Search

Indigenous peoples have, to varying degrees, turned to the courts to litigate their ongoing disputes with Canada's settler colonial governments. Scholars have examined well the ways courts are used for strategic political ends by a variety of Indigenous and non-Indigenous litigants and are laden with settler values and institutional logics that are foreign to Indigenous peoples. However, it is less clear what effect turning to the courts in pursuit of strategic goals has on specific relationships between Indigenous peoples. This gap is more pronounced in Métis scholarship where there have been few final appellate cases. This paper argues the interaction between the Manitoba Métis Federation and Treaty 1 peoples seeking leave to intervene at the Manitoba Court of Appeal in MMF v. Canada illuminates the way litigating Indigenous-settler disputes can advance divisive, exclusionary, zero-sum political relationships between Indigenous peoples. These fractious interactions serve to undermine the construction of a co-ordinated and related inter-Indigenous decolonizing politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Kanada-Studien is the property of Gesellschaft fuer Kanada Studien e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In July 2009 the Canadian government abruptly imposed visa requirements on all Mexicans traveling into Canada. This action sought to curtail the unprecedented rise in the number of Mexican asylum seekers reaching Canadian soil. Based on a series of interviews conducted with Mexican asylum seekers and refugees in Montreal, Canada, this paper seeks to explore critically the causes of this phenomenon. In particular, we are interested in analyzing the ways in which Mexican asylum-seeking constitutes an "act" of citizenship (following Isin, 2008), and how this act should be contextualized and understood within the rapidly evolving context of the North American geopolitical space. Indeed, as their stories demonstrate, Mexican asylum seekers actively question and rework dominant political and economic discourses associated with contemporary North America. Their stories suggest that Mexican mobility is not simply driven by economics but is also deeply political in nature. Second, their stories demonstrate that political, economic and social violences are embedded within the contemporary transnational edifice of North American governance. Finally, their stories highlight the deep inequalities in access to mobility within North America. In sum, Mexican asylumseekers force into a transnational arena issues that destabilize received notions about Mexico and Mexicans, and in so doing attempt to rework the limits of contemporary transnational justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the intersection of the history of women’s movements, history of civil society, migration policy and social work, this article examines the approach that the women of the Canadian Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) took toward the issue of immigration and the work they undertook with migrants during the 1920s and 1930s. Following an initial time (from the 1870s to the post-war period), when the legal reform and the nationalization of immigration policies were predominant, a transnational approach to assisting immigrants emerged within the YWCA. In the context of the post-war period, when the federal state intervened in the reception of migrants and called for the closure of borders, the YWCA forged close ties with major international organizations rising in Europe. Transcending the imperial and national spheres, and orienting itself toward a less sectarian and no longer women-oriented action, throughout the 1930s the Canadian YWCA contributed to the emergence of a new humanitarian and transnational approach to assisting migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to provide a constructivist account of Canadian foreign policy, linking identity and policy, through the concept of strategic culture. It focuses on Canada's dual ethnocultural identities (Anglophone and Francophone) and the bicultural and Atlanticist strategic culture that stems from it. It argues that this strategic culture helps explain France's significant importance (together with the United Kingdom and the United States) in defining the normative boundaries of Canada's multilateralism and legitimacy to use of military force abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article examines the works of sociologist and philosopher Joseph Yvon Thériault to look at how he demonstrates the social, political, and identity dynamics of French-Canadian minorities still driven by the French-Canadian dream of a society different from the Anglo-American continent despite being separated from Québec since the 1960s. The author focuses on Thériault's thesis, sketches the Canadian linguistic regime with particular focus given to laws specific to Francophone minorities, and retraces administrative practices inspired by horizontal management in the domain of official languages. Some of the works examined include the book "Faire société: Société civile et espaces francophones."

The article studies the history of federal cultural policies and their relationship to the debates concerning the question of nationalism in French Canada and Québec from 1949 to 2011. Particular focus is given to the role and impact of the Commission royal d'enquête sur le développement national des arts et des sciences, or the art and science development royal investigative commission, known as the Commission Massey, launched by the Canadian government in 1949. The author looks at the role social conflicts played in the definition of nationalism and the evolution of public policies and argues that the debates about culture participated in an intellectual history which established to foundation of the Révolution tranquille, or Quiet Revolution, in Québec from 1960 to 1980.

The article discusses the Canadian government's official bilingualism policy and how such legislation frames and constraints not only the political action of community leaders but also their identity ideas. It follows the development of the official bilingualism policy as a result of fears related to linguistic assimilation and political conflicts and how this policy, looking to reassure people, limiting the risks, and guaranteeing a satisfactory linguistic peace in Canada. It examines how the official bilingualism context impacted ideas concerning the notion of francophonie, particularly the political aspects of francophonie in Canada such as the role of linguistic militant in the political construction Francophone communities.

The article analyzes the history of the creation of the La Mauricie National Park in Shawinigan, Québec, in 1970 and discusses the role ecology and Parks Canada played in establishing the park in that region. It highlights the use of governmental science in advancing the interests of the government and its territorial presence. The park being one of the first in Canada to preserve wetlands is mentioned. Additional topics include Québec minister Jean Chrétien who initiated the idea, the region's industrial and recreational history, and the place of biology and scientific ecology in the activities of agencies in charge of Canada's national parks during the 1970s.

Copyright of Lien Social et Politiques is the property of Institut National de Recherche Scientifique (INRS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politique et Sociétés is the property of Politique et Societes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents information on the book "Pierre Elliott Trudeau. L'intellectuel et le politique," by André Burelle. The book is based on the interpersonal relations between Quebec and Canada. It highlights political issues like the state of the Quebec government in 1980 and the repatriation of the Canadian constitution in 1982. The book is also devoted to the friendship and the intellectual cooperation between Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, political activist Gerard Pelletier and and author Andre Burelle.