 3 of tourism and leisure studies.In this way the cross-cultural contribution to the production of knowledge has been taken care of at the end of the day. The hidden information of various contexts has been generated into the different modesofknowledgeproduction, as has been the main intention of this PhD.

The function of environmental monitoring and information in governing the environment has changed considerably in recent times. Traditionally, environmental monitoring was geared towards governments and producers; it provided them with the information required to formulate environmental policies and environmental management strategies. More recently, environmental monitoring has come to serve an additional and different function. In line with the increasing popularity of notions such as accountability, transparency and availability of information, environmental monitoring is now also used as a tool to gather information for, and disseminate it to, ordinary citizen-consumers. This is illustrated by for example the upsurge of labelling schemes and various websites on which information about the environment and risks can be retrieved.The aim of this thesis is to analyse how this change in environmental monitoring affects the role of citizen-consumers in environmental governance. To achieve this goal, I develop a theoretical framework for the analysis of new forms of environmental monitoring which is applied in three case-studies.The theoretical framework is based on ecological modernisation theory since it is one of the most influential social theories on environmental issues and because it has addressed both the importance of monitoring and the role of citizen-consumers (yet the two have never been combined). Various stages can be identified in the development of ecological modernisation theory, labelled EcoMod 1 to EcoMod 3 , in which different critical issues and concerns are discussed. The recent transformation towards EcoMod 3 is instigated by debates on the impact on globalisation and the emergent sociology of flows on ecological modernisation theory. Through this study on the changing functionality of environmental monitoring, I aim to contribute to this debate.A first issue addressed is how environmental monitoring can be analysed from a sociological perspective. Drawing upon the work of Foucault and Giddens, I argue that monitoring enables actors to watch over others and thus is an instrument to exert power. However, I also argue that it is important to recognize that the ways in which monitoring functions is not determined on forehand. Monitoring does not always lead to top-down control andsurveillance,it can also empower citizen-consumers and civil society organisation vis-à-vis large institutional actors. This is what we are witnessing in the domain of environmental governance. Because the nation-state changes shape and draws upon new policy instruments, because it becomes apparent that under conditions of reflexive modernisation some environmental issues cannot be dealt with by traditional instruments, and because citizen-consumers are increasingly considered as 'agents of change', environmental monitoring is increasingly used to provide citizen-consumers with information that enables them to exert power in informational governance arrangements.This theoretical argument on environmental monitoring brings forth four topics to be analysed in the empirical section. First, I am concerned with the question what kind of power relations emerge in relation to these informational governance arrangements. Secondly, I am concerned with the issue of access defined as the extent to which these arrangements enable or disable citizen-consumers to be involved in environmental governance. Thirdly, I discuss the role of the nation-state in developing these informational governance arrangements and making them work. Lastly, I am concerned with the role of citizen-consumers and their potential to act as 'agent of change'.In the empirical section, three relevant categories of informational governance arrangements are distinguished. Each of these is represented by a case-study. The first category consists of those monitoring arrangements which aim to provide citizen-consumers with information on domestic energy consumption levels. By means of a unique case-study, I discuss the potential of these forms of monitoring to strengthen the position of the citizen-consumer in the organization of the energy-related infrastructures of consumption. In the second category, monitoring the chain, informational governance arrangements seek to influence consumption choices by providing information about the quality and/or performance of products. The case of fuel efficiency labelling is considered a typical case here. Finally, I am concerned with those instances in which information about public space, and its environmental quality, is provided to citizen-consumers. I analyse these arrangements by means of a multiple case-study, comparing developments inNetherlandswith North-American experiences.The cases show that citizen-consumers can nowadays more easily gather information on the environmental performance of companies and governments and on the environmental quality of products and public space. Environmental monitoring is not only about top-down surveillance and control. Environmental monitoring arrangements and newly established flows of environmental information increasingly enable forms of counter-surveillance where ordinary citizen-consumers come to scrutinize corporations and governments. The cases illustrate that these forms of counter-surveillance are no formality; they are real in their existence and in their influence.When it comes to the issue of access, it is concluded that the traditional concern here (the Digital Divide) is generally considered to be of little importance. What is of greater importance is how flows of information are given shape and how they are linked to actual opportunities to take action. This is determined by the decisions made by governments, corporations and civil society actors to be (or not be) involved in the organisation of consumer-oriented information flows. The degree to which citizen-consumers can access environmental information, and act consequently, should thus not be discussed by reference to general numeric data on computer ownership and Internet connections. It is as much dependent on the decisions made by various involved actors, and on their view what kind of information citizen-consumers want to have, need to have, and can understand.This conclusion leads us to reconsider the role of the nation-state in the development of informational governance arrangements. Regulating by means of informational governance arrangements does not mean that the nation-state is rendered obsolete. By referring to the 're-invention of the nation-state' I emphasize two aspects; while nation-state can use these arrangements to achieve their formulated goals, the emergence of such arrangements also challenges the nation-state to reconsider issues of responsibility and transparency and balance different interests (such as freedom of information and homeland security).Finally, I conclude on the role of citizen-consumers as agents of change. Overall, the scope and impact of consumer-oriented informational governance arrangements does justify the claim that the citizen-consumer becomes more important in environmental governance. However, to understand this change fully, one cannot focus solely on the actual behaviour of citizen-consumers. The citizen-consumer exerts influence through multiple identities as governments and/or civil society groups seek to represent (and thus speak on behalf of) the citizen-consumers and as business leaders and politicians imagine how imaginary citizen-consumers might respond to incoming information and take action in anticipation.In the final section, I relate these conclusions to the debate on EcoMod 3 and assess what can be learnt from the case-studies, concluding with four theoretical guidelines to contribute to the development of EcoMod 3 . I argue that to analyse the impact of environmental monitoring and surveillance, the instrumental and top-down view on surveillance must be replaced by the notion of 'networked' surveillance. Since informational governance arrangements come in different configurations in which the roles played by state- and non-state actors varies, the analysis of flows of information needs to take the activities of all societal actors into account. There is thus no reason to privilege the nation-state in the analysis. To understand the role that citizen-consumers (can) play in the development and functioning of informational governance arrangements, one is required to study access to information in relation to the provisioning of opportunities to act. Finally, the influence of citizen-consumers in informational governance arrangements must be assessed by taking the various identities of the citizen-consumers into account.

The function of environmental monitoring and information in governing the environment has changed considerably in recent times. Traditionally, environmental monitoring was geared towards governments and producers; it provided them with the information required to formulate environmental policies and environmental management strategies. More recently, environmental monitoring has come to serve an additional and different function. In line with the increasing popularity of notions such as accountability, transparency and availability of information, environmental monitoring is now also used as a tool to gather information for, and disseminate it to, ordinary citizen-consumers. This is illustrated by for example the upsurge of labelling schemes and various websites on which information about the environment and risks can be retrieved.The aim of this thesis is to analyse how this change in environmental monitoring affects the role of citizen-consumers in environmental governance. To achieve this goal, I develop a theoretical framework for the analysis of new forms of environmental monitoring which is applied in three case-studies.The theoretical framework is based on ecological modernisation theory since it is one of the most influential social theories on environmental issues and because it has addressed both the importance of monitoring and the role of citizen-consumers (yet the two have never been combined). Various stages can be identified in the development of ecological modernisation theory, labelled EcoMod 1 to EcoMod 3 , in which different critical issues and concerns are discussed. The recent transformation towards EcoMod 3 is instigated by debates on the impact on globalisation and the emergent sociology of flows on ecological modernisation theory. Through this study on the changing functionality of environmental monitoring, I aim to contribute to this debate.A first issue addressed is how environmental monitoring can be analysed from a sociological perspective. Drawing upon the work of Foucault and Giddens, I argue that monitoring enables actors to watch over others and thus is an instrument to exert power. However, I also argue that it is important to recognize that the ways in which monitoring functions is not determined on forehand. Monitoring does not always lead to top-down control andsurveillance,it can also empower citizen-consumers and civil society organisation vis-à-vis large institutional actors. This is what we are witnessing in the domain of environmental governance. Because the nation-state changes shape and draws upon new policy instruments, because it becomes apparent that under conditions of reflexive modernisation some environmental issues cannot be dealt with by traditional instruments, and because citizen-consumers are increasingly considered as 'agents of change', environmental monitoring is increasingly used to provide citizen-consumers with information that enables them to exert power in informational governance arrangements.This theoretical argument on environmental monitoring brings forth four topics to be analysed in the empirical section. First, I am concerned with the question what kind of power relations emerge in relation to these informational governance arrangements. Secondly, I am concerned with the issue of access defined as the extent to which these arrangements enable or disable citizen-consumers to be involved in environmental governance. Thirdly, I discuss the role of the nation-state in developing these informational governance arrangements and making them work. Lastly, I am concerned with the role of citizen-consumers and their potential to act as 'agent of change'.In the empirical section, three relevant categories of informational governance arrangements are distinguished. Each of these is represented by a case-study. The first category consists of those monitoring arrangements which aim to provide citizen-consumers with information on domestic energy consumption levels. By means of a unique case-study, I discuss the potential of these forms of monitoring to strengthen the position of the citizen-consumer in the organization of the energy-related infrastructures of consumption. In the second category, monitoring the chain, informational governance arrangements seek to influence consumption choices by providing information about the quality and/or performance of products. The case of fuel efficiency labelling is considered a typical case here. Finally, I am concerned with those instances in which information about public space, and its environmental quality, is provided to citizen-consumers. I analyse these arrangements by means of a multiple case-study, comparing developments inNetherlandswith North-American experiences.The cases show that citizen-consumers can nowadays more easily gather information on the environmental performance of companies and governments and on the environmental quality of products and public space. Environmental monitoring is not only about top-down surveillance and control. Environmental monitoring arrangements and newly established flows of environmental information increasingly enable forms of counter-surveillance where ordinary citizen-consumers come to scrutinize corporations and governments. The cases illustrate that these forms of counter-surveillance are no formality; they are real in their existence and in their influence.When it comes to the issue of access, it is concluded that the traditional concern here (the Digital Divide) is generally considered to be of little importance. What is of greater importance is how flows of information are given shape and how they are linked to actual opportunities to take action. This is determined by the decisions made by governments, corporations and civil society actors to be (or not be) involved in the organisation of consumer-oriented information flows. The degree to which citizen-consumers can access environmental information, and act consequently, should thus not be discussed by reference to general numeric data on computer ownership and Internet connections. It is as much dependent on the decisions made by various involved actors, and on their view what kind of information citizen-consumers want to have, need to have, and can understand.This conclusion leads us to reconsider the role of the nation-state in the development of informational governance arrangements. Regulating by means of informational governance arrangements does not mean that the nation-state is rendered obsolete. By referring to the 're-invention of the nation-state' I emphasize two aspects; while nation-state can use these arrangements to achieve their formulated goals, the emergence of such arrangements also challenges the nation-state to reconsider issues of responsibility and transparency and balance different interests (such as freedom of information and homeland security).Finally, I conclude on the role of citizen-consumers as agents of change. Overall, the scope and impact of consumer-oriented informational governance arrangements does justify the claim that the citizen-consumer becomes more important in environmental governance. However, to understand this change fully, one cannot focus solely on the actual behaviour of citizen-consumers. The citizen-consumer exerts influence through multiple identities as governments and/or civil society groups seek to represent (and thus speak on behalf of) the citizen-consumers and as business leaders and politicians imagine how imaginary citizen-consumers might respond to incoming information and take action in anticipation.In the final section, I relate these conclusions to the debate on EcoMod 3 and assess what can be learnt from the case-studies, concluding with four theoretical guidelines to contribute to the development of EcoMod 3 . I argue that to analyse the impact of environmental monitoring and surveillance, the instrumental and top-down view on surveillance must be replaced by the notion of 'networked' surveillance. Since informational governance arrangements come in different configurations in which the roles played by state- and non-state actors varies, the analysis of flows of information needs to take the activities of all societal actors into account. There is thus no reason to privilege the nation-state in the analysis. To understand the role that citizen-consumers (can) play in the development and functioning of informational governance arrangements, one is required to study access to information in relation to the provisioning of opportunities to act. Finally, the influence of citizen-consumers in informational governance arrangements must be assessed by taking the various identities of the citizen-consumers into account.

Over the last decade, the economic sustainability of the cotton industry in Benin has been questioned. Low yield caused by pests and socio-economic problems have been identified as the main problems facing cotton producers, leading to low income. This thesis has addressed the technical and organisational problems of crop protection in the cotton sector in Benin. It has analysed why technical alternatives to farmers' current dependence on purchased synthetic insecticides is necessary if cotton is to remain a worthwhile crop for farmers, and if the cotton sector is to regain the efficiency needed to compete in today's markets. Findings showed a range of alternative methods for controlling economically significant cotton pests, principally by means of the integration of different pest control methods such as the use of botanicals, entomopathogens. and the reduction of the number of sprays and synthetic active ingredients by using action thresholds. The study also demonstrated a methodology for conducting site-specific, ecologically-informed Research for Development (R4D), that created the institutional potential to sustain innovation. The notable features of the methodology were: using a perspective relevant to farmers as the entry point, developing control methods in the context of a multi-stakeholder learning alliance, and altering the boundaries and conditions that affect the space for change.

Over the last decade, the economic sustainability of the cotton industry in Benin has been questioned. Low yield caused by pests and socio-economic problems have been identified as the main problems facing cotton producers, leading to low income. This thesis has addressed the technical and organisational problems of crop protection in the cotton sector in Benin. It has analysed why technical alternatives to farmers' current dependence on purchased synthetic insecticides is necessary if cotton is to remain a worthwhile crop for farmers, and if the cotton sector is to regain the efficiency needed to compete in today's markets. Findings showed a range of alternative methods for controlling economically significant cotton pests, principally by means of the integration of different pest control methods such as the use of botanicals, entomopathogens. and the reduction of the number of sprays and synthetic active ingredients by using action thresholds. The study also demonstrated a methodology for conducting site-specific, ecologically-informed Research for Development (R4D), that created the institutional potential to sustain innovation. The notable features of the methodology were: using a perspective relevant to farmers as the entry point, developing control methods in the context of a multi-stakeholder learning alliance, and altering the boundaries and conditions that affect the space for change.

This research is an ethnographic study carried out among farmers inMupfurudziresettlement area inZimbabweover a period of 30 months. The research was carried out inShamvaZimbabwe as an offshoot of an IFPRIstudy I had been involved in, accessing the impact of agricultural research on poverty reduction with a particular focus on High Yielding Varieties (HYVs) of Maize in Zimbabwe.The multi-disciplinary study looked at the pathways of dissemination of knowledge about hybrid maize. As the study progressed and I was confronted with situations in the field, I decided that there was a need to go beyond this rather narrow angle of study to look at the production, growth and dissemination of knowledge about farming in general and not just focus on maize cultivation as a poverty reduction strategy.The main research question that informed this research was: how knowledge is produced, reproduced, socialised and reworked in farming areas and how locally existing conditions filter themselves into the new practices. Hence the research aimed to accomplish three aims: (1) to analyse how social processes impact on the adoption, adaptation and dissemination of knowledge and technology; (2) To investigate how differences between actors (e.g. based on age, gender, social and economic standing, institutional affiliation, and the knowledge networks used by various actors) can impact on knowledge dissemination and appropriation; (3) To explore existing knowledge frameworks affect knowledge analysis and acceptance and how people bridge the gap between 'outside' and 'local' forms of knowledge.The main research method employed in this study was the ethnographic method with a focus on case studies. The case studies were based on detailed observation of the families throughout the year. I spent thirty-months in the field, covering two agricultural cycles. The principal research technique was participant observation focusing on the collection of extended case studies and life histories In-depth interviews, observation and participation constituted the main data gathering process. During the early days I had in-depth discussions with various members of the households in the sample, depending on who was available at that moment. At times I had to make special requests to speak to other members of the household, such as women and children. Ethnographic interviews (which were largely unstructured and extensive) were also important for data gathering especially when looking at household dynamics in respect of the process of knowledge formation.The research led to different conclusions. Firstly the thing that came out clearly was that usually government ignores the interests of farmers in the interests of some abstract concept of development that they develop in research institutions. As a result farmers are recruited into projects they have little interests in and the projects fail. To be successful experts have to incorporate the farmers' views into their projects. Depending on where actors are socially situated they observe things and interpret them differently, such that the same thing can be attributed to different causal factors Rural development workers must not be overly scientific ignoring the different perceptions and meanings that people attach to activities and interventions, since this can spell the failure of scientifically sound projects. For intervention to be effective, AREX and other 'experts' should understand the people's belief systems and the meanings they attach to certain things.It also became clear that farmers strategise in their dealings with other actors and agents they do not follow blindly whatever the expert says and neither did they divorce themselves altogether from 'knowledge experts'. They employed various linking and de-linking strategies in an attempt to maximise their gains from each encounter. Power is always contested and negotiated. Local farmers are not always powerless and dependent and neither is the state always powerful and dominant. Although farmers recognised that the control of government they did not regard it as an entity that had to be obeyed all the time.It is a conclusion of this study that knowledge is not always positive for the people who are equipped with it. Although modern scientific knowledge is very efficient, it has made farmers more dependent on agro-business as opposed to the independence they had enjoyed when all the resources were locally available. It was not only scientific knowledge that was disempowering to the farmer but even local knowledge also restricted farmers in certain ways.Farming knowledge is not only about the practice of farming but also about the knowledge of politics, resistance, economics, how to resolve conflicts and knowledge of witchcraft, magic and religion. An ability to tread the delicate ground between knowledge, politics and economics is an essential tool for the rural development worker otherwise his or her effectiveness is limited.The fragmentary and contradictory nature of knowledge allowed farmers to manoeuvre within their social system and to negotiate to their advantage. This allowed farmers to work with a multiplicity of understandings, beliefs and commitments enabling them to bridge the gap between external and local knowledge. It is sustained therefore in this study that one cannot distinguish between different forms of knowledge but knowledge should be regarded as an outcome of negotiations that take place between actors and theirlifeworlds

This research is an ethnographic study carried out among farmers inMupfurudziresettlement area inZimbabweover a period of 30 months. The research was carried out inShamvaZimbabwe as an offshoot of an IFPRIstudy I had been involved in, accessing the impact of agricultural research on poverty reduction with a particular focus on High Yielding Varieties (HYVs) of Maize in Zimbabwe.The multi-disciplinary study looked at the pathways of dissemination of knowledge about hybrid maize. As the study progressed and I was confronted with situations in the field, I decided that there was a need to go beyond this rather narrow angle of study to look at the production, growth and dissemination of knowledge about farming in general and not just focus on maize cultivation as a poverty reduction strategy.The main research question that informed this research was: how knowledge is produced, reproduced, socialised and reworked in farming areas and how locally existing conditions filter themselves into the new practices. Hence the research aimed to accomplish three aims: (1) to analyse how social processes impact on the adoption, adaptation and dissemination of knowledge and technology; (2) To investigate how differences between actors (e.g. based on age, gender, social and economic standing, institutional affiliation, and the knowledge networks used by various actors) can impact on knowledge dissemination and appropriation; (3) To explore existing knowledge frameworks affect knowledge analysis and acceptance and how people bridge the gap between 'outside' and 'local' forms of knowledge.The main research method employed in this study was the ethnographic method with a focus on case studies. The case studies were based on detailed observation of the families throughout the year. I spent thirty-months in the field, covering two agricultural cycles. The principal research technique was participant observation focusing on the collection of extended case studies and life histories In-depth interviews, observation and participation constituted the main data gathering process. During the early days I had in-depth discussions with various members of the households in the sample, depending on who was available at that moment. At times I had to make special requests to speak to other members of the household, such as women and children. Ethnographic interviews (which were largely unstructured and extensive) were also important for data gathering especially when looking at household dynamics in respect of the process of knowledge formation.The research led to different conclusions. Firstly the thing that came out clearly was that usually government ignores the interests of farmers in the interests of some abstract concept of development that they develop in research institutions. As a result farmers are recruited into projects they have little interests in and the projects fail. To be successful experts have to incorporate the farmers' views into their projects. Depending on where actors are socially situated they observe things and interpret them differently, such that the same thing can be attributed to different causal factors Rural development workers must not be overly scientific ignoring the different perceptions and meanings that people attach to activities and interventions, since this can spell the failure of scientifically sound projects. For intervention to be effective, AREX and other 'experts' should understand the people's belief systems and the meanings they attach to certain things.It also became clear that farmers strategise in their dealings with other actors and agents they do not follow blindly whatever the expert says and neither did they divorce themselves altogether from 'knowledge experts'. They employed various linking and de-linking strategies in an attempt to maximise their gains from each encounter. Power is always contested and negotiated. Local farmers are not always powerless and dependent and neither is the state always powerful and dominant. Although farmers recognised that the control of government they did not regard it as an entity that had to be obeyed all the time.It is a conclusion of this study that knowledge is not always positive for the people who are equipped with it. Although modern scientific knowledge is very efficient, it has made farmers more dependent on agro-business as opposed to the independence they had enjoyed when all the resources were locally available. It was not only scientific knowledge that was disempowering to the farmer but even local knowledge also restricted farmers in certain ways.Farming knowledge is not only about the practice of farming but also about the knowledge of politics, resistance, economics, how to resolve conflicts and knowledge of witchcraft, magic and religion. An ability to tread the delicate ground between knowledge, politics and economics is an essential tool for the rural development worker otherwise his or her effectiveness is limited.The fragmentary and contradictory nature of knowledge allowed farmers to manoeuvre within their social system and to negotiate to their advantage. This allowed farmers to work with a multiplicity of understandings, beliefs and commitments enabling them to bridge the gap between external and local knowledge. It is sustained therefore in this study that one cannot distinguish between different forms of knowledge but knowledge should be regarded as an outcome of negotiations that take place between actors and theirlifeworlds

The economic reforms in New Zealand (NZ) that introduced free market policies following the election of the 1984 Labour Government led to a rapid and extensive reduction in subsidies to agriculture. Over a period of ten years fertiliser subsidies and price support schemes were removed, the government extension service was privatised, and research organisations were restructured to function on a contestable funding basis. The NZ government pursued a policy of joint investment in technology development with the productive sectors benefitting by the development outcomes. These changes provoked debate among science policy-makers and science managers about the way research companies and commercial organisations could collaborate in research and development programmes. The research reported in this thesis responded to a need to progress understanding of the linkage activities currently operating in the NZ dairy sector and thereby assist science policy and science managers operating in the sector to improve linkages with commercial organisations. Specifically, how do organisations and actors link their activities to evolve technology for use in the NZ dairy sector, and how can an understanding of these linkage activities inform technology managers in the NZ dairy sector? The dairy sector was selected as a context with a reasonable likelihood of observing collaboration in technology management.A case study research design was used to investigate three programmes that involved some form of collaboration between government research and commercial organisations in joint development work. These programmes included: development and marketing of a device (CIDR); developing a sector-wide quality management system (SAMM); developing resource management methods for farming (SSGP). The Grounded Theory methodology was used to study each programme. In particular, this research followed the Glasarian school of Grounded Theory that emphasises the emergence of theoretical perspectives using the constant comparative method of data gathering and analysis. A procedure for questioning and comparison of field data guides the analyst to build and compare theory with other perspectives offered in the literature.The organisation theory literature has dealt extensively with issues of collaboration and technology management. This literature was reviewed with a view to an agricultural context. Two particularly informative perspectives were identified: Agricultural Knowledge Systems (AKS); and the Interplay Model. The AKS perspective sensitised the analyst to a constructivist view - theatres of innovation where actors and organisations negotiate and socially construct their knowledge with respect to their problem context. The Interplay Model emphasised that the emergent properties of collaborative relations among research and commercial entities were primarily a function of activities performed in practices. A specialised notion of practice is used in the model, whereby practice is a way of doing, that if asked, actors would explain their activities in terms of, 'the way things are done around here.' Practices, operating in theatres of innovation, are performed intentionally by actors. The above perspectives were combined by the analyst to investigate case study data in terms of activities performed in what was viewed as theatres of innovation.The CIDR (Controlled Intravaginal Drug Release) case study documents in four chronological stages the emergence of synchronising technology for managing dairy cow reproduction. Early development efforts were concerned with developing a device, whereas later activities focused on building protocols for treatment. The alignment of activities performed by those actors working on the programme was achieved in several ways. As actors worked together they acquired windows of insight into the practices performed by other actors. When these practices were interwoven with the delivery of professional services, trust and respect were required for the programme workers to collaborate. The Intellectual Property Rights emerging from the programme developments were periodically reviewed and renegotiated by appealing to the notion of a family or club that had a membership of actors from several organisations. The identity of the club provided opportunity to build innovative strategies for performing new development and marketing activities. The CIDR is depicted as contributing towards an emerging practice in the case study, in as much as the device formed part of an expanding scope of development that encompassed several dairy cow synchronising devices, protocols and concepts. Developers used these devices and protocols to embody the rules of synchronising practice. The practice of synchronising enabled developers to cross boundaries that might otherwise be imposed by organisations seeking to lay an independent claim to intellectual property rights. The continuity of emergence in the case of CIDR was worked out by the actors in a process of muddling through. By reflecting on their activities actors learned from past errors and redirecting their intentions accordingly.The SAMM (Seasonal Approach to Managing Mastitis) case study investigated how a sector wide intervention, operating under free market policies, worked towards mastitis management in the national herd. A series of interventions had been operating in the sector prior to the introduction of SAMM. Indeed, these earlier interventions assisted to 'prepare the way' for the SAMM, in that actors that performed different tasks in relation to managing mastitis in the sector were attuned to problems of mastitis and had developed tools and routines to cope with these problems. However, no specific organisation or profession claimed mastitis management as their domain of work, allowing the formation of a committee (NMAC) that fostered interactive activity to overcome problems of mastitis. The NMAC provided an interface for practices involved in developing interventions. Furthermore, the NMAC used the SAMM to embody the rules of mastitis management, that enabled farmers and others to act on mastitis in a way specific to their farm enterprise. The activities of the NMAC itself constituted a type of practice, referred to as mediating practice. The mediating practice of the NMAC constructed strategies to foster collaboration among organisations and actors. These organisations and actors learnt by reflecting on past errors and combining their experiences in the committee, that itself received institutional support. The dairy companies, who process milk into diverse milk products for export, were members of the NMAC and came to play an increasingly important role in the working out of mastitis management. The dairy companies used pricing policies for raw milk and the provision of information to support their farmer suppliers reduce the level of mastitis in their herds. In the case of SAMM problems were an emergent property of practice. Again the activities of actors were depicted as a muddling towards improved mastitis management, with changes in intervention programmes being wrought out of reflection on past errors. The mediating practice worked towards the facilitation of improved conditions for working on mastitis management, and for actors to learn and improve management strategies.The final case study investigated a Sustainability Study Group Programme (SSGP) that was following a participatory approach among farmers, environmentalists and researchers to work out an alignment of resource management and farm production goals. A pair of actors from farming and research backgrounds developed the SSGP and were referred to as programme leaders. These programme leaders encouraged other participants, who worked in farming, resource management and research activities, to join SSGP. Over an 18 month period the activities of the programme evolved methods for farming that helped align production and resource management goals, albeit, with considerable uncertainty about the programme purpose, or prerequisites for collective activity. A crisis of conflict between environmental and farm production aims catalysed a comprehensive effort to redefine the programme purposes. These efforts involved the building of shared needs, working from the needs of farmers, but encompassing the needs of environmentalists and researchers. The activities that redefined the programme purpose and workplans introduced a new. style of interactive work, whereby farmers, environmentalists and researchers were advocating one anothers'work to those outside the programme. The way actors represented the programme to others fostered an emerging integrity that evolved from the work performed in the programme. This emerging integrity enabled the use of more sophisticated forms of reflection on action, whereby actors were judging and positioning the work of one another in the overall programme.Part of the aspirations of policy-makers who advocated the reforms in NZ was to enhance the linkage between science and commercial institutions. This thesis did not set out to evaluate the reforms, so much as to identify new opportunities for collaboration in free market settings. Recommendations to actors and organisations, operating in free market contexts for innovation, are restricted to situations similar to the NZ dairy sector where a vertically integrated market channel is accompanied by sector programmes for young entrants to farming and coordinated information support services to farmers. Notwithstanding this qualification, it appears an appreciation of the way actors work together may assist programme managers in theatres of innovation and the management of technology. In particular, how these activities are coordinated and emerge as refined strategies for acting on problems and issues that are themselves emerging out of collective work. This thesis concludes that there is a need for further development of methodologies that can enhance analysts' abilities to observe activities in participatory working contexts. These methodologies ought to equip field analysts and programme managers who are grappling with contemporary issues of technology management in their conventional work.

The economic reforms in New Zealand (NZ) that introduced free market policies following the election of the 1984 Labour Government led to a rapid and extensive reduction in subsidies to agriculture. Over a period of ten years fertiliser subsidies and price support schemes were removed, the government extension service was privatised, and research organisations were restructured to function on a contestable funding basis. The NZ government pursued a policy of joint investment in technology development with the productive sectors benefitting by the development outcomes. These changes provoked debate among science policy-makers and science managers about the way research companies and commercial organisations could collaborate in research and development programmes. The research reported in this thesis responded to a need to progress understanding of the linkage activities currently operating in the NZ dairy sector and thereby assist science policy and science managers operating in the sector to improve linkages with commercial organisations. Specifically, how do organisations and actors link their activities to evolve technology for use in the NZ dairy sector, and how can an understanding of these linkage activities inform technology managers in the NZ dairy sector? The dairy sector was selected as a context with a reasonable likelihood of observing collaboration in technology management.A case study research design was used to investigate three programmes that involved some form of collaboration between government research and commercial organisations in joint development work. These programmes included: development and marketing of a device (CIDR); developing a sector-wide quality management system (SAMM); developing resource management methods for farming (SSGP). The Grounded Theory methodology was used to study each programme. In particular, this research followed the Glasarian school of Grounded Theory that emphasises the emergence of theoretical perspectives using the constant comparative method of data gathering and analysis. A procedure for questioning and comparison of field data guides the analyst to build and compare theory with other perspectives offered in the literature.The organisation theory literature has dealt extensively with issues of collaboration and technology management. This literature was reviewed with a view to an agricultural context. Two particularly informative perspectives were identified: Agricultural Knowledge Systems (AKS); and the Interplay Model. The AKS perspective sensitised the analyst to a constructivist view - theatres of innovation where actors and organisations negotiate and socially construct their knowledge with respect to their problem context. The Interplay Model emphasised that the emergent properties of collaborative relations among research and commercial entities were primarily a function of activities performed in practices. A specialised notion of practice is used in the model, whereby practice is a way of doing, that if asked, actors would explain their activities in terms of, 'the way things are done around here.' Practices, operating in theatres of innovation, are performed intentionally by actors. The above perspectives were combined by the analyst to investigate case study data in terms of activities performed in what was viewed as theatres of innovation.The CIDR (Controlled Intravaginal Drug Release) case study documents in four chronological stages the emergence of synchronising technology for managing dairy cow reproduction. Early development efforts were concerned with developing a device, whereas later activities focused on building protocols for treatment. The alignment of activities performed by those actors working on the programme was achieved in several ways. As actors worked together they acquired windows of insight into the practices performed by other actors. When these practices were interwoven with the delivery of professional services, trust and respect were required for the programme workers to collaborate. The Intellectual Property Rights emerging from the programme developments were periodically reviewed and renegotiated by appealing to the notion of a family or club that had a membership of actors from several organisations. The identity of the club provided opportunity to build innovative strategies for performing new development and marketing activities. The CIDR is depicted as contributing towards an emerging practice in the case study, in as much as the device formed part of an expanding scope of development that encompassed several dairy cow synchronising devices, protocols and concepts. Developers used these devices and protocols to embody the rules of synchronising practice. The practice of synchronising enabled developers to cross boundaries that might otherwise be imposed by organisations seeking to lay an independent claim to intellectual property rights. The continuity of emergence in the case of CIDR was worked out by the actors in a process of muddling through. By reflecting on their activities actors learned from past errors and redirecting their intentions accordingly.The SAMM (Seasonal Approach to Managing Mastitis) case study investigated how a sector wide intervention, operating under free market policies, worked towards mastitis management in the national herd. A series of interventions had been operating in the sector prior to the introduction of SAMM. Indeed, these earlier interventions assisted to 'prepare the way' for the SAMM, in that actors that performed different tasks in relation to managing mastitis in the sector were attuned to problems of mastitis and had developed tools and routines to cope with these problems. However, no specific organisation or profession claimed mastitis management as their domain of work, allowing the formation of a committee (NMAC) that fostered interactive activity to overcome problems of mastitis. The NMAC provided an interface for practices involved in developing interventions. Furthermore, the NMAC used the SAMM to embody the rules of mastitis management, that enabled farmers and others to act on mastitis in a way specific to their farm enterprise. The activities of the NMAC itself constituted a type of practice, referred to as mediating practice. The mediating practice of the NMAC constructed strategies to foster collaboration among organisations and actors. These organisations and actors learnt by reflecting on past errors and combining their experiences in the committee, that itself received institutional support. The dairy companies, who process milk into diverse milk products for export, were members of the NMAC and came to play an increasingly important role in the working out of mastitis management. The dairy companies used pricing policies for raw milk and the provision of information to support their farmer suppliers reduce the level of mastitis in their herds. In the case of SAMM problems were an emergent property of practice. Again the activities of actors were depicted as a muddling towards improved mastitis management, with changes in intervention programmes being wrought out of reflection on past errors. The mediating practice worked towards the facilitation of improved conditions for working on mastitis management, and for actors to learn and improve management strategies.The final case study investigated a Sustainability Study Group Programme (SSGP) that was following a participatory approach among farmers, environmentalists and researchers to work out an alignment of resource management and farm production goals. A pair of actors from farming and research backgrounds developed the SSGP and were referred to as programme leaders. These programme leaders encouraged other participants, who worked in farming, resource management and research activities, to join SSGP. Over an 18 month period the activities of the programme evolved methods for farming that helped align production and resource management goals, albeit, with considerable uncertainty about the programme purpose, or prerequisites for collective activity. A crisis of conflict between environmental and farm production aims catalysed a comprehensive effort to redefine the programme purposes. These efforts involved the building of shared needs, working from the needs of farmers, but encompassing the needs of environmentalists and researchers. The activities that redefined the programme purpose and workplans introduced a new. style of interactive work, whereby farmers, environmentalists and researchers were advocating one anothers'work to those outside the programme. The way actors represented the programme to others fostered an emerging integrity that evolved from the work performed in the programme. This emerging integrity enabled the use of more sophisticated forms of reflection on action, whereby actors were judging and positioning the work of one another in the overall programme.Part of the aspirations of policy-makers who advocated the reforms in NZ was to enhance the linkage between science and commercial institutions. This thesis did not set out to evaluate the reforms, so much as to identify new opportunities for collaboration in free market settings. Recommendations to actors and organisations, operating in free market contexts for innovation, are restricted to situations similar to the NZ dairy sector where a vertically integrated market channel is accompanied by sector programmes for young entrants to farming and coordinated information support services to farmers. Notwithstanding this qualification, it appears an appreciation of the way actors work together may assist programme managers in theatres of innovation and the management of technology. In particular, how these activities are coordinated and emerge as refined strategies for acting on problems and issues that are themselves emerging out of collective work. This thesis concludes that there is a need for further development of methodologies that can enhance analysts' abilities to observe activities in participatory working contexts. These methodologies ought to equip field analysts and programme managers who are grappling with contemporary issues of technology management in their conventional work.

Rapid (or Relaxed) Appraisal of Agricultural Knowledge Systems (RAAKS) is a participatory action-research methodology to improve networking among people and organisations relevant to agricultural innovation. It is put into practice in a programme in 6 Central American countries aiming at improving the relevance and impact of research and extension for small grain producers

Rapid (or Relaxed) Appraisal of Agricultural Knowledge Systems (RAAKS) is a participatory action-research methodology to improve networking among people and organisations relevant to agricultural innovation. It is put into practice in a programme in 6 Central American countries aiming at improving the relevance and impact of research and extension for small grain producers

Introductory chaptersIn this book two lines of argumentation are developed in relation to what agro-informaticians often describe as 'the limited adoption of Management Supporting Systems in primary agricultural production'. Although -conceptually speaking- the distinction is somewhat problematic, I will speak of a 'theoretical' and a 'practical' line. Figure 1.1 in chapter I shows how these lines of argumentation are interwoven throughout the book.Chapter I is a general introduction to the nature and scope of this book, and provides also some guidance to readers from different audiences. Moreover, and anticipating my later theoretical argument, it makes clear that I distance myself from both realist positions at the ontological level, and from positivism at the epistemological level. Instead, I adopt a constructivist stance, which posits that our understanding of the world is inherently socially constructed. Naturally, this holds for my own understanding of the world as well. Hence, preceding more detailed accounts in relation to specific case-studies, chapter 1 also touches on some broader social dimensions of this research that clarify in the context of which 'negotiation processes' this study was shaped, and which interests, projects, feelings, etc. of the researcher were of importance.In chapter 2, 1 attempt to 'set the scene' by problematizing currently proposed solutions to the limited adoption of Management Supporting Systems (from now on MSS) by farmers and horticulturists. Drawing upon recent theoretical and empirical insights, I conclude that current problem definitions and solutions rest on inadequate unilinear models of, on the one hand, farm development and, on the other, knowledge generation, exchange and utilization.In my practical line of argumentation, my elaborations lead me to identify five practical contributions that extension science and rural development sociology may provide to practitioners in the field of agro-informatics. Hence, I commit myself to providing such contributions in relation to: (1) the generation of relevant classifications of farmers and horticulturists; (2) the development of criteria for the design of MSS that facilitate integration of scientific and other types of knowledge; (3) the assessment of potential contributions of extension workers to the use and development of MSS; (4) the provision of inductive methodologies for identifying relevant information needs; and (5) an appraisal of the types of user-research and user-influence that can be suitably incorporated into methods for MSS-development.In relation to the theoretical line of argumentation, I conclude that a theoretical framework for understanding the use and development of MSS will have to meet two important criteria. First, it needs to allow us to understand interactions in which MSS play a role in the (historical) context of a complex social setting in which a variety social actors are actively engaged. Second, it should help us to conceptualize the social dimensions of knowledge, information, communication and rationality, Furthermore, I propose that management supporting systems or information technologies are best conceptualized as computer-based communication technologies (CT).Part I: Theoretical explorationsChapters 3, 4, 5 and 6 constitute Part I of the book. In search of a theoretical framework that meets the above formulated criteria, various disciplines and fields of study are explored in chapters 3, 4 and 5.In chapter 3, it is argued that the dominant conceptualizations; in computer science fail to meet the two criteria. The same holds for the field of information systems research. Despite important differences, neither the first, second or third wave approaches of management and organization theory, nor hard, soft, critical or autopoietic systems thinkers, provide fully satisfactory conceptualizations. In one way or another, most approaches appear to include elements of determinism, and fail to conceptualize actors as active and historicallysituated agents. Similarly, even if many approaches transcend overtly simplistic 'mechanical' conceptualizations of information, they tend to emphasize the subjective rather than the social dimensions of knowledge and information. That is, due to a focus on the individual, many approaches fail to capture the political, normative and ideological dimensions of knowledge and information. Nevertheless, critical and autopoietic systems thinkers especially, provide some inspiring theoretical concepts and ideas that must somehow be incorporated into a conceptualization of CT-use and development (these include ideas concerning validity claims and the social nature of rationality, the historical and recursive nature of structure, and the concepts of thrownness, blindness and discontinuity).In chapter 4, 1 discuss several frequently used approaches in communication science and extension science. In essence, my elaborations lead me to draw similar conclusions with respect to the two criteria formulated as those arrived at in chapter 3. Even if extension scientists are increasingly aware that extension processes need to be studied in a 'multi- actor' context, this assessment has apparently not yet resulted in the development of conceptualizations that are in line with it. That is, the social dimensions of knowledge, information, communication and rationality are insufficiently explicated, and extension scientists often remain to have a rather passive conceptualization of human action. In relation to this, I argue that although extension scientists provide an interesting framework for describing different types of anticipation problems that occur in relation to CT-use and development, the 'diagnostic value' of such descriptions is limited as long as an understanding of why and how such problems emerge is lacking. Thus, I propose that there is a need to enrich both communication science and extension science with sociological conceptualizations of human action, communication, knowledge, information and rationality. Hence, I reject claims made by authors who -on the basis of a sharp distinction between 'knowledge for action' and 'knowledge for understanding'- argue that studies aimed at generating 'knowledge for understanding' are almost inherently of little use to practitioners.Although it appears in chapter 5 that an actor-oriented sociology of rural development provides promising conceptualizations of the social actor, human action, knowledge and ignorance, I argue that there are weaknesses as well. The approach generates a number of important analytical concepts, but it is often unclear how they are to be theoretically connected. Moreover, the conceptualization of social structure leans towards 'actor voluntarism'. Another issue is that actor-oriented sociologists have so far insufficiently reflected on their own role in the production of social change, so that in its present form the approach has little to offer practitioners.In a search for more comprehensive frameworks, I follow suggestions made by some authors in previous chapters, and continue chapter 5 with an evaluation of the prospects of Habermas' theory of communicative action, and Giddens' theory of structuration. Even if Habermas' framework is becoming increasingly popular among extension scientists, I conclude that it fails to meet the two criteria formulated, and thus that it is unsuitable for both improving our understanding of the use and development of CT in agriculture, and more generally- for helping extension scientists to deal with 'multi-actor' intervention contexts. In contrast, a constructivist interpretation of Giddens' theory seems to meet the criteria much better. Giddens proposes that all social interaction has a communicative dimension and that the production of meaning (and therefore the production of knowledge and information) is inherently connected with the operation of power and normative sanctions. Furthermore, Giddens' theory demonstrates how actors are actively involved in (re)producing social structure. Also, it allows me to identify mutual knowledge (as inherently connected with mutual ignorance) as the key modality of structure, and therefore as underlying the existence of structural properties and the operation of power in society. In all, I conclude that Giddens' theory offers a much more promising and/or systematic insight into the interrelations between action, structure, knowledge, communication and rationality than the other sociological approaches discussed.In chapter 6, I attempt to clear the ground for more empirical forms of investigation. Building on the insights arrived at in the theoretical explorations, I formulate a set of interrelated preliminary theoretical propositions with respect to how the use and development of CT should be understood. Most importantly, it is proposed that CT-mediated communications must be looked at as politically and normatively laden negotiation processes, which are inherently connected with the (re)production of structural properties in society. The social 'codes' incorporated into such technologies are both constraining and enabling and can be renegotiated and creatively dealt with so that largely unintended consequences can easily emerge. Moreover, such technologies are best understood as playing a -never fully neutralrole in actors' reflexive monitoring of action, rather than in processes of 'rational decision making'.Building upon the theoretical explorations, I present the overall 'theoretical' problem statement as:To what extent do anticipation problems originate from: (a) the social nature of CT-development processes, and (b) insufficient recognition of the social dimensions of knowledge, information, communication and rationality.At the 'practical' level we must add the question of how an understanding of such social dimensions can help to improve the anticipatory nature of communication technologies. Inspired by the theoretical framework adopted, I thereby translate earlier defined envisaged practical contributions into more specific guiding questions. I also formulate additional questions aimed at gaining an understanding of the role of the social scientific researcher in processes of social change.Following this, I introduce a variety of methodological guidelines that follow from my theoretical approach. Here, it is argued that empirical studies must focus on day-to-day social practices at social interfaces. These practices must be studied in a context-sensitive manner, whereby attention must be given to actors' diverging interpretations, projects, rationalizations, and attempts to create space for manoeuvre. Furthermore, I adopt a casestudy approach.Finally, I argue that the consequences of my (meta-)theoretical framework are mainly methodological, for it proposes that a more down to earth understanding of social life must be rooted in the experiences and life-worlds of the actors that are studied. Thus, I argue that only if the methodological guidelines indeed help to increase both our understanding of the use and development of communication technologies, and our capacity to make practical contributions, can we conclude that (elements of) the theoretical framework, and/or (some of) the preliminary theoretical propositions are plausible and relevant.Part II: Empirical investigationsChapters 7, 8, 9 and 10 constitute Part II of the book. First, I elaborate in chapter 7 on the 'structural setting' in which the case-studies presented later must be understood. I critically discuss: (a) the institutional efforts to stimulate the use and development of CT in primary agricultural production; (b) current evaluations of the present state of the art in this respect; and (c) dominant methods for the development of CT in agriculture. Furthermore, I express my theoretical reservations with respect to both the frequently made distinction between 'structured', 'semi-structured' and 'ill -structured' problems, and the classifications of different types of CT that are based on this differentiation. As an alternative, I propose a classification of CT which is based on two theoretically-inspired distinctions, namely: (a) the separation between what I call the 'external' and 'internal' CT-design, and (b) a differentiation between various types of (normatively and/or politically laden) models that are more or less implicitly incorporated. In the closing section of chapter 7, I make an attempt to theorize the broader (macro) context by drawing upon Knorr-Cetina's notion of summary representations. First, I identify a 'web' of interrelated summary representations (in the form of classifications) that agro-informaticians frequently draw upon. Then, I make plausible: (a) that these classifications have historical, political, normative and ideological connotations; (b) that they are drawn upon in particular social practices; and (c) that they consequently underlie a number of important structural properties of the domain of agroinformatics. Finally, I illustrate that the above-mentioned classifications are inherently connected with actively and intentionally constructed areas of ignorance, and hence, that selfreferential processes occur in the domain of agro-informatics.In chapter 8, I present a case-study on the use of CT that provides dairy farmers and extension workers with a large number of parameters and norms relating to the performance of particular farms. In this study, I operationalize diversity among farmers in terms of styles of farming. By means of both quantitative and qualitative analysis, I show that farmers belonging to different styles tend to differ with respect to: (a) the parameters and norms that they focus on; (b) the goals that they formulate vis-à-vis the norms; and (c) the types of comparisons that they make with the help of the CT. Also, it appears that there are plausible connections between the specific ways of dealing with the CT, the different knowledge networks that farmers are part of, and the specific strategic notions that underlie the different farming styles. Moreover, I elaborate briefly on the way extension workers use the CT, and on some contradictions in their evaluation of farms and farmers belonging to different styles.In the concluding section of chapter 8, 1 reflect on theoretical issues and on the three practical contributions that I wanted to deliver, and which guided the selection of the case. Most importantly, I arrive at the following conclusions. First, I conclude that extension workers may facilitate farmers' learning on the basis of CT, but that in this process they bring in a different (rather than different levels of ) expertise and analytical capacity. Second, I argue that increasing standardization and formalization of agricultural knowledge into more and more complex models underlying CT, poses serious risks. In relation to this, I conclude that the prospects of bringing about a much needed integration of knowledge from different epistemic communities are rather limited in the internal design of a CT, and that such integration is more realistically achieved by means of an adequate external design. Third, I assess that the type of CT under consideration can be particularly useful in providing an agenda for discussion, that the quality of such discussions can be especially high in farmers' study clubs, and that -in the light of diversity- the provision of normative parameters in such discussions is confusing, and therefore of limited value. Fourth, I argue that existing methods for identifying 'homogeneous' target-categories rest on inadequate theoretical models, and fail to grasp the social dimensions of making such classifications. Although the classification into styles of farming proves more insightful than current classifications, there are grounds for arguing that classifications starting from different dimensions could have increased my capacity to make practical contributions in relation to the use and development of CT. Finally, I analyze why carrying out this case-study did not contribute much to social change, and develop conditions that must be met in the next case-study in order to be more effective in this respect.Chapter 9 provides a qualitative analysis of enterprise registration and comparison practices among cucumber growers. The diversity observed in relation to these practices, leads me to develop several classifications of cucumber growers. Further qualitative analysis shows that each practice-based classification of diversity helps to both reveal the social dimensions of enterprise registration and comparison practices, and generate concrete design-criteria that any CT aimed at supporting these practices should have to meet. In relation to these criteria, I evaluate the prospects of one postal package and two CT-based packages that were actually designed to support enterprise registration and comparison activities. I conclude that the three packages are characterized by meaningful differences, and that the relative success of the packages can indeed be plausibly explained with reference to the design-criteria formulated.In the concluding section of chapter 9, 1 reflect on theoretical issues and on the four practical contributions that I wanted to deliver, and which guided the selection of the case. Most importantly, I arrive at the following conclusions. First, I conclude that the making of several classifications of diversity on the basis of knowledge-related practices has helped to generate a sharper insight into different rationalities, knowledge networks, communication patterns and CT-use, than appeared possible with the help of the single classification into styles of farming presented in chapter 8. Moreover, the exploration of several classifications provided more insight into how diversity is socially constructed. Second, on the basis of a comparison of the CT discussed in chapters 8 and 9, 1 conclude that as the complexity of a CT increases, the more both the anticipation of diversity and the integration of knowledge from different epistemic communities depend on an adequate external design. Third, it emerges that CT themselves can -in time and space- play a role in facilitating the integration of knowledge from different epistemic communities. In order to achieve this, it is important to design CT in such a way that they can serve as an agenda for discussion, and facilitate (joint) processes of learning. Moreover, the case-study illustrates that such learning processes may constitute a process of 'structural change'. Fourth, the conclusion drawn in chapter 8 with respect to the role of extension workers is reinforced. Fifth, the study indicates that information needs emerge in a continuous and often routine-like process of learning. In relation to this, information needs are not only diverse, but also socially constructed, and often subject to rapid change. Therefore, my earlier plea to use inductive rather than deductive methods for the identification of such needs is reinforced. Moreover, I argue that it is more useful to identify knowledge and information-related practices and types of information requirements rather than specific information needs. Finally, 1 argue that in this case-study the activities of the researcher did indeed lead to a large number and variety of practical conclusions, and an impact of these on the actual course of CT-development events. 1 suggest that this phenomenon can be attributed to: (a) the fact that growers and researcher enrolled each other, whereby the latter became involved in an existing local project; (b) the political commitment of the researcher; (c) the fact that the practical problem statement was formulated by the growers; (d) the research methodology adopted; and (e) the institutional arrangements under which the study took place.In chapter 10, I try to reconstruct the development histories of two CT-based packages that were designed to support enterprise registration and comparison activities. By doing so, I hope to gain insight both into why and how anticipation problems emerge, and into how software developers, growers, social scientists and extension workers may contribute to the development of adequate CT. On the basis of the reconstructions arrived at, I draw the following conclusions. First, CT-development processes emerge as complex arenas of negotiation and enrolment, in which cooperation and conflict need to be examined in the (historical) context of diverging and changing interests, resource bases, normative convictions, theoretical beliefs, spatial characteristics, etc. That is, CT-development processes are inherently social in nature, and are likely to constitute interface situations. Within and through these processes actors attempt to create longer term outcomes or structural properties, whereby they are often confronted with unintended consequences of their own and other actors' previous actions, and compelled to adapt initial goals, change routes, create new coalitions, etc. Second, CT-development processes can at the same time be fruitfully considered as being inherently social processes of learning. Third, in relation to the prospects of soft systems methodologies for enhancing such learning processes, the case- study indicates that efforts to create a negotiated 'consensus' may have counterproductive consequences when boundaries are chosen in such a way that actors with too widely diverging goals, interests, convictions, etc., are included. This seems to hold especially during the early stages of innovation processes. Fourth, even if -in practice- there appears to be only a gradual difference between project-oriented CT-development methods and prototyping, the use of planned approaches towards CT-development may at times obstruct rather than stimulate the development of an appropriate innovation in that the procedures adopted prevent the rapid inclusion of learning experiences. Finally, I argue that, if CT-development processes are learning processes, it makes sense to organize them as such as well. Thus, I set out to develop a 'learning-oriented' method for CT-development which incorporates methods that originate from actor-oriented sociology, extension science and prototyping approaches. The method that I propose is not so much aimed at realizing particular predefined goals by means of formal planning, but rather to test the feasibility and desirability of particular ideas, and adapt these where necessary. To this end, the method is designed as an open-ended procedure in which interveners, social scientists and various categories of prospective beneficiaries have different learning responsibilities.Part III: Discussion and conclusionsIn the concluding chapter, the theoretical line of argumentation is rounded off with, on the one hand, a reflection of the overall 'theoretical' problem statement, and on the other, some more specific conclusions in relation to the various fields of study that were covered in Part I of the book. In essence, I conclude that it has become plausible that a lack of correspondence between, on the one hand, the various models that are (more or less implicitly) incorporated in CT-design, and on the other, the models that are actually drawn upon in the context in which such CT are supposed to be used, indeed originates from both the social nature of CT-development processes, and insufficient recognition of the social dimensions of knowledge, information, rationality and communication among those that develop CT. The practical line of argumentation is brought to an end with the formulation of recommendations for practitioners in relation to the five practical contributions that I envisaged to make by means of my study.Eventually, I conclude that a constructivist actor-oriented 'communication paradigm' constitutes an attractive perspective for both understanding and improving CT-development interventions in agriculture and horticulture.

Rapid (or Relaxed) Appraisal of Agricultural Knowledge Systems (RAAKS) is a participatory action-research methodology to improve networking among people and organisations relevant to agricultural innovation. It is put into practice in a programme in 6 Central American countries aiming at improving the relevance and impact of research and extension for small grain producers