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In the following article we analyze the relationship between different governance models and democratisation. To do so, we first address the more structural dimension of the issue. We observe that there is a structural relationship between governance and neoliberal governmentality; however, we find models such as those proposed by Sonia Bussu and Adrián Bua that offer us instruments to think of alternative ways of approaching the issue. Furthermore, we analyze their theoretical framework in relation to consolidated proposals such as Charles Tilly's theory of democracy. Finally, we apply the theoretical concepts to the case of Hernani Burujabe, an innovative case of democracy-driven governance.

Throughout this paper, I will focus on the media-documentation of Genoa’s G8 protests in 2001. More precisely, I will delve into the role of Indymedia Italia in the development of Genoa Social Forum’s Media Center, also referring to two of the most relevant videos produced by them and now collected in the online repository NGV – New Global Vision. In other words, I aim to highlight the aesthetic and political stances of a specific media collective during one of the most relevant historical events at the beginnings of the 21st Century.

Pan-Africanism is both a project and a political commitment, an idea and an ideal which have largely contributed to the political and intellectual history of contemporary African societies. It is an imprecise term which leads to confusion. It is a word whose meaning varies depending on the individuals who use it. It is often constituted as an ideology, a political theory or even a concept. The question of its scientific definition is therefore almost never decided or discussed, each author making it, according to the needs of his demonstrations or his points of view, either an ideology, a concept, or a political theory. The proposal to include Pan-Africanism through the prism of the theory of social movements in this present study allows us to shed light and make a significant contribution to the history of Pan-Africanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Alain Touraine’s theory on social movements (SMs) characterizes them as having their own collective identity, a defined opponent, and a dispute between these two opponents. This paper considers that Touraine’s theory on SMs does not contemplate their main motto: Emancipation. It is believed that Boaventura de Sousa Santos’ ideas can contribute to identifying SMs with emancipatory potential. To make these concepts concrete, examples of SMs are presented in Brazil and worldwide and analyzed in light of the two cited theories.

Education and processes of agrarian change are deeply imbricated processes. While political ecologists have begun exploring education in earnest, questions of race have remain largely unexplored. In this article, we analyze the spatial linkages between education, race, and the permanence of the peasantry in the face of expanding capital. Our focus is the crisis of rural school closures in Brazil. Over the last twenty five years, the state has closed more than 65% of Brazil’s rural schools. Social movements argue that these school closures are differentially occurring in communities of color. To better understand the factors driving this crisis, we assembled a “big data” database, consisting of twenty five years of municipal school records from every school in Brazil. Drawing upon advanced geospatial statistics and multiple linear regression techniques, we analyze both how these school closures are spatially patterned throughout Brazil, and the social, political, and economic factors shaping this crisis. Our results highlight land concentration and race as central dynamics in this crisis, underscoring the enduring impact that racial oppression and historical patterns of land inequality play in structuring the politics of knowledge and educational landscape in Brazil.

Rural Education (RE) is being conceived as a pedagogical proposal specific to the rural population, as it considers that this audience has distinct educational needs and lifestyle habits from those living in urban environments. In this article we presented the results of bibliographical Research aimed at the historical survey of teaching proposals in this modality within Latin America, adopting as a sample cut the histories of Argentina, Brazil, Cuba, and Mexico. Our results demonstrate that Latin American experiences are influenced by the ideological inclination of their governments and that educational projects achieved better results when they obtained greater popular participation, from their conception to the execution of their proposals. This demonstrates that RE is a reflection of a Pedagogical Project that achieves higher levels of efficiency when built in a democratic, with the target audience involved in its construction.

In any society, change and political renewal are more than necessary for a good and healthy governance. However, political alternation remains rare in Africa, particularly in French-speaking countries, fact that turned this region, at the beginning of the 2000s, into one of old, authoritarian or semidemocratic regimes not willing to give up the power. This article will focus on the types of actions (coups, revolutions, riots) that have challenged these regimes since the independence of the countries until now. We will analyze the context in which these actions emerged and the way in which they are more or less skillfully managed by the regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Last July 2022, the Women's Institute and the Ministry of Equality of the Spanish government launched the advertising campaign "Summer is also ours", with the intention of raising awareness of women's bodily diversity and preventing aesthetic violence. However, this campaign attracted considerable criticism for having taken without consent the image of several women for the design of the poster and also modified the body of one of them in order to hide the prosthesis she wears on one of her legs. This essay analyses this case as a clear expression of the internalised and institutionalised disability that makes it possible to signify a non-normative body due to disability as unpresentable, even leading to its erasure in the sphere of communication. We reflect on how these practices affect the construction of collective imaginaries and social categorisations around disability, the subaltern subject position of women with disabilities and the need to incorporate an intersectional perspective in both the feminist movement and the disability social movement.

A violência obstétrica é uma violência de gênero, que tem o racismo como sobreposição, tornando as mulheres negras mais vulneráveis. Em Portugal, esta realidade continua silenciada por detrás do mito da igualdade social difundido no pós-período colonial. Os corpos destas mulheres no cenário obstétrico no país trazem-nos a necessidade de abordar questões de corpo-raça-saúde articuladas com os movimentos feministas e negros. Este artigo parte de uma abordagem teórica sustentada nos estudos pós-coloniais e feministas, com uma perspectiva sociológica. Em termos metodológicos, o texto compartilha as atividades de um coletivo de mulheres antirracistas sob uma perspectiva interseccional, utilizando a técnica metodológica do relato de experiência. Os principais resultados deste estudo apontam para a pertinência de se desenvolver uma investigação sociológica transversal sobre as experiências de saúde reprodutiva das mulheres racializadas em Portugal e a importância dos movimentos sociais para a realização desses trabalhos. O coletivo Saúde das Mães Negras (SaMaNe), através de quatro frentes de atuação, traz para o debate social, político e académico as experiências de gravidez, parto e pós-parto de mulheres negras e afrodescendentes em Portugal. Concluiu-se que há necessidade de aprofundar o debate sobre as opressões e desigualdades raciais nos cuidados obstétricos, pelo que este artigo pretende também romper com o silêncio em torno do tema e transformá-lo em ação. Obstetric violence is a gender violence, which has racism as an overlay, making Black women more vulnerable. In Portugal, this reality remains silenced behind the myth of social equality disseminated post-colonial period. The bodies of these women in the obstetric scenario in the country, bring us the need to address issues of body-race-health articulated with the feminist and Black movements. This article is based on a theoretical approach sustained in post-colonial and feminist studies, with a sociological perspective. For its methodology, this article shares the actions of a collective of antiracist women acting from an intersectional perspective, using the methodological technique of the experience report. The main results of this study point to the pertinence of developing intersectional sociological research on the reproductive health experiences of racialized women in Portugal and the importance of social movements to conduct such work. The collective Saúde das Mães Negras (SaMaNe) through four fronts brings to social, political, and academic debate the experiences of pregnancy, childbirth and postpartum of black and afro-descendant women in Portugal. In conclusion, there is a need to deepen the debate on oppression and racial inequalities in obstetric care, and this article also intends to break the silence around the theme and transform it into action.

Rural Education is a recent area of study that has been built on several historical movements and transformations. These movements and transformations have been occurring and being intended through the fight for the right to land, which has included the fight for the right to education. These struggles have been protagonized through the organization of rural people in social movements. Thus, we use a literature review to discuss these movements as they form the principles of Rural Education. The goal of the text is to present the course of the dialectics of life and praxis in the countryside in dialog with the pedagogical theories as a way to find the educational principles that can support the struggles in the countryside. We point out that in these movements between field and education, present in the struggles for their rights, are the potentialities of the countryside to find in the pedagogical theories the principles that lead to the Field itself in its formation and development process.

This article has highlighted the results of a study of the geography of five strike movements in contemporary Belgian supermarkets, at Delhaize (2014, 2017), Carrefour (2018), Lidl (2018) and Mestdagh (2018). Initially, the analysis focused on the spatial dynamics of the various conflicts. Common trends emerge, such as inter-regional contrasts between Flanders and Wallonia, intra-regional differences around areas such as the former Walloon industrial axis, and a general concentration of conflict in urban agglomerations. Secondly, the study attempted to discuss the question of the factors explaining the spatial variability of strike action in contemporary mass retailing. We began by trying to understand whether this geography of conflict was specific to the supermarket sector. We then sought to shed light on the historical influence of socio-economic and political structures on the propensity to strike, as well as that of union structures and subjective factors.

Extractive activity is not limited to mining; it also occurs in the other forms of large-scale landscape destruction, including the deforestation involved in extensive infrastructure projects. Yet while resistance to activities such as fracking and coal mining has been intensively investigated within the extractivism debate under the collective term ‘contested extractivism’, resistance to the extraction of renewable parts of nature such as woodland has, by comparison, been somewhat neglected. Likewise, the academic debate has focused mostly on case studies from the global South. We argue that opposition to the felling of more than 85 hectares of woodland in the Forest of Dannenrod (Germany) for the construction of a highway is an example of contested extractivism in the global North. We portray the protest as a clash between extractivist and anti-extractivist notions in Europe, the latter partly transitioning into post-extractivist imaginaries. And although the area was felled in 2020, we argue that this opposition marked a turning point for the German environmental justice movement and sparked a national debate, despite persistent support mechanisms for wood extraction and negative media reports.

In the context of a global expansion of the extractive frontier, building broad protest coalitions is key for emancipatory and non-extractive future transformations of the countryside. Yet even though movements in both the agrarian and the mining sector struggle against the enclosure of land and the loss of livelihoods in rural areas, inter-sectoral coalitions remain scarce. This chapter therefore aims to identify challenges to inter-sectoral coalition building between movements struggling against extractive projects in the agrarian and the mining sector. Based on a case study of Senegal it shows that mutually exclusive identities, missing ‘bridge builders’, and different policy spaces constitute key challenges for the building of coalitions. Furthermore, extraction plays out differently in the agrarian and in the mining sector. Different regulations and economic histories as well as distinct impacts of extractive activities on land and nature provide different incentives and challenges for claim making in the two sectors. In order to understand resistance to extraction, it is therefore key to stay attuned to the different impacts extractive investments have on the ground.

Over the last two decades in Bangladesh, a well-organised resistance to coal mining in the north-west, and to onshore and offshore gas exploration, has been animated by concerns over dispossession of land, and plans to export much of the coal and gas to be extracted in the name of financial viability. As such, these movements might be read as resistance to ‘extractivism’ in a ‘literal sense’. In scholarship on resistance to resource extraction in Bangladesh, significant attention has been given to the tensions that appear to arise between ‘resource nationalist’ opposition to foreign-owned or export-oriented extractive operations, and (some) supposed resource nationalists’ accommodation of fossil fuel extraction in the name of energy sovereignty and development. In this chapter, I argue that this apparent tension in understanding resistance to extractivism dissolves when the New International Economic Order (NIEO)―which centred on attempts to assert permanent sovereignty over natural resources and empower postcolonial states to negotiate with extractive corporations―is foregrounded. In Bangladesh, sovereignty over natural resources and the primacy of domestic courts in disputes over resource extraction are frequently enacted, much to the displeasure of international extractive industry corporations. Focusing on attempts to enact the spirit of the NIEO by Bangladeshi courts, and arbitrators locking horns with extractive industry corporations, I suggest that ‘resource nationalist’ mobilisation against unjust forms of resource extraction can at times be understood as resistance to the international legal architecture that frames extractive corporations’ relationships with postcolonial states, rather than to extractivism in the ‘literal sense’.

Central resource of oasian agriculture, agricultural workforce remains quite inaudible, both in the academic field and in post-2011 public debates in Tunisia. Based on the case of Tozeur and Gabes, this article aims to cross the perspectives of workers and landowners in the oases on the role of agricultural workforce, in order to highlight the emergence of a localized conflict, rooted in renegotiated power relations. Marked by environmental issues and specific dynamics of post-2011 protests in Tunisia, the oases case study illustrates the complex quest towards more social justice by a dominated group such as agricultural workers, who possess key know-how for oasian agriculture and its sustainability. After a presentation of the factors and effects of this conflict in Gabes and Tozeur, and the analysis of the divergent territorialities of the different actors with regard to agricultural work, we focus on the khammes’s situation, sharecroppers to the fifth in Tozeur, so as to highlights the ambivalence of a social movement characterized both by its fragility outside the palm groves, and by its strong anchoring inside the gardens.

Copyright of Mens: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle is the property of MENS: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 26th UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) COP (Conference of Parties) took place in Glasgow, Scotland in November 2021 amidst intersecting global crises. The rising number and intensity of unprecedented extreme weather events in many countries, increased knowledge about industrial agriculture’s significant emission contributions to the climate crisis, and the vulnerability of the global food system in the wake of COVID-19 shocks should have positioned food and agriculture as priority items on the agenda. Yet, agriculture and food systems played only a minor role in COP26 negotiations, and vaccine apartheid limited the presence of the food sovereignty movement and broader grassroots voices in Glasgow. Corporate co-optation and flagrant greenwashing via net zero and false solution narratives dominated, yielding watered-down outcomes instead of the bold actions needed to tackle the climate crisis. In this report from the field, two food sovereignty activists dissect the accessibility of the official COP26 spaces and demonstrate how the negotiations failed to meaningfully integrate grassroots demands related to ecologically and socially just food and agriculture policy. They also reflect on their experiences in civil society-led spaces that fostered social movement building outside the doors of the official UNFCCC conference. It was in these interactions that activists wove threads of hope across sectors, social groups, and movements seeking climate justice.

Em diferentes países, lideranças reacionárias têm aparecido como única alternativa possível à crise da democracia liberal. Este trabalho pretende contribuir para a compreensão dos limites de uma estratégia de transformação radicalmente democrática que conte com a adesão dos trabalhadores mais pobres na periferia do capitalismo, o que é feito por meio de uma pesquisa de inspiração etnográfica junto ao MTST-SP, um movimento eficaz na mobilização popular pela luta por direitos sociais. No entanto, a pesquisa descrita a seguir revela como ao mesmo tempo em que desestabiliza a ordem ao organizar trabalhadores atomizados, é na acomodação com o sistema político e econômico que o MTST pode avançar. A interpretação dessa relação ambígua com a ordem ajuda a entender os constrangimentos de uma ação política fundada na participação ativa de camadas populares hostis ao conflito com instituições e valores estabelecidos.

In an apparently paradoxical or contradictory way, our new century seems to show two trends: on the one hand, an increasingly informal, disorganized, oftentimes violent spate of uprisings, and on the other hand, a growing exploitation of legal strategies. Given these developments, how do we rethink the relationship between social struggles and law? This article employs a casuistic approach in order to explore current modes of interconnections between law and society. It argues that law is that language that through the institution of norms gives shape to the world of social relations. Through this same language, law performs actions in this world that it institutes through its categories. This piece also proposes a technical understanding of the concept of legal mobilization and argues that the innovative use of legal technique (rather than a political grammar) and the institutions of social cooperation could be seen as elements that re-describe and re-signify legal mobilization. De forma aparentemente paradójica o contradictoria, nuestro nuevo siglo parece mostrar dos tendencias: por un lado, una oleada de levantamientos cada vez más informales, desorganizados y, a menudo, violentos; y, por otro lado, una creciente explotación de las estrategias jurídicas. Teniendo en cuenta esta evolución, ¿cómo repensar la relación entre las luchas sociales y el derecho? Este artículo emplea un enfoque casuístico para explorar los modos actuales de interconexión entre el derecho y la sociedad. Sostiene que el derecho es el lenguaje que, a través de la institución de las normas, da forma al mundo de las relaciones sociales. A través de este mismo lenguaje, el derecho realiza acciones en este mundo que instituye a través de sus categorías. Este artículo también propone una comprensión técnica del concepto de movilización jurídica y argumenta que el uso innovador de la técnica jurídica (en lugar de una gramática política) y las instituciones de cooperación social podrían verse como elementos que redescriben y resignifican la movilización jurídica. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1267

Until 2019, Guatemala upheld a de-facto moratorium on GMOs. The ban has been attributed to broad-based social resistance and the unlikely alliances galvanized by the issue. Recent legislation, however, has been met with little resistance. In this paper, I show how the tensions between anti-GM actors and their interactions on the ground help to explain this turn of events in Guatemala, and—more broadly— contributes to our understanding of how biotechnology advances despite significant resistance. Drawing on interviews and ethnographic observation, I demonstrate how urban, professional class Ladinos who oppose GMOs draw on scientific and technical arguments divorced from broader political-economic critiques. Meanwhile, campesino and indigenous activists center their resistance within broader structures of oppression such as colonialism, racism, and capitalism. Specifically, I show how ‘biotechnologizing’ is employed in problematic ways, not only by pro-GMO coalitions—as other scholarship suggests—but also by anti-GM allies. This case contributes to our understanding of how anti-GMO movement frames get constructed in local contexts, and the tensions that arise between anti-GM groups, revealing significant impediments to creating a more just food future in Guatemala.

This article presents conversations across difference that took place among community partners and researchers at a week-long workshop in T’Sou-ke First Nation territory in 2019. The workshop launched the Four Stories About Food Sovereignty research network and project, which brings together food producers, activists, and researchers representing T’Sou-ke Nation in British Columbia, Wayuu Indigenous communities in Colombia, refugee communities in Jordan, and small-scale farmers in South Africa. We focus here on conversations that highlight global-local tensions in food justice work, the pressures of extractive economy, and pressures arising from climate crisis – challenges that some participants framed at the level of global extractivism and colonial-capitalism, others at the level of the soil. As the conversations reveal, there was more common ground than conflict in shared histories of dispossession, shared predicaments of extractive capital and its government allies, and shared concern to renew and reinvigorate ancestral practices of care for territory.

Kimlik konusu küreselleşme, ekonominin yapısal dönüşümü vb. süreçlerine paralel bir biçimde geniş kitlelerin farklı talepleri doğrultusunda yeniden şekillenmeye başlamıştır. Kimliğin evrensel ve özcü yaklaşımına karşılık farklılık temelinde ele alınması gerektiğine dair görüşler dillendirilmeye başlamıştır. Her kimliğin kendine özgü koşullar içerisinde ele alınması fikri, “öteki” olarak nitelendirilen kimliklerin de görünür olmasına imkân sağlamıştır. Bu minvalde kimlik geleneksel algısının ötesinde ve farklılıkları da içerecek şekilde daha kapsamlı bir şekilde ele alınmaya başlamıştır. Çevre hareketleri, barış hareketleri, kadın hareketleri vb. hareketler, ulus ötesine varan nitelikleri ile farklı coğrafya ve ideolojiden bireylerin ortak söylem, dil ve talepler doğrultusunda hareket ederek katılımcı diyalog zemininin oluşmasını sağlamıştır. Kimlik, yeni toplumsal hareketler ile birlikte siyasal bir talep şeklinde, kamusal hayatın merkezine yerleşmiştir.Bu çalışmada, eski ve yeni toplumsal hareketler kavramlarına yönelik literatür taraması yapılmış ve hareketler karşılaştırmalı olarak ele alınmıştır. Sonrasında kimliğin bu hareketler ile yaşadığı dönüşüme odaklanılmıştır. Yeni toplumsal hareketler ile yeniden şekillenen kimlik, farklılıklar ile birlikte ötekilik meselesini de gündeme getirmiş, kimliklerin homojen yapısından ziyade çok parçalılık ve çeşitlilik temelinde yeniden düşünülmesini gündeme getirmiştir. Kimliğin bu yapısı, taleplerin siyasallaşmasına ivme kazandıran bir gelişme olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Çevre ve kadın hareketleri, yeni toplumsal hareketler çerçevesinde farklı kimlik taleplerinin gündem olmasına zemin hazırlamıştır.

The violent death of George Floyd at the end of May 2020 triggered a global protest movement: Starting in the US, numerous rallies, demonstrations, and vigils took place around the world, taking a stand against racism and police violence. This protest was and is subject to different visual representations and mediated expressions, which have an important share in the production of meaning around the protest actions. Based on a picture type analysis of the (image) coverage of the protests in Austrian, German and Swiss newspapers as well as on visual expressions on Instagram in the context of demonstrations in German-speaking cities, the article deals with visual constructions of protest and discusses their meaning against the background of social, media, and political contexts. Different dominant image types emerge in each case: In media coverage, for example, images of demonstrators as a mass are predominant, which make the individual participants imperceptible. On Instagram, there are mainly internal perspectives of the demonstrations through individual self-dramatizations of the demonstrators. It also becomes clear that journalistic images show protests with a high news value, especially with regard to tense conflict situations in the US context, while on Instagram the communalization via group images and thus the staging and mobilization of the participants comes to the fore.

This article reviews some of the literature devoted to the "Québec community movement" (QCM) through a two-tiered reading. For the first tier, we propose a generic definition according to which the community movement is a heterogeneous set of mobilizations aimed at challenging the state's claim to a monopoly on the collective treatment of social reproduction. Then, for the second tier, we begin by questioning the objective of QCM as such in order to draw attention to the plurality that it covers. We then turn to Québec community studies, to highlight the gap between practical and theoretical approaches as well as an intellectual isolation that bears some similarities to the study of urban social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politique Africaine is the property of Karthala Editions Diffusion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tocqueville Review -- La Revue Tocqueville is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anales de Filología Francesa is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: This paper explores social media practices with an exemplarily focus on constructions of space and social movements. It aims at identifying prospects for social science education under digital conditions regarding the reconfiguration of content and possibilities for digital literacy. Approach: By reviewing and summarizing popular strands of discussion on the application of social media practices in constructions of spaces and social movements, we identify common didactical themes from an educational perspective. Subsequently, we discuss social networks as real-world learning contexts in light of creative practices. Findings: Building on this, we derive theoretical implications for social science education for teaching and learning within social networks with a special focus on creativity. Following this, we present implications for social science literacy as well as digital literacy, which are two sides of the same coin. Practical implications: Finally, we present implications for future research and outline prospects for a future social science education.

Recent years have been marked by large-scale social social’s movement (France, Ukraine, Belarus, Algeria, Chile, Hong Kong, Colombia, the United States, Lebanon, etc.). Although these movements refer to specific situations and political issues, there are shared experiences and concordant narratives between them. These movements are also unique in that they claim to go beyond the usual methods of intervention in the political field. Instead of traditional union or political practices, they prefer more direct modes of intervention (occupation, blocking, fist-fighting, riots, etc.), without spokespersons, without hierarchy, organized in a flexible and "horizontal" way thanks to digital devices, and without any openness to possible negotiations or compromises with the authorities. In short, these movements seem to prefigure a crisis of democratic habits, in particular of the politics of composition that makes dialogue the essential principle of conflict resolution. This paper proposes to reflect on the dynamics of these social upheavals by paying particular attention to the sensitive experience that the actors have of them. The power of attraction of the overflowing of the usual political scenes would translate a clashing passion for the world whose more general political meaning should be questioned.

Reviewing the literature in the humanities and social sciences which analyse riots, this article proposes a new theoretical avenue for understanding this particular form of insurrection: a processual approach. Grounded in organizational studies research which mobilizes this approach, the article analyzes the riot that led to the fire of the 3rd District Police Station in Minneapolis in May 2020. The processual approach allows us to unfold the riot and explore how it is embodied not by criminals and madmen, but by strategists who communicate intensely while distributing tasks over a particular territory. Ultimately, the article invites us to take a different look at riots in order to consider them as a moving organization, made up of co-affected bodies and producer of new forms of social life.

Starting from the yellow vests uprising, our article aims to discuss the main philosophical and political analyses of the riots. Such an approach allows us to understand to what extent this form of action played a fundamental role within the movement, without making the Saturday “acts” its moment of truth. Against any stigmatization or fetishization of the riot, our approach based on the words of the yellow vests restores to this practice the crucial political importance that it has assumed for several decades and particularly since the onset of the 2008 crisis.

Cet article se focalise sur le modèle d’action sociale partisane expérimenté à Naples au sein de la Maison du peuple, située dans l’ancien hôpital psychiatrique judiciaire de la ville. Ce complexe de 9000 m2 abandonné depuis plusieurs années fut occupé par un collectif de militant·e·s communistes en 2015 dans le but de donner vie à des pratiques sociales, politiques et culturelles à travers le principe d’autogestion. En 2017, le collectif décida de fonder l’organisation politique de gauche radicale Potere al popolo! (Pouvoir au peuple!). La structure fut alors convertie en Maison du peuple, au sein de laquelle les militant·e·s expérimentent désormais un modèle d’action sociale hybride. Afin d’analyser ce modèle, nous proposons le concept d’« action sociale partisane », définie comme une forme d’action collective impliquant la production de pratiques sociales par une organisation politique. Sur le plan empirique, nous présentons l’histoire de ce projet collaboratif et nous faisons état des pratiques organisées par les participant·e·s au sein de cet espace. Aussi, nous analysons les logiques d’action sur lesquelles se fonde le modèle étudié ainsi que leur évolution depuis la fondation de l’organisation politique Potere al popolo!. Enfin, en nous appuyant sur la théorie actionnaliste développée par Alain Touraine, nous interrogeons les effets de l’action sociale partisane au sein de la Maison du peuple de Naples, en ce qui concerne la redéfinition de leur identité culturelle par les acteurs·rice·s impliqué·e·s. En conclusion, nous discutons le rapport entre citoyenneté culturelle et processus de subjectivation.

Civil resistance made a significant contribution to the largely peaceful end of the Cold War and has become an increasingly important factor of post-Cold War international politics. This essay proposes a historical reflection of civil resistance from the end of the Cold War to the present, in relation to some crucial issues on the contemporary international scenario. Taking 1989 as the starting point, the main aim of this study is to explore the legacy of the “Long 1989” in the evolution of civil resistance. The essay focuses on three main issues: i) the rise and decline of the post-1989 liberal cycle of civil resistance in Europe; ii) the consequences of the Tiananmen Square Massacre and the emergence of a new Chinese authoritarian state capitalism; and iii) the impact of the technological and digital revolution on post-1989 civil resistance.

The article aims to analyze the trajectory, action repertoires and incidence on the municipal policy of collective transport and urban mobility of the Tarifa Zero movement in Belo Horizonte (TZ-BH), in the period 2013-2019. The methodology involved literature review, documentary surveys and semi-structured interviews. The article starts from the approach of social movements, especially mobilizing the notion of action repertoires, and then discusses the antecedents and contexts of activism focused on the theme of public transport and urban mobility. The analysis traces the trajectory of the TZ-BH and points to its performance in the institutional sphere, through participation and interactions with the government, and extra-institutional, thematizing the issue of public transport and mobility as a social right. In both cases, the movement circumstantially influenced transport local policy.

The Sardines represented a significant novelty in Italian political landscape. This postmodern social movement emerged in the autumn of 2019 in Bologna “declaring war” (in a symbolic way) on Matteo Salvini and trying to avoid the victory of Lega and right-wing parties in the Emilia Romagna regional elections. The mobilization was largy successful by introducing this new movement into the national political debate and the media discourse. This has brought also some original perspectives compared with latest mobilization’s history of civil society in Italy. The article addresses the following issues: The roots and genesis of the Sardines; the contradictory (even if really successful, indeed) development and the potential and problematic steps for the institutionalization process; the communication strategies, the self-narrative and political discourse; the organizational and political metamorphosis due to the evolution of the pandemic. Las Sardinas representaron una innovación significativa en el panorama político italiano. Este movimiento social posmoderno surgió en el otoño de 2019 en Bolonia “declarando guerra” (de manera simbólica) a Matteo Salvini, y tratando de evitar la victoria de la Liga y de los partidos de derechas en las elecciones regionales de Emilia Romagna. La movilización fue realmente exitosa, introduciendo este nuevo movimiento en el debate político nacional y en el discurso mediático. Ha introducido también algunas perspectivas originales en comparación con la última historia de movilización de la sociedad civil en Italia. El artículo aborda los siguientes temas: las raíces y génesis de las Sardinas; el desarrollo contradictorio (aunque realmente exitoso) y el camino potencial y problemático hacia el proceso de institucionalización; las estrategias de comunicación, la auto-narrativa y el discurso político; la metamorfosis organizativa y política que implica la evolución pandémica.

When the spread of COVID-19 globally, it would be possible to affirm that tourism is in an authentic situation of life-support machine. Governments around the world are pouring money into the sector in anticipation of a speedy recovery. This is also the desire on the part of a business sector that hopes to return, as soon as possible, to the buoyant pre-pandemic situation. However, there are numerous voices, mostly from the academic sphere and social movements, which warn that the occasion is not being used to modify some of the old patterns that dragged tourism production. With the intention of taking advantage of old teachings, this article focuses on the role that social movements and the ideology of degrowth have played in protest actions against touristification in Spain in recent years. Although, these types of episodes have been frequent in cities such as Madrid, Palma de Mallorca, Bilbao, Seville and Valencia, without any doubt those that have had the greatest diffusion and influence have been carried out in Barcelona. Desde la extensión del COVID-19 a nivel global, sería posible afirmar que el turismo se encuentra en una auténtica situación de respiración asistida. Gobiernos de todo el mundo inyectan dinero en el sector a la espera de una pronta recuperación. Éste es también el anhelo de parte de un sector empresarial que espera volver, cuanto antes, a la boyante situación pre-pandémica. Sin embargo, son numerosas las voces, en su mayoría provenientes del ámbito académico y los movimientos sociales, que alertan de que no se está aprovechando la ocasión para modificar algunas de las viejas pautas que arrastraba la producción turística a nivel global. Con la intención de aprovechar viejas enseñanzas, el presente artículo se centra en el papel que han jugado los movimientos sociales y la ideología del decrecimiento en las acciones de protesta contra la turistificación en España durante los últimos años. Si bien, este tipo de episodios han sido frecuentes en ciudades como Madrid, Palma de Mallorca, Bilbao, Sevilla y Valencia, sin duda los que mayor difusión e influencia han ejercido han sido aquellos llevados a cabo en Barcelona.

Current research on right-wing populist communication is often confined to political parties, with social movements receiving much less attention. To help fill this research gap, we examine the frames and master frames of the PEGIDA movement and the role of the 2015 “refugee crisis” in shaping them. Using qualitative content analysis of speeches held at PEGIDA rallies between 2014 and 2016, we identify two distinct master frames, each consisting of five particular frames. Besides an initial master frame about the allegedly looming Islam- ization of Europe, a second master frame dealing with the Perils of Asylum emerge during the “crisis” – ultimately, both converge, with the latter incorporating central elements of the former. These findings buttress our interpretation of the “crisis” as an opportunity structure that helped right-wing populist social movements to revitalize their message and broaden their audience. However, its long-term impact still appears limited as PEGIDA’s influence has greatly waned in recent years.

During the academic work in confinement, Latin American analytical and research exchanges have not stopped in order to understand the evolution of rural social movements in the context of the pandemic. This essay is the product of dialogues between members of three CLACSO working groups from Argentina, Bolivia, Mexico and Uruguay. The objective is to reflect on the political, productive and formative practices that rural movements carried out during the months immediately following the declaration of the pandemic caused by the new coronavirus. In them, the central role of women, youth, children, peasants, indigenous and afro-descendants organized to overcome the difficulties of the civilizational crisis, marked by deep inequalities that were exacerbated in times of pandemic.

This article steps on sociology of social movements, ethnography of mobilisations, and social geography. It articulates a socio-spatial approach of social movements with a reflexive dimension on the links between research and activism. Also, this article proposes the restitution of the experience of its three authors. After presenting the contextual elements that led to the occupation of a university by two distinct occupation movements (a student occupation; an occupation by "the Collective" - ​​a support group for undocumented immigrants), the article details the links between spaces of occupation and militant practices, illustrating how the occupied university has become a “fieldwork of closeliness” destabilizing the relationships of struggles, dominations and negotiations for the members of the Collective. Finally, the article questions the way in which this sensitive and familiar “fieldwork of closeliness” challenges research postures and professional routines. Finally, this reflective work shows how the occupation undoes militant routines and research practices, forcing their interactions into a new type of framing.

The Great National Debate, launched by Emmanuel Macron in early 2019 to respond to the "Gilets jaunes" social movement, allowed the collection of citizens' contributions on the ecological transition via an online platform. In this article, we use the corpus constituted by these contributions to identify locations where participants are asking for the development of bicycle paths and railway facilities. For this purpose, we have created a classification model to identify answers related to the theme of transportation and proposed a method for extracting contributions that reflect the contributors' proposals. We then sought to explain the observed spatial frequency of requests in relation to information describing the area of residence (urban, peri-urban, rural) and accessibility to shops and services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since 2013, Brazil has faced a process of political, institutional, and social upheaval, translated into outbreaks of political scandals and major street mobilizations that evoke a certain social radicalism. Between May and June 2020, amid the initial period of the COVID-19 pandemic, demonstrations by organized social movements and civil society took to the streets of cities in the country for "democracy and life," guided by an agenda characterized as antifascist. These mobilizations seemed to indicate that something would happen quickly, especially from the impoverished social strata - those most affected by the political scenario and the pandemic - but they cooled off at the same speed as they started. What has happened since then? The article examines this question, analyzing the protests through the category of social solidarity. We investigate their role in building social cohesion in Brazil during the last year, both in mobilizing sectors of the population and in the very corrosion and reversal of our society's social fabric bases.