Search

The article aims to give an overview of the whole range of literary, journalistic and political activities of Adrian Păunescu. Our endeavor is structured in five sections and constitutes a presentation of the poet’s life and literary activity, his publicizing and social-political involvement in the Romanian landscape, with a focus on the problematic and thematic of his poems. The article attempts a delimitation of the poetic work under the incidence of two great political periods, marked in its literary direction by the turning point represented by the 1989 Revolution, a decisive moment in terms of freedom of expression. In the first period we can distinguish a first stage, that of youthful creation, and a second, from which a new vision of poetry and the world emerges. We therefore examine the development of poetry, in two stages, in the period from the 1960s to the 1980s and that after the 1990s, from the perspective of censorship, the political influences of the communist regime and freedom of expression. We devote a separate section to the period marked by the emergence of the “Cenacl Flacăra”, a young and nonconformist cultural movement created by Adrian Păunescu as an ideal space to promote poetry on national and patriotic themes. We will highlight some information on Adrian Păunescu’s political activity and how his political objectives evolved in relation to the regime change.

A vivid illustration of the successes of U.S.–Soviet diplomacy during the period of allied relations was the magazine Amerika, published in the United States in Russian and distributed in the USSR. The magazine was intended to inform Soviet citizens about real American life, familiarize them with the achievements of the United States in science and culture. It was important to present American literature on the pages of the magazine: authors new to Soviet readers and stories by well-known writers translated into Russian for the first time. The article concludes that, along with the rest of the magazine's content, its literary section sought to demonstrate American prosperity and emphasize the closeness of American and Russian cultures. After the war, however, relations between the two countries went into decline again. The USSR continued to translate, censor, and distribute Amerika, but at the same time launched a campaign against the magazine in the Soviet press. In 1952, the symbol of US — Soviet alliance of 1941–1945 ceased to exist. The canceled project was restarted however four years later. The history of the magazine is reconstructed on the basis of Soviet press and archival materials, including transcripts of conversations, Agitprop reports, correspondence between the U.S. Ambassador to the USSR W.A. Harriman and V.M. Molotov, the First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko and the U.S. Charge d'Affaires in the USSR W. Barbour.

Copyright of Bulletin de la Société des Amis de Montaigne is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The book by the Israeli historian Ilan Pappé, eclipsed in secret by the French publisher Fayard, is available again thanks to La Fabrique éditions, commented by the historian and independent journalist, Dominique Vidal. It is an important work to know the conditions for the foundation of a state by the Zionist movement, marked by the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians between 1947-1950: excellent news for those interested or seeking to understand the history of Palestine and the State of Israel.

Copyright of Cahiers Victoriens & Edouardiens is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the reading that Kurt Drawert, a writer who grew up in the former GDR, offers of Flaubert, and especially of Madame Bovary, in Emma. Ein Weg (2005). Drawert weaves numerous aesthetic and biographical connections with Flaubert. An exemplary writer in terms of his demanding aesthetic, Flaubert also offers, in Drawert’s eyes, an early critique of the failings of the capitalist world and of the violence of scientistic reason.

The subject matter of this paper concerns the early phase of Vasily Grossman’s literary career in the mid1930s. Prior to this period, the author proved his ability to evaluate the mechanisms of censorship and developed his understanding of what was publishable and what could be sanctioned through the publication process of his first novel (Bit Yunan, Fel’dman 2019). The research material selected for this paper is the lesserknown short story Zhizn’ Il’i Stepanovicha [The life of Il’ya Stepanovich], published in 1935, and the aim is to provide a close reading and an interpretation key to this text. In order to expose the hidden ambiguity of the short story, the chosen research perspective includes a focus on the function of the protagonist as an entity that does not legitimise the socialist myth; a narratological approach on the use of proper names, on “perspective” and the role of the narrator with regard to the axiological structure of the text.

Jan Skácel is a Czech poet whose literary production marked the second half of the 20th century, a particularly difficult historical period. In 1948 the Communist Party had implemented a coup d’état thus conquering the totalitarian management of power and had begun to accentuate the ideological control of cultural life. After a short period of easing of the censorship, in 1968 the harsh period of the so called “normalization” began: in 1970 Skácel was banned from publishing. In the decade of ban on official publishing he never left his country and never stopped writing verses, declaring his suffering, and tirelessly denouncing, often using refined figures of speech, the difficult condition of the poet reduced to silence. This article proposes an analysis of these texts following some thematic nuclei: first the poems which contain metaphors drawn from the animal world used to represent the figure of the banned poet will be analyzed, to then examine the compositions in which Skácel more explicitly and directly denounces the censorship.

Ege Denizi’ndeki en stratejik adalardan biri olan Rodos’un hikâyesini anlatan Ziver Bey, bir tarihçiden çok edebiyat yazarıydı. Ziver Bey eserini Rodos’ta maarif müdürü olarak görev yaptığı sırada kaleme almıştı. Büyük ölçüde Batılı kaynaklardan istifade etse de iktibaslarını kişisel gözlemlerinden beslenerek desteklemişti. Eserini Rodoslular için kaleme aldığını söyleyen Ziver Bey’in kendisi de adalıydı. Bir başka ifadeyle Osmanlı adalarındaki toplumsal yapıya aşina olduğu gibi bizzat o yapının bir ürünüydü. Tarihini II. Abdulhamid Dönemi’nde yazan Ziver Bey, sürgün politikasının tesiriyle Rodos’ta yaşamaya zorlanan Osmanlı aydınlarının zenginleştirdiği fikrî bir ortamdan beslenmişti. Rodos Tarihi’ni henüz kariyer basamaklarını tırmanmakta olan bir memurken yazmıştı. Öte yandan entelektüel üretiminin kariyer yolculuğunda kendisine fayda sağlamasını ummuştu. Bu çalışma bir Tanzimat Dönemi entelektüelinin yazdığı tarihi merkeze alarak onun düşünsel mirasına, içinde bulunduğu entelektüel çevreye ve XIX. yüzyıl tarih yazım geleneğindeki yerine odaklanmaktadır. Son dönem Osmanlı tarihçilerinin eser üretme motivasyonunu taşradaki bir memurun hikâyesi üzerinden ele almaktadır. Bunların da ötesinde bir tarihçiden çok edebiyatçı olarak temayüz etmiş bir yazarın Osmanlı tarihçiliğine ne ölçüde metodolojik katkıda bulunduğu araştırılmaktadır.

The article focuses on the early Italian translations of Rousseau's "Contrat social" and their political implications, showcasing diverse perspectives. Topics include the cultural impact of these translations, the subversion of subject's notion, and its relationship to intentions. Marco Menin's analysis reveals a continuum of translations from the "Nouvelle Héloïse" to the "Contrat social" in 1796-1799, challenging the traditional notion of subjects, while also examining censorship.

Copyright of Akofena is the property of Universite Felix Houphouet Boigny and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Elections and referendums are the only mechanism through which political regimes exercise power, so they must be subject to oversight in order to achieve legitimacy, which matches the will of individuals. On the other hand, he added a third organ related to the Independent National Authority for Elections, which has a number of specializations and is characterized by a number of characteristics that guarantee its independence, integrity and impartiality.

This article examines the ways in which the censorship of television information was related to the technological development of this medium. It focuses on three distinct practices, all related to the management of events in the US: the assassination of John F. Kennedy in 1963, the resurgence of the Vietnam War in the media beginning in 1968, and the moon landing in 1969. By colliding with the information policy of the Estado Novo, these events reveal, on the one hand, its mechanisms of production and control of information, but also show some limits of authoritarian control over the transnational flow of information. These events also demonstrate the importance of the US television model in the development of the Estado Novo television and the position of this country in the media system of the Cold War: a superpower capable of turning its internal political affairs into global events.

This study examines materials challenges in Canadian libraries, compiled by the Canadian Federation of Library Associations (CFLA), with the intention of identifying demographic trends in patron challenge behaviour. By cross-referencing the CFLA data with five demographic fields from the 2016 Canadian census of population (median age, city size, educational attainment level, median income, and political representation), the study aims to determine whether challenges of a certain nature are more likely to occur in communities with certain demographic profiles. The study identifies twenty-two challenge categories derived from user complaints and three ideological alignments of challenges based on the political ideology standards set by moral foundations theory. Though the available sample is too small to draw any definitive conclusions, some strong trends were apparent. Findings show that the most common challenge types, challenges to racist content and sexual content, are fairly consistent throughout demographic groupings, but notable correlations were found between demographic profiles and materials concerning LGBTQIA+ issues. Progressive-leaning communities were far more likely to challenge homophobic/transphobic materials while conservative-leaning communities challenged more LGBTQIA+-positive works. From an ideological standpoint, young communities tend to be the most progressive in their challenge behaviour, while communities with a low level of educational attainment tend to be the most conservative in their challenge behaviour.

The attack on the written word is not new. It has happened many times through history, especially in modern times as the availability of books has grown so rapidly. It is most often in authoritarian regimes that books are deemed a potential threat, and the elimination of this threat a means to maintain control of a potentially rebellious population. Probably the most heinous of book banning and burnings occurred during Nazi rule, prior to and during the Second World War. To witness, recently, in the United States the ugly head book banning and their removal from libraries is a sad commentary on the state of some senior politicians, including Governors and Judicial leaders. Fortunately, there is vigorous opposition to these efforts and notable successes in the quest for universal access to the world of books.

This paper offers a study of the way Soviet authorities' discourses on music were received in France. The post-war period is very interesting in many aspects. The political landscape changed following Zhdanov and Stalin's deaths, and two decrees regarding music production were published in 1948 and 1958. The press bulletins of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as the journalistic and intellectual production with scholarly pretensions of the PCF inform us about the reception of Soviet music in the French public space. We understand the evolution of censorship in the USSR thanks to the discourse in France about the professional Soviet musician and about the Soviet opera. Since censorship in the USSR was not always controlled, it is appropriate to question the role of Soviet and French communist intellectuals. As such, we study socialist realism in music, but also the conflicts that the enforcement of such ideological principles produces. Moreover, although French sympathizers covered Soviet musical news extensively, we observe divergences of opinion resulting from the diversity of the editorial frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to determine the contexts and the methods of information processing related to the terrorist attacks Burkina Faso suffered from in 2021. The corpus includes 5 major reports shot during the year 2021 and shot in areas affected by terrorism. The study shows that different types of illustration images are used in the major studied reports: images shot on the ground, archive images, computer-generated images or animated images. The study reveals the use of the speakers' faces blurring, the modification of the voices of some of the interviewees and the expression under cover of anonymity of interlocutors. However, sterling reportage broadcast propaganda images of terrorist groups and thus creates visibility around the actors of terrorism. The study also underlines that in terms of effects, the broadcasting of sterling reportage has modified the agenda of the Minister in charge of Security (support visit to the populations in Solhan), the Procureur du Faso in Mangodara (initiation of an investigation about the death of a Homeland Defense Volunteer (VDP) and individuals (Contribution to the war effort and the care for the wounded VDPs). In terms of the social responsibility of the journalist, the study highlights the practice of self-censorship by journalists and the censorship body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lettre Clandestine is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is an attempt to link two distinct periods of Bessarabian art – the interwar period and the postwar period. These stages manifested themselves in our culture and art as diametrically opposed sources. The options for a freedom of creation, for the artistic value of the works were a desideratum of the Bessarabian plastic artists, tempted to accept any style or individual way of expression, regardless of the political or economic conjuncture. After the 1940s, the visual arts were influenced by the ideological system through the trend of “socialist realism” which was considered the only method of creation of visual artists. In this regard, specialists from other republics were invited to Soviet Bessarabia, whose purpose was to influence and educate local artists against formalist and non-bourgeois art. For five decades, in the Moldovan SSR, against the background of deportations and famine, socialist realism and state command created an illusory art of the surrounding reality, in which many of our visual artists were involved, almost without exception.

One of the major features of recent Japanese cinema has been the growing number of films produced with the help of the Ministry of Defense. Academics who have addressed the issue tend to characterize the relationship between the military and producers as one of mutual dependence, stressing the overall “passivity” of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces in the creation process. Though accurate at a formal level, this argument does not fully explain the influence the JSDF has exerted over the film industry in recent years. Drawing on the concept of “multicentric world” theorized by sociologist James Burk, we argue in this article that the JSDF are, on the contrary, fully active and that their relationship with cinema has more to do with “veiled propaganda” than mere collaboration.

This text introduces the special theme section titled Film Censorship in the Iberian Dictatorships. First, a general overview is given, commenting on some definitions regarding the censorship of cinema and art, including countries other than the Iberian ones. Then, the literature specific to the subject of the dossier is reviewed. The chronological and thematic structure of the articles is presented and commented on, showing how research on the censorship of moving images (cinema and filmed news) in Portugal and Spain during the dictatorships demonstrates that there were more similarities than differences in controlling what was seen and heard by the public at the time, which remained until the end of both regimes.

In 1949, a special film news program for Portugal, the “Jornal de Actualidades / NO-DO”, was produced in Spain. In this article we analyze the ideological and political similarities between the two dictatorships through the content and treatment of the 1,500 issues that were edited until 1977. The documentation kept in the Spanish Film Library and the rating files of the films of the Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo were used to study the position of the two dictatorships in relation to the changes in the world, by analyzing the censored items in their exhibition in Portugal after the selection previously made in Spain. These 41 censored news were related to independence processes abroad, the advances of communism, the morality of youth, and other topics that could undermine the principles of the Estado Novo. This article is part of the special theme section on Film Censorship in the Iberian Dictatorships, guest-edited by Ana Bela Morais.

The active participation of women in performances and festive life, as entertainers, spectators and performers, has always been a sensitive cultural and social indicator, involving above all the aristocratic elites, and traditionally arousing mistrust and censure. During the Renaissance, before the professional actresses of the Commedia dell'Arte imposed themselves in Italian and European public theatres, there were communities that welcomed the female presence on stage and within the party in various forms, but the phenomenon has not yet been explored in depth in historiography. The essay examines, from this point of view, the examples of Siena, where academies organised an intense theatrical life, deeply intertwined with the convulsive political events of the Republic, and Ferrara, where the princesses and their court ladies carved out a specific space for themselves in the spectacular entertainments, which were strictly directed by the prince.

The author aims to discuss three topics using the memory research method. The first part discusses construction of the imagined community and collective memory of 19th century Lithuanian intellectuals in a country where education in the national language, and the printing of books and papers, were banned. The second part of the article presents the impact of the Great War and the struggle for independence on collective memory as revealed in memoirs written in the 1914–1940 period by fighters on the front lines, refugees, intellectuals, and people in the occupied country. The third part discusses the extinction of the Great War and the battle for independence from collective memory as a natural and specially constructed phenomenon, caused by the Soviet regime.

Copyright of XVIIe Siècle is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Theodore Dreiser published over fifty items of literary criticism between 1900 and 1945 on a wide variety of subjects, while additional discussion of literary matters is scattered through his correspondence, memoirs, unpublished speeches, and cultural and philosophical essays. Hitherto this work has proved useful piecemeal, in its illumination of Dreiser’s fiction, while a few outstanding pieces have served to define Dreiser’s version of realism or literary naturalism. This essay takes the literary criticism seriously as a body of work in itself, sketching out some categories and topics, and providing detailed historical contexts for several items, which reveal under-appreciated nuances and engagements in even better-known pieces such as “True Art speaks Plainly” and “Life, Art and America.” The essay sees coherence across the diverse foci of Dreiser’s literary criticism via the concept of the “occasions of literary criticism,” by which is meant the historical and cultural contexts into which he was writing. It charts the roots of Dreiser’s literary criticism in his need to respond to charges of “literary immorality,” its growth through his very particular response to censorship, and its maturity in his suggestion, in a speech given as part of the peace conference in Paris in 1938, of an American literary tradition dedicated to social justice, taking in Mark Twain and H. D. Thoreau as well as the expected cohort of realists and naturalists. The essay concludes by relating these contexts and preoccupations to the history and practice of the Theodore Dreiser Edition.

The following work aims at analyzing some points of the cinematographic path of the Soviet director Andrej Tarkovskij, intersecting them with his biography and especially with the historical context he inherited. Placing cinema, life and history in a dialectical relationship, the text proposes a horizontal analysis of the director’s works, excluding the major concepts of Tarkovsky’s film theory, in order to address the Cold War as the canvas and matrix of his works. Investigating the moments of greatest crisis between the URSS and the USA and the specter of the atomic weapon in the years immediately following the great world conflict, this essay proposes an analysis of the themes dear to Tarkovsky as a consequence of sensations and ideas closely related to the escalations of the Cold War.

Through a wide range of sources, this study reveals the non-philosophical spread of the ideas of Immanuel Kant in the Slovak regions of Hungary. The flow of philosophical ideas can be demonstrated not only in the works of the Hungarian followers of Kant, but also in censorship sources documenting the import of Kantian texts in the 1790s. The critical debates in correspondences and published texts reveal anti-Kantian argumentations. Information about the advertisements of Kant’s works and subscriptions to them also help form an idea about their popularity. Research on private albums reveals how the philosophical legacy circulated, despite bans and repressions, in non-public communication networks and how its social area extended beyond the sphere of philosophy and education.

This article analyses the origins and functioning of censorship in Portugal under the dictatorships of Salazar (1933-1968) and Marcelo Caetano (1968-1974).

Copyright of Présence Francophone is the property of College of Holy Cross, Department of Modern Languages & Literatures and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this work is to analyze dictator Jorge R. Videla’s caricatures made under his presidency by Landrú, Sábat and Cascioli, the most prominent and prolific cartoonists in Argentina and published in important mass media such as the newspaper Clarin and the magazines Tia Vicenta (second period) and HUM®. The analysis demonstrates that, under those circumstances ruled by censorship, terror and fear, the humorists lavished on the dictator, possibly for various reasons, a “cautious respect”. This changed and caricature reached a peak of great splendor with the reactivation of civil society and the regime’s collapse after the defeat in the Falklands War (Guerra de Malvinas).

German-born American poet, novelist, journalist and editor George Sylvester Viereck (1884 –1962) during his almost 60-year literary career (his first poem was published in 1898) befriended, met and corresponded with hundreds of contemporaries, including world famous persons. His first biographer Elmer Gertz wrote in 1954, “One should go through Viereck’s correspondence with the great personalities of his time in order to learn the full extent of the admiration they expressed for him. Alas, that correspondence is scattered; but excerpts from it can be found in the catalogues of various autograph dealers and should be preserved”. Liberated from prison in 1947 Viereck was not able to restore his previous position in literary world, was in need of money and had to sell autographs from his personal archive. This publication includes letters of four writers addressed to Viereck and dealing with his literary and editorial work. All of them are preserved in the author’s private collection and are published in English for the first time. In Russian translation one letter is published for the first time, another one was previously published, two letters were quoted. Journalist, writer, and politician Brand Whitlock (1869 –1934) followed Viereck’s journalistic activities as well as his Decadent poetry. English author and poet Richard Le Gallienne (1866 –1947), being a living incarnation of the “naughty nineties” for Viereck, valued contributing to his magazine The International. Known as the Dean of American Biographers, famous writer Gamaliel Bradford (1863 –1932) refused to support Viereck’s protest against the prohibition of his novel My First 2000 Years in the Irish Free State. Poet, artist and filmmaker Ferdinand Earle (1878 –1951) remained faithful to his long friendship with Viereck even when the latter was emprisoned.

This article based on the archival material from the Department of manuscripts of IWL RAN discusses the hitherto understudied financial and ideological conditions of the Publishing house of the Federation of Associations of Soviet writers (FOSP) “Federation.” According to the Charter, the Publishing house was a self-financing public publishing house of national significance, enjoying all the rights of a legal entity, and the FOSP was not responsible for its financial activities FOSP. In 1927–1930s, the publishing house sought to be commercially successful. In the 1930s, it submitted to ideological demands and became unprofitable. The ideological dictate and the policy of “prolitarization” led to the fact that in 1931–1932, translation department in the Leningrad branch of FOSP was eliminated and Moscow translation department was eliminated as well. The hithertop unpublished correspondence of the FOSP on the “case of A.K. Vinogradov” as a member of the Moscow section describes circumstances and gives reasons explaining Vinogradov’s refusal to keep translating and his preference of literary criticism and creative writing in the 1930s and 1940s.

Twórczość literacka Leopolda Tyrmanda doczekała się wielu omówień. Jednak dotychczasowe analizy miały najczęściej charakter literaturoznawczy, badano także biografię. Prace filologiczne nie były podejmowane. Trudno byłoby tu winić uczonych, gdyż długo brakowało odpowiednich materiałów źródłowych. Badanie procesu twórczego, analizowanie kolejnych etapów formowania się tekstu czy problemy związane z wariantywnością dotąd praktycznie nie istniały. W tym kontekście ciekawa jest współpraca Tyrmanda z Jerzym Giedroyciem. Na łamach paryskiej „Kultury” publikował on utwory wielu polskich pisarzy. W przypadku dzieł Tyrmanda Redaktor „oczyszczał” je z wszelkiego rodzaju fraz, które uważał za niewłaściwe, zbędne lub niepoprawne politycznie. W taki sposób Życie towarzyskie i uczuciowe zostało skrócone o trzydzieści procent. Dzięki listom wiemy, że wiele ingerencji rozmijało się z autorską intencją. Leopold Tyrmand’s works have been extensively analyzed, usually from the perspective of literary studies or with a focus on biography. However, no philological analysis has been made so far due to the lack of source materials. The process of creation, the stages of forming the text, or the problems connected with various versions have not been examined yet. In this respect, it is interesting to look into the collaboration between Tyrmand and Jerzy Giedroyc, who published the works of Polish writers in Paris-based “Kultura.” Giedroyc “cleared” Tyrmand’s texts of any phrases he considered indecent, redundant, or politically incorrect. In this way, Życie towarzyskie i uczuciowe (The Social and Emotional Life) was shortened by thirty percent; as we know from the letters, many of the revisions did not follow the author’s intention.

The links between the inner and exile cultures are a key to interpreting Spanish literary and cultural history since 1939. This paper sets an analysis of the metaphoric concept of bridge as an image that idealises the relations between the two sectors that Francoist dictatorship split. It specifically criticises that these bridges have been interpreted as an incontrovertible fact rather than a horizon and have been used to minimise the damage which dictatorship caused on culture. In order to exemplify this criticism, the failure of two paradigmatic projects of bridges between inside and exile are examined: the anthology Panorama de la poesía moderna española (1953) and the journal Mairena (1953-1954), both published in Argentina by Enrique Azcoaga.

One historically consequential event of the Federal Theatre Project was the headline-grabbing opening night of Mark Blitzstein’s labor opera The Cradle Will Rock. The deeply satirical work examined greed and corruption, and the Works Progress Administration canceled it for fear it was too politically radical. Director Orson Welles and producer John Houseman felt the stakes were too high to not push back against this censorship and performed it elsewhere that night.

One of the major features of recent Japanese cinema has been the growing number of films produced with the help of the Ministry of Defense. Academics who have addressed the issue tend to characterize the relationship between the military and producers as one of mutual dependence, stressing the overall "passivity" of the Japanese Self- Defense Forces in the creation process. Though accurate at a formal level, this argument does not fully explain the influence the JSDF has exerted over the film industry in recent years. Drawing on the concept of "multicentric world" theorized by sociologist James Burk, we argue in this article that the JSDF are, on the contrary, fully active and that their relationship with cinema has more to do with "veiled propaganda" than mere collaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on notion of freedom in the dictionaries printed under the Ancien Régime, heavy with implicit content relating to monarchical and religious power. It mentions freedom of conscience and free will pay little attention to individual freedom, except for captivity, artistic creation, love and riding. It also mentions socio-cultural issues of controlled freedom make it possible to understand the art of lexicographers to circumvent the constraints of ideological censorship.

The article gives two examples from Romanian history when politics interfered with literature, in this cases with drama or, more precisely, with the theatrical performances. The texts were censored, being considered inappropriate in the political context in which they were written, in fact not corresponding to the official ideology of the time. One example is from the Communist period - the best known for its censorship practices - but the other one belongs to a period usually considered a period of cultural, economic and democratic apogee. The conclusion is that in fact censorship has always existed in all ages, in various forms, coming mostly from the political sphere but not only, as demonstrated by many researchers of the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is a case study, part of a larger and older research project on the reception of modernist American literature in the cultural press of communist Romania in the 1960s. If the 1950s were the toughest years, in terms of censorship and physical atrocities, the 1960s could be considered the milder ones, while also anticipating the enlightened 1970s. We have been analyzing the Romanian cultural press as going beyond the role of an interface between an ecriture terminal and a network of readers: firstly, via translations, more or less accurate, secondly, through interviews and memories from journalists, fellowwriters, friends, family members, as reproduced from publications belonging mainly to the Eastern / Communist Bloc (Cuba included). Our research is also based on investigations run in the archives of the former secret police, the infamous Securitate. The relation between censorship and ideology, between institutionalized and self-censorship is underlined, as well as their effect in the act of literary translation. Our paper focuses on Hemingway as a result of him being the most popular representative of the Lost Generation at the time, in the countries of the former Soviet Bloc. The main text we had in view was How Do You Like It Now, Gentlemen? by Lilian Ross.