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Donald Moon argues that neither rights nor equality can serve as adequate moral or political basis for a welfare state in addressing the Hegel's dilemma. The Hegel's dilemma is that organisation of economic life through the market in a democratic state produces great wealth as well as great poverty and individuals in such state fall in either category. The wide gulf in wealth among individuals in a market economy is a problem which a democratic welfare state seeks to address but, for Moon, rights or equality is not adequate moral and political basis of the welfare state for solving the problem. He proposes the principles of economic management, provision of services and social insurance as alternative and adequate bases for a welfare state in addressing the problem. This paper queries Moon's proposal. The paper argues that Moon's proposed institutional principles are inadequate in addressing the problem without a fundamental moral and/or political basis upon which these principles can be justifiably founded. The paper posits that rights provide a plausible and adequate foundational moral and political basis for the principles in order to adequately address the problem created by the market economy without jeopardising the idea of human self-respect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on materials obtained from fieldwork in three Chinese cities and data collected through online ethnography as a complementary method, this article investigates the relationship between Chinese trade unions and food delivery workers resisting the exploitation of platform capitalism. The article first analyzes the impact of the official character and structure of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) on its compatibility with delivery workers. Constrained by Chinese policies and regime, the ACFTU is absent from the collective action mobilization of delivery workers. Thus, it is shown that, by this absence, the Chinese couriers have opted for self-organization. However, while avoiding the role of mobilization, Chinese unions have responded and acted on the emergence of the couriers and the growth of their protest actions. As a result of these practices, some new union organizing patterns in platform capitalism have emerged in different regions. Whereas unions for platform workers, initially in the form of service stations, focused on providing welfare to workers, the actions of these unions are now shifting toward promoting collective bargaining. This article highlights that the ambiguous legal relationship between platforms and workers, the multiple outsourcing of Chinese platforms, and the geographical dispersion of outsourcing companies have challenged the ACFTU’s traditional union organization patterns, with the result that special unions have been created at different levels for couriers by innovating beyond the established system, abandoning the tradition of employer-controlled “paper unions” and potentially gaining substantive bargaining power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to shed light on the effect of social media in shaping public opinion in communities that are ruled by capitalists, as represented by the Norwegian writer Henrik Ibsen in his “An Enemy of the People.” Through a profound reading of the play, this paper aims to reflect how those who have different opinions from those of the authorities are liable to persecution and oppression. The paper also investigates the ways through which the capitalists manipulate power and authority to shape public opinion through press/ social media to serve their purposes and interests. The present study concludes that capitalism exerts an obvious effect on people and reflects that the majority’s opinion is so absolute to the extent that any other opinion is intolerable. It also shows that people are affected by the capitalist nature of the society. Public opinions are manufactured according to the consent of the majority in the society. Social media plays a major role in creating opinions and nurturing them. Instead of being an altruistic, positive force, social media exposes itself as an authority purveyor of lies. It functions as a full-time patrol to persuade the people to succumb to the majority as the only refuge for a peaceful life. Therefore, any hope for a dignified life in a community where individual freedom and individuality are respected becomes a far-fetched pursuit.

This paper analyzes Scott Fitzgerald’s novels in light of Deleuze and Guattari’s critique of capitalism. While Deleuze and Guattari’s capitalist social machine is a break from Marxism, it decodes the traditions that define subjective desires or concepts like beauty and ethics. Under capitalism, subjective desire arises as a capitalist desire and reproduces the capitalist power. In his novels, Fitzgerald addresses the idea of the American dream in a similar way. His characters often embody the contradictions of American experience such as success and failure, dream and nightmare, illusion and disillusionment. This paper critically analyzes Deleuze and Guattari’s reading of desire within Marx’s work and the role of the American dream in a capitalist system as a sort of antiproduction. It seeks to illustrate how the concept of love in Fitzgerald’s novels is tied to the idea of money and how their connection delineates, in the same way, the commodification of the desire that Deleuze traces in his reading of Marx. Accordingly, this paper also argues that similar to philosophy, fiction can be employed to provide a better understanding of our represented world.

This paper reaffirms the truth of the Social Doctrine of the Catholic Church (CSD) and its impact in the socioeconomic sphere in Western Civilization. Specifically, it seeks to put in order the chaos in which secularized European society currently finds itself. Through Archbishop Giampaolo Crepaldi’s interpretation of CSD, the author dispels erroneous notions of collectivism surrounding private property, productive work, solidarity, and subsidiarity by arguing that a proper understanding of these principles supports a healthy capitalism, which in turn supports human dignity. Only through a capitalism in line with a proper understanding of CSD principles can the poor stand to gain the most, provided they have a socioeconomic framework in which they can independently thrive. Liberation theology as a cornerstone of a socioeconomic framework destroys the foundation the Church established through the centuries. In the interpretation of the relationship between the CSD and the capitalist economy provided by this paper, the concept of private property emerges as the central nucleus of any human operation, be it cultural, economic, social, or political. Ownership does not only mean possessing material things, but also spiritual elements. Thus ownership also means identity, of a person and of a people. As we enter the third decade of the twenty-first century, the ideology of political correctness—that is, the ideology of the various cultural and political movements of the left—condemns identity as dangerous, a condemnation which furthers the operation of globalization, the homogenization of humanity, and the related attempt to weaken nations in view of a supranational management. If identity is one of the consequences of the concept of property, then this latter must also be banned, as an obstacle on the way to that global dis-identification that would herald a socialization of the Western world. But from the perspective of the main spiritual foundation of the West, that is, of the Judeo-Christian tradition, property is one of the pillars of society, and therefore cannot be suppressed or even undermined. The Social Doctrine of the Catholic Church, founded by Pope Leo XIII and relaunched by Pope John Paul II, is an excellent antidote to the ideological poison of socialism and progressivism now wide-spread in all Western countries.

This paper explores the “new social movement” features of the Argentinean, Chilean, and Uruguayan student movements of the late 1800s and early 1900s. In doing so, it wrestles with two questions. First, why do such features, widely associated with post-industrial societies, appear at this relatively early stage of capitalist development? Second, what does their presence at that time suggest about the explanatory power of new social movement theory? The paper agrees with new social movement theorists’ contention that capitalism shapes the character of social movements but argues that the focus of the analysis should not be on development stages but rather on the impact of rapid global market integration processes, which have occurred at different times since the rise of capitalism. Such an approach illuminates why capitalist development may yield similar collective action patterns across different historical periods.

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Management international / International Management / Gestiòn Internacional is the property of Management International and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The research paper was inspired by a true story that depends on two women who suffered from trafficking. To sum up, the paper discusses the factors and risks of trafficking, specifically women. Trafficking of women is a horrible crime; it needs to put an end to women’s suffering. Two examples of females from the book “Two Kyrgyz Women”, had been exposed to many risks. They were beaten, threatened, and raped. The aim of the paper is to discuss that if the factors that aided women to be trafficked were treated from the early beginning, there would be no trafficking women. Those factors are many such as: - cheated by promising jobs, unstable political conditions, social and cultural practices that devalue women in their society, gender roles in society that shows society prefers boys more than girls, and the misconception of social norms. But in fact, those factors are not determined and banned with the help of Kyrgyz society, on the contrary, the society itself is the main factor that encourages women to leave their country for the sake of living. On the other hand, male partner does not take any part for supporting women; this is going to be discussed and proved in the coming pages.

In this paper, we argue that the crisis of teaching can be understood as a crisis of labour that continues to impact academic librarians because it is a historical process grounded in larger socio-political shifts precipitated by capitalism. We demonstrate that the emergence and development of teaching—and specifically teaching information literacy (IL) as a kind of librarian curriculum—in academic libraries in North America corresponds to the emergence of neoliberalism. The shocks created by neoliberal fiscal austerity along with anxiety about de-professionalization and de-skilling provoked by cheaper and more widely available information technology created a mounting crisis of legitimacy in librarianship throughout the late 1970s and into the 1980s. Librarians ostensibly remedied this crisis through the positioning of IL as a central contribution of the profession to the academy and society. The COVID-19 pandemic and economic recessions have only intensified the proletarianization processes that have been ongoing since the 1970s. As teaching, learning, and assessment technologies proliferate in the academy, librarians cannot teach more efficiently to meet the needs of growing university populations. Instead, they must rethink the purpose and goals of librarian teaching in the context of the academy. The question of teaching will not be solved until material conditions of librarian labour in the academy are solved.

Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the publication in 1973 of Dorothy Thomson’s seminal book Adam Smith’s Daughters, the literature on women’s contribution to the economic thought has grown exponentially. Despite these recent publications, the specificities of the French context and the historical contributions of female thinkers to French economic thought have been rarely studied. The aim of this paper is to analyze the contribution of Flora Tristan, Julie-Victoire Daubié and Clémence Royer to economic debates in nineteenth-century France. These three case studies offer insight into the neglect of female thinkers in the history of economic thought. In line with previous publications, we explore the border of the definition of economics by focusing on the nineteenth-century French context. We then propose some explanations for their exclusion from the field of economics.

In this paper, we examine the institutionalised demands and imperatives that govern the contemporary working subject. Our starting point is the thesis advanced by both Alain Ehrenberg and Eva Illouz that since the 1960s institutions are no longer characterised by a strict culture of prohibition and discipline. Instead, institutions seem to be increasingly animated by the norms and practices of a "culture of self-care", enriched by therapeutisation (Ehrenberg) and emotionalisation (Illouz). However, this does not mean that the disciplinary regimes that Foucault focuses on are simply disappearing. They persist, albeit in a different form, and we demonstrate this by looking at three central aspects of contemporary wellness: (a) specific spatial arrangements, (b) the performance of bodily practices and techniques and (c) ritualised interactions. We argue that in wellness facilities disciplinary regimes become effective through interpellations that are inscribed in rigid temporal-spatial orders and demand the body's docility. Insofar as this process relies on those norms that Ehrenberg and Illouz reserve for post-Fordist labour, the wellness space can ultimately be understood as a labour space. For what is at stake is the productivity of the subject.

Amidst the many socio-ecological crises facing the world today, the biodiversity crisis is considered one of the most foundational. According to scientists, we have entered yet another mass extinction event in the history of the planet, though the first triggered by the impacts of the combined, uneven actions of one species. This introductory paper to a Special Section on the "Political ecologies of extinction" frames this crisis through political ecology, and explores what political ecologies of extinction could look like and focus on in the 21st century. Building on emerging literatures and the author contributions, it agrees that extinction is much more than the endpoint of a long and rocky road of the decline of a species. It is an uneven, historical process that conjoins political, geographical, socio-ecological, and other factors. Most of all, a political ecology of extinction highlights the intertwined forces of political economy, power and ecology whereby I argue that a special focus should be on how biological diversity and our understanding of it has changed over time, especially the last two centuries. The capitalist intensification of pressures on biological diversity combined with changing perceptions of the value of diversity during this time have led to a moment where extinction decisively moves from a biological endpoint to a political inflection-point. How to relate these two 'points' to historical and contemporary, local and global forces of political economy and power is central to political ecologies of extinction, as exemplified by the articles in this Special Section. This introductory article lays out their core themes, and derives from them further pointers and questions for developing this field.

This paper begins and ends with a provocation: I argue that refusal in librarianship is both impossible and necessary. Reviewing examples of crisis narratives which permeate both American and Canadian universities, I take a materialist perspective on the idea of refusal within academic librarianship. To do so, I draw on the work of Audra Simpson, Kyle Whyte, Eve Tuck, Mario Tronti, and Rinaldo Walcott to examine the sites of impossibility of refusal in the practice of academic librarianship within contemporary neoliberal education institutions. Then, I analyze the totality of capitalism in setting the limit for the practice of refusal through case studies of direct action, including the Icelandic Women’s Strike of 1975 and the 2020 Scholar Strike Canada. Finally, I identify private property and history as key frames for understanding the contradiction at the heart of refusal of crisis. As such, any refusal that does not address the centrality of labour and private property relations can thus be understood as harm reduction rather than emancipation. Ultimately, I argue that for librarians to refuse would require an abandonment of liberalism as librarianship’s guiding philosophy, and a redefinition of librarianship as such.