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La communauté chinoise de Kolkata présente un portrait peu courant parmi les communautés chinoises outre-mer : elle est en déclin démographique (moins de 5 000 personnes aujourd'hui) et ses espaces, pourtant porteurs de prospérité économique jusque dans les années 1960, sont en proie à des mutations que la communauté ne contrôle que partiellement. La conversion du quartier des tanneries Tangra en zone axée sur la restauration ne semble qu'une solution provisoire face aux appétits d'entreprises immobilières sous couvert de patrimonialisation. Ces quartiers chinois révèlent d'autres enjeux : les uns sont diplomatiques et concernent la Chine continentale, les autres relèvent de la circulation des modèles de quartier chinois inspirés par Singapour. Les espaces de la communauté chinoise de Kolkata en déprise pour tout observateur génèrent des enjeux dépassant l'échelle locale: enjeu d'une présence en Inde pour la Chine continentale, diffusion d'un modèle de développement associé à la modernité de Singapour pour les autorités municipales de Kolkata. The Kolkata Chinese community has an uncommon profile compared to the other overseas Chinese communities: its population is decreasing (fewer than 5000 members nowadays). Its spaces, which were economically prosperous up to the 1960s, are now undergoing changes which are partially controlled by the community. The reconversion of the tanneries district into a restaurant zone is not likely to prove durable, as it is coveted by estate companies who argue in favor of heritage preservation. Those Chinese districts also reveal other stakes: some are diplomatic and concern Mainland China, others illustrate the spread of Chinese districts inspired by Singapore. The spaces occupied by the Kolkata Chinese community may look abandoned to the average visitor, but they bring out new challenges that go beyond the local scale: the stake of a possible presence in India for Mainland China, the diffusion of a development model associated to Singapore’s modernity for the Kolkata municipal authorities.

Taiwanese nationalism is, in many ways, specific. On the one hand it is a recognised phenomenon. On the other, as the product of a young state, the Republic of China in Taiwan, which is threatened by the People's Republic of China, and isolated on the diplomatic level, this nationalism is controversial. It is sufficiently powerful to be perceived as an important factor in the evolution of Formosa and of its relations with the Chinese mainland, but not enough to avoid being the object of delib...

Where are we in economic terms ten years after Hong Kong returned to China? This article aims to show that since 1997 economic integration between the Hong Kong SAR and the People's Republic of China has entered a new phase. Despite fundamental differences, the two economies are more closely linked than ever. The SAR has sought to affirm its identity by seeking to adapt itself in the best possible way to the needs of the Chinese economy. All the same, this relationship, with clearly understood interests, involves macroeconomic risks for both parties.

This article attempts to trace the historical development of the Chinese taste for bird’s nests and its impact on the Indonesian economy. The term yanwo or "swiftlet’s nest" appears apparently for the first time in a dietary compendium, the Yinshi xu zhi (Essential Knowledge for Eating and Drinking ; 1368), which stresses prevention rather than treatment. It seems that the nests were first collected in South China and eaten locally by commoners before being imported from the South Seas, especially from Champa and Insulinde during the 15th or early 16th century. In the 1590s this taste for bird’s nests was extensively shared by the elite and had spread to Northern provinces. The booming consumption of this delicacy during the following centuries resulted in a huge quest for swiftlet’s caves all over the Archipelago, and in the control of the bird’s nest trade, at first by Indonesian rulers and subsequently by the Dutch authorities. The big novelty in the bird’s nest production was a progressive shift from collecting cave and cliff nests to the practice of swiftlet farming. This swiftlet farming began in the late 1960s and developed tremendously since the 1980s in connection with political changes, and with an increasing demand from mainland China. Indonesia is now the biggest supplier of bird’s nests in the world., Salmon Claudine. Le goût chinois pour les nids de salanganes et ses répercussions économiques en Indonésie (XVe/XVIe-XXIe s.). In: Archipel, volume 76, 2008. pp. 251-290.

Claudine Salmon Although a large body of literature has been produced on the Chinese of Java, there are very few studies of the history of their various settlements. We present here a detailed study of the Chinese community of Surabaya whose historical development appears to be specific to East Java. In the first part, we discuss the sources concerning the beginnings of the community and briefly allude to an early Islamisation process which allowed the settlers to intermingle with local society. In the second part, we single out three big Peranakan families (the Han, the Tjoa and the The), whose history (which lasts from the end of the 17th or the beginning of the 18th century to the early 1930s) may be regarded as representative of the different ways the Chinese and their descendants adapted themselves to the host society. In the third part, we put the attempts of the community to re-establish its Chinese roots into relation with political issues on the Mainland and in Java. The first attempt started in Surabaya in 1864 with the foundation of the Hokkien Kong Tik Soe or "Temple of the Merits of Fujian", which was aimed at reviving Chinese funeral and marriage customs and curbing the process of Islamisation. The second attempt, much broader in scope, was aimed at promoting Chinese education by the foundation of various private schools (one of them, the Hoo Tjiong Hak Tong, 1903, was closely linked with Mainland revolutionnaries), reviving Confucianism as a reaction against Westernization (foundation of a temple dedicated to Confucius in 1898), establishment of a Chinese Chamber of Commerce (1906) intended to help the local Chinese merchants to promote their enterprises both in the South Seas and in China. Since the last decades of the 19th century there has been a continuous stream of migrations from the Mainland that gradually modified the social and economic structure of the Chinese community and finally caused it to split up. In the fourth part we deal with the Totok (or newcomers) who started to organise themselves into a great number of smaller associations (on the basis of geography, profession or lineal descent) ; we also pay attention to the Peranakan who resented the competition of the newcomers decided to struggle separately. This restructuration was disrupted by the recession of the 1920s, the depression of 1930, which affected the Chinese of Java and especially of Surabaya, and was finally stopped with the occupation of the Dutch Indies by the Japanese. The conclusion suggests that since Independence, the history of the Indonesians of Chinese descent in Surabaya cannot be dissociated from that of the city as a whole., Lombard-Salmon Claudine. La communauté chinoise de Surabaya. Essai d'histoire, des origines à la crise de 1930. In: Archipel, volume 53, 1997. pp. 121-206.

The liturgical manuals of the Taoists of northern Taiwan include long lists of "lineage masters" who are invited, together with the gods, to attend major rituals. Used in combination with "family registers", these lists make an excellent starting point for the exploration of "lineage history". Once the major Taoist lineages of North Taiwan had been reconstructed in this manner, the next step was to go to the Mainland to try and trace these lineages to their source. The resultant discoveries reveal that the Taoist tradition of North Taiwan is probably of Hakka origin and that this tradition has been transmitted over a period of nearly two hundred years with remarkable fidelity., Lagerwey John. Les lignées taoïstes du Nord de Taiwan. In: Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie, vol. 4, 1988. Numéro spécial Etudes taoïstes I / Special Issue on Taoist Studies I en l'honneur de Maxime Kaltenmark. pp. 127-143.

During the summer of 1954, a study of Ile-aux-Coudres was undertaken by the writer on behalf of the Planning Service of the Province of Québec. The results of this survey are based primarily on the demographic and economic factors relevant to the island. The 1728-1790 period is considered as a period of settlement at the end of which there are 500 inhabitants. The second period (1790-1870) is marked by two facts, a demographical stability, with a total increase of population from 566 to 710, and an economic stagnation due principally to the lack of resources. The dominant economic activity is agriculture, with some fishing and « navigation » as part-time occupations. Several islanders are sailors and navigators on the schooners and steamers that sail on the Saint-Lawrence. From 1870 until 1954, the population bas more than doubled and the main economic activities in 1954 are illustrated in table V, with agriculture in first place followed by the group of « seasonal employees » that leave the island in the summer to work as stevedores in Montréal. After 1930, the Ile-aux-Coudres is not isolated as it used to be, due to a new ferry-boat plying between the island and the mainland and the improvement of the main highway from Québec to Baie-Saint-Paul. The problem of the island is the lack of equilibrium between its resources and its population. Too many residents gain their living outside the island, and agriculture as a basic activity, even if improved, is unable to sustain its present population. A « rational depopulation » of the island should be initiated.