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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Berliner Journal für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Feministische Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kriminologisches Journal is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie ( KZfSS) is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

“Lead, follow, or get out of the way!” Militant Women and their Radical Traditions of Thought in the Red Power Movement, USA 1960–1980. Female participation in the Red Power movement, the Indigenous resistance in the USA, has long been ignored in research. At best, the women of Red Power emerged on the non-violent periphery of the militant movement of the 1960s and 1970s. This paper sheds light on the hitherto suppressed radical and militant activities of female Red Power activists by analysing analogue and borndigital sources using the analytical categories of race, gender and class. This shows that the activists explicitly included women’s concerns in the Red Power discourse, such as the fight against sterilisation forced by the US government, which particularly affected them as members of the poorest minority in the country and as Women of Colour. Furthermore, this essay, which contributes to the history of resistance movements, relates their political struggle in the Indigenous collective to their individual engagement with Western US feminist movements in the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy theories present a relevant phenomenon in society and are studied within different disciplines. One of the aspects of analyzing conspiracy theories is understanding the pattern whereby social movements utilize the media to construct and spread those narratives. In that regard, social movements frame certain events as part of a conspiracy. By applying an international comparative approach, this study examines the media framing of events as a conspiracy theory in the USA and Egypt. The study focuses on political conspiracies targeting the local elite or political establishment as serving foreign enemies. Qualitative framing analysis is applied to analyze news segments (n = 140), 80 articles, and 60 videos from the Egyptian Islamist media and the Make America Great Again (MAGA) conservative media in the USA. The results show a huge similarity in the frames utilized by the media in both countries in constructing conspiracy theories. The Egyptian and American media constructed conspiracy narratives about claimed secret collusion between the elite leaders and foreign enemies. Whereas the Egyptian media morally framed the conspiracy as treason, the American media framed it as part of corruption. Moreover, the historical continuity in the Egyptian conspiracy theories was more obvious than in the theories in the USA. The empirical analysis shows that conspiracy theories are strategically used in the media to achieve certain political goals.

The paper examines key debates within and regarding contemporary internationalist movements in Mexico and Germany. The starting point is the discussion on New Internationalism, originating in the practices and ideas of groups in solidarity with and anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements in the global South since the 1970s, which were subsequently discussed, expanded, and transformed within various social struggles. Employing a qualitative content analysis, we reconstruct common themes, similarities and divergences in texts authored by the EZLN and BUKO from 1996 to 2021. The findings reveal that common references to the contents of New Internationalism exist in the examined texts, yet are interpreted differently along situated struggles and experiences of oppression and marginalization. Connecting elements are forms of intersectional critique of domination, as well as the rejection of the idea of a revolutionary subject, an avant-garde, a principal contradiction, and the taking over of state power. Simultaneously, the analysed texts emphasize the necessity of transnational struggles and global networking against capitalism to counteract planetary destruction and exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kriminologisches Journal is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Conviviality, as sketched by the „Convivialist manifestos", refers to ideas for a more sustainable way of co-existence both on macro- and meso-/microlevel. This article focusses on the latter. Judged by the convivialist principles, local living and acting together should preferably be organized horizontally (e.g., by the way of direct democracy). Still, such modes of collectivization are not self-explanatory. They have to be learnt and mastered. In other words, for convivialist collectivization to be performed adequately, suitable actors are necessary. Connecting practice and subjectivation theories, this article analyzes four studies on failure and success of employing horizontal organization in business companies and open spaces of social movement activist groups. And it shows how participating in collectivization practices can enable convivialist (re-)subjectivation -- learning by doing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Kultur- und Kollektivwissenschaft is the property of Transcript Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Berliner Journal für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of GENDER: Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of GENDER: Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politische Vierteljahresschrift is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Medien & Kommunikationswissenschaft is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politische Vierteljahresschrift is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Anlässlich von politischen Konflikten kommt es regelmäßig zu Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der Polizei und sozialen Bewegungen. Dabei ist auffällig, dass die Polizei in entscheidender Weise dazu beiträgt, wie die Proteste in der Öffentlichkeit wahrgenommen werden. Durch Pressestatements und den Einsatz polizeilicher Maßnahmen wirkt die Polizei daran mit, ob Proteste als legitim oder illegitim gelten. Daran anschließend entscheidet sich zugleich, ob Polizeigewalt gegen Proteste in der Öffentlichkeit akzeptiert oder skandalisiert wird. Unser Beitrag betrachtet das Verhältnis zwischen der Polizei, Protesten und dem Recht. Wir zeigen, dass die Polizei eine eigenständige politische Akteurin ist und eine Grenzziehung zwischen illegitimen und legitimen Protesten vornimmt. Am Beispiel aktueller Auseinandersetzungen (antikapitalistische Proteste, ziviler Ungehorsam der Letzten Generation etc.) diskutieren wir, wie diese Grenzziehungen praktisch vonstattengehen. During political conflicts, clashes occur between police and social movements. The police has a decisive role in how protests are perceived by the public. Through press statements and the use of specific police measures, the police determines whether protests are considered legitimate or illegitimate. This also has effects whether police violence against protests is accepted or scandalized by the public. Our paper looks at the relationship between the police, protests, and the law. We show that the police apparatus is a political actor with own interests and draws a line between illegitimate and legitimate protests. Looking at current conflicts (anti-capitalist protests, civil disobedience of the Last Generation, etc.), we discuss how these demarcations take place in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zwischen Protest und Phänomenen Politischer Gewalt, wie Terrorismus, Bürgerkriegen oder gewaltsamen Ausschreitungen, bestehen vielfache Zusammenhänge und teils fließende Übergänge. Aus der Theoretisierung dieser Kontinuitäten und der Erweiterung des eigenen Gegenstandsbereiches entstanden wichtige innovative Impulse für die soziale Bewegungsforschung. Deren Verhältnis zu unterschiedlichen Feldern der Gewaltforschung ist jedoch geprägt und teils limitiert durch grundlegend verschiedene Forschungsparadigmen, d. h. Imaginationen des Gegenstandes, in die Horizonte relevanter Fragen und Erklärungslogiken eingeschrieben sind. Protest movements are closely connected to phenomena of political violence, such as terrorism, riots, or civil wars, with at times fluent transitions. Attempts to theorize these continuities and expand its own subject area have produced important innovative impulses for social movement research. However, its relationship to the various fields of violence research is shaped and limited by fundamentally different research paradigms; that is, imaginations of the object, in which horizons of relevant questions and explanatory logics are inscribed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Soziologische Revue is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Neue Kriminalpolitik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Peter Marcuse war ein wichtiger Autor in der internationalen kritischen Stadt- und Wohnforschung. Seine Arbeiten, u. a. zu Gentrifizierung und Wohnungspolitik, boten immer wieder Anknüpfungspunkte auch für soziale städtische Bewegungen in New York, Berlin und anderen Städten. Anlässlich seines Todes im März 2022 diskutieren vier renommierte Wissenschaftler:innen über sein Werk und dessen Bedeutung für ihr eigenes Schaffen und für aktuelle Kämpfe für ein Recht auf Stadt und ein Recht auf Wohnen. Peter Marcuse was an important author in international critical urban and housing research. His works, among others on gentrification and housing policy, repeatedly offered points of departure for social urban movements in New York, Berlin and other cities. On the occasion of his death in March 2022, four renowned scholars discuss his work and its significance for their own thinking and for current struggles for a right to the city and a right to housing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Am Beispiel des kommunalen Bürgerbegehrens Mietentscheid in Frankfurt am Main argumentiert der Beitrag erstens, dass es primär soziale Bewegungen sind, die innovative Vorschläge zur Lösung der Wohnungskrise entwickeln, welche auf einen strukturellen Umbau der Wohnungsversorgung entlang der Leitlinien Bezahlbarkeit, Dekommodifizierung und Demokratisierung abzielen. Allerdings zeigen sich institutionelle Politik und politische Administration im Verhältnis zu wohnungspolitischen Bewegungen oft verhärtet. Der Mietentscheid steht daher zweitens zugleich sinnbildlich für eine postneoliberale Konstellation, in der zivilgesellschaftliche Initiativen zwar großen gesellschaftlichen Zuspruch erfahren, jedoch von staatlichen Entscheidungsträger*innen mittels diskursiver Strategien der Delegitimierung, juristischer Strategien der Verzögerung sowie politischer Strategien der selektiven Einbindung ausgebremst werden. Obschon kollektive Akteure wie der Mietentscheid unter Umständen gewisse Zugeständnisse durchsetzen können, bleibt ein grundlegender Paradigmenwechsel in der Wohnungspolitik blockiert. Referring to the example of the municipal rental referendum (Mietentscheid) in Frankfurt am Main, this contribution argues, first, that it is primarily social movements that are developing innovative proposals for solving the housing crisis. Their proposals are geared toward restructuring the housing supply along the lines of affordability, decommodification, and democratization. However, urban social movements often face institutional politics and political administrations that are unresponsive to their demands. Thus, the Frankfurt rental referendum is, second, emblematic of a postneoliberal constellation in which civil-society initiatives receive considerable positive resonance from society at large but are stifled by policymakers via discursive strategies of delegitimization, legal strategies of delay, and political strategies of selective inclusion. Although under certain circumstances collective actors such as the rental referendum initiative have proven capable of extracting some concessions, the path toward a fundamental paradigm shift in housing policy remains blocked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Am 26. September 2021 stimmten fast 60 % der wahlberechtigten Berliner:innen für die Enteignung und Vergesellschaftung großer privater Wohnungsbestände. Dieser Aufsatz widmet sich der Frage, warum die gewählten Vertreter:innen der Berliner:innen den ausdrücklichen Wählerwillen (noch) nicht umsetzen. Warum reagieren entscheidende staatliche Institutionen nicht angemessen auf von sozialen Bewegungen organisierten öffentlichen Druck und noch nicht einmal auf die repräsentative Manifestation der öffentlichen Meinung in Form eines Volksentscheids? Nach gängigen Theorien der staatlichen Responsivität müsste die Mieter:innenbewegung und die Kampagne Deutsche Wohnen & Co Enteignen deutlich stärkeren Einfluss auf die institutionelle Wohnungspolitik haben. Warum können diese Theorien die Nicht-Responsivität staatlicher Akteure nicht fassen? Um sich diesen Fragen zu nähern, verfährt der Aufsatz in drei Schritten. Zunächst stellt er den Responsivitätsansatz vor. Anschließend beschreibt er empirisch die Reaktionen unterschiedlicher staatlicher Akteure und Institutionen auf den Enteignungs-Volksentscheid. Auf dieser Basis entwickelt er zum Schluss eine Kritik des Responsivitätsansatzes sowie Ansätze einer Retheoretisierung. On September 26th of 2021 almost 60 % of Berliners eligible to ballot voted in favor of the expropriation and socialization of big private housing providers. This article scrutinizes the question, why the elected officials have not (yet) implement the voiced will of the electorate. Why do the deciding state institutions not react in an appropriate way to the public pressure organized by social movements and not even to manifestation of public opinion in form of a referendum? According to the common theory of responsiveness of state institutions the tenant movement and the campaign to expropriate Deutsche Wohnen & Co should be much more influential on institutional housing politics. Why are these theories not able to grasp the un-responsiveness of state actors? To approach this question the article follows three steps. First the theory of responsiveness is introduced. Second the reactions of different state actors and institutions are described empirically. Third and on the basis of this empirical description a critique of the theory of responsiveness is developed and a re-theorization attempted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dieser Beitrag thematisiert im ersten Abschnitt verschiedene Aspekte von Wohnungsnot im 21. Jahrhundert, die keineswegs neu sind, sondern in sich wandelnden Ausprägungen seit 150 Jahren immer wieder nachgewiesen wird. Der zweite Abschnitt fokussiert kritische und konstruktive Beiträge sozialer Bewegungen zu aktuellen Wohnungsnöten. Abschließend wird auf Handlungsansätze eingegangen, die in Koproduktion unterschiedlicher Akteure einen Abbau von Wohnungsnöten ermöglichen könnten. In the first section, this paper addresses different aspects of housing deprivation in the 21st century, which is by no means new, but has been repeatedly evidenced in varying manifestations for 150 years. The second section focuses on critical and constructive contributions of social movements to address contemporary housing hardship. Finally, it discusses approaches that could enable a reduction of housing needs in co-production of different actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Spätestens seit der Finanzkrise erleben die wohnungspolitischen und städtischen Bewegungen einen neuerlichen Aufwind. Die Virulenz der Proteste wirft die Frage auf, um welche Form sozialer Kämpfe es sich dabei handelt. Der vorliegende, theoretisch ausgerichtete Artikel möchte daher eine Klassifikation urbaner sozialer Bewegungen (USB) entwickeln. Um die USB gesamtgesellschaftlich zu verorten, werden stadtsoziologische mit solchen politökonomischen Ansätzen verknüpft, die ein erweitertes Verständnis von der Funktionsweise des Kapitalismus vertreten. Im Anschluss an Analysen von Klaus Dörre, David Harvey und Nancy Fraser wird dargelegt, wie in Krisenzeiten nicht-ökonomische Sphären und urbane Räume für die Akkumulation erschlossen werden. Dieses Profitstreben jenseits der Lohnsphäre soll ins Verhältnis zu den städtischen Protesten gesetzt werden. Insofern die USB von der aktuellen Akkumulationsweise hervorgerufen werden, lassen sich diese als so genannte erweiterte Klassenkämpfe in der Reproduktionssphäre deuten. Da die städtischen Proteste zugleich mit bestimmten Möglichkeiten der Kollektivierung einhergehen, stellt der Bereich der sozialen Reproduktion nicht nur ein Terrain dar, auf dem sich die Krise entfaltet. Vielmehr tragen die Kämpfe um soziale Reproduktion zur sozialen Transformation bei. The housing and urban social movements have gained new momentum in recent years. The virulence of their protests raises the question of what kind of social struggles they are. This theoretical article therefore aims to develop a classification of urban social movements (USM). In order to situate the USM in society as a whole, urban sociological approaches are linked to political economic concepts which represent an extended understanding of the functioning of capitalism. Following analyses by Klaus Dörre, David Harvey and Nancy Fraser, I will show that in times of crisis, non-economic spheres and urban spaces are made accessible for accumulation. This pursuit of profit beyond the wage sphere needs to be put in relation to urban protests. Insofar as the USM are provoked by the current mode of accumulation, they can be viewed as extended class struggles in the sphere of social reproduction. Moreover, these protests are accompanied by certain possibilities of collectivization. I therefore argue that the sphere of social reproduction is not just a terrain on which the crisis unfolds. Rather, struggles over social reproduction contribute to social transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kimlik konusu küreselleşme, ekonominin yapısal dönüşümü vb. süreçlerine paralel bir biçimde geniş kitlelerin farklı talepleri doğrultusunda yeniden şekillenmeye başlamıştır. Kimliğin evrensel ve özcü yaklaşımına karşılık farklılık temelinde ele alınması gerektiğine dair görüşler dillendirilmeye başlamıştır. Her kimliğin kendine özgü koşullar içerisinde ele alınması fikri, “öteki” olarak nitelendirilen kimliklerin de görünür olmasına imkân sağlamıştır. Bu minvalde kimlik geleneksel algısının ötesinde ve farklılıkları da içerecek şekilde daha kapsamlı bir şekilde ele alınmaya başlamıştır. Çevre hareketleri, barış hareketleri, kadın hareketleri vb. hareketler, ulus ötesine varan nitelikleri ile farklı coğrafya ve ideolojiden bireylerin ortak söylem, dil ve talepler doğrultusunda hareket ederek katılımcı diyalog zemininin oluşmasını sağlamıştır. Kimlik, yeni toplumsal hareketler ile birlikte siyasal bir talep şeklinde, kamusal hayatın merkezine yerleşmiştir.Bu çalışmada, eski ve yeni toplumsal hareketler kavramlarına yönelik literatür taraması yapılmış ve hareketler karşılaştırmalı olarak ele alınmıştır. Sonrasında kimliğin bu hareketler ile yaşadığı dönüşüme odaklanılmıştır. Yeni toplumsal hareketler ile yeniden şekillenen kimlik, farklılıklar ile birlikte ötekilik meselesini de gündeme getirmiş, kimliklerin homojen yapısından ziyade çok parçalılık ve çeşitlilik temelinde yeniden düşünülmesini gündeme getirmiştir. Kimliğin bu yapısı, taleplerin siyasallaşmasına ivme kazandıran bir gelişme olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Çevre ve kadın hareketleri, yeni toplumsal hareketler çerçevesinde farklı kimlik taleplerinin gündem olmasına zemin hazırlamıştır.

The violent death of George Floyd at the end of May 2020 triggered a global protest movement: Starting in the US, numerous rallies, demonstrations, and vigils took place around the world, taking a stand against racism and police violence. This protest was and is subject to different visual representations and mediated expressions, which have an important share in the production of meaning around the protest actions. Based on a picture type analysis of the (image) coverage of the protests in Austrian, German and Swiss newspapers as well as on visual expressions on Instagram in the context of demonstrations in German-speaking cities, the article deals with visual constructions of protest and discusses their meaning against the background of social, media, and political contexts. Different dominant image types emerge in each case: In media coverage, for example, images of demonstrators as a mass are predominant, which make the individual participants imperceptible. On Instagram, there are mainly internal perspectives of the demonstrations through individual self-dramatizations of the demonstrators. It also becomes clear that journalistic images show protests with a high news value, especially with regard to tense conflict situations in the US context, while on Instagram the communalization via group images and thus the staging and mobilization of the participants comes to the fore.

The article "Chile between fear and hope: A conversation about the failed constitutional referendum" reports on the failed constitutional referendum in Chile, in which 62 percent of the population voted against it. The discussion is based on an event organized by the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, where Alejandra Salinas, Elisa Giustinianovich, and Viviana Delgado spoke about their experiences in social movements in Chile. The constitutional referendum was supposed to enable a new constitution that strengthens social rights and promotes democratic participation. Despite the failure, there is optimism for the left-wing movement in Chile, as social movements and organizations are now better organized and have a common political project. The aim is to nominate candidates from the social movements in the next elections, but it is pointed out that there will be no new constitutional referendum in the near future. [Extracted from the article]