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This paper seeks to elucidate the status of the Koryo Saram in Kazakhstan in relation to South Korean diplomacy. After a historical overview of the Koryo Saram in Kazakhstan, the authors analyze the cultural and geopolitical role of the Koryo Saram in Kazakhstan-South Korea relations. The authors review existing literature and provide their insights from an outside perspective written firstly in English. The authors conclude that the Koryo Saram are in a precarious position as a diaspora, and risk losing their unique heritage barring intentional protection efforts on the part of the states of Kazakhstan and South Korea. The authors draw a distinction between protection and preservation efforts, favoring the former for its promotion of authenticity in cultural revival and agency for the diasporic group. This paper is the first to provide prescriptive policy analysis of diaspora diplomacy and the Koryo Saram, building off of economical, legal, and anthropological historiography. Key words: Koryo Saram, diaspora diplomacy, soviet koreans.

Movement of people occurs from one region to another region, one country to another country by settling a temporary time or permanently called migration. It happens mostly based on push and pull factors. Migration from one native place to another is due to poor economic conditions, fewer business opportunities, educational hinderers, and unemployment. After industrialization and World War II, most of the countries experienced internal and external migration. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Central Asian countries are also going through practices of internal and external migration. The shift from a command economy to a market economy and the shift of skilled Russian manpower from the region to Russia resulted in the closure of federally funded industries. Most industries located in different locations of the CARs countries faced difficulties that have impacted the local population in various spheres. Poverty, unemployment, infrastructural degradation, and lack of adequate medical and educational facilities are the key factors for the migration from Central Asia to various regions of the world and within Central Asia. Nowadays, Return Migration (voluntary and forced) is happening worldwide due to the demand for a skilled workforce, policies for labour demand (destination countries), and the evolution of technocentric industries, pandemics, natural disasters, etc. All these factors impacted migration patterns in the Central Asia region. Therefore, the paper “Impact of Return Migration in Central Asian Countries: Dynamics and Challenge” is an effort to discuss the various factors responsible for the Return Migration in Central Asia. Also, it addresses the following questions: What are the push and pull factors for the external migration from CARs to another region of Eurasia, especially Russia, and what are the factors for internal migration within CARs? and What are the changing dynamics of the Return Migration in Central Asia?. Keywords: Migration, Pull Factor and Push Factor, Central Asian, Eurasia, and Return Migration.

In the International landscape Afghanistan encompasses a faltering polity with several arguments that support this claim. The state is known as the buffer state and a landlocked country, which is currently under the umbrella of the Taliban regime. The Central Asian Countries are specifically apprehensive and nervous regarding the uncovered system in Afghanistan, notably considering the withdrawal of international powers in 2014 and then in 2021. Central Asia exemplifies an intricate interplay of risks, challenges, and future. Similarly, this research paper highlights the geopolitical landscape of Afghanistan within the context of Central Asia, emphasizing both the current risks and potential opportunities for the region’s prospects. Besides, it also investigates the challenges and critical rebukes of modern international relations in Central Asia, while exploring avenues for the progress of the scenario examined in the proposed study. However, the researcher employed a descriptive method of inquiry, collecting secondary data from meritorious journals. The research study would be wholesome in analyzing alternatives of Afghanistan and Central Asian ties addressing regional challenges for modern international relations. Thus, the researchers would base new avenues for upcoming related domains in scholarly research. In this way, the present study is limited to investigating Afghanistan in central Asia, navigating its influence with the risk and prospects. It plays a key role in underscoring Afghanistan’s new journey with the Taliban, which aims to globalize the world under new leadership. Key words: Afghanistan, Central Asiа, South Asian region, risks, prospects.

This research paper examines the role of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in reshaping Pakistan’s economic landscape. It aims to shed light on arising insights within the rivalries dilemmas amidst global powers, particularly those countering China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) through diplomatic strategies. As CPEC is an element of the BRI, the study is vital in understanding the ongoing race for influence and power. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) highlights the economic cooperation between China and Pakistan, performing as a beacon of regional mapping and economic dynamics as the largest and most comprehensive bilateral initiative. The findings of this study would spark a fresh discourse on Pakistan’s economic legacy, contributing significantly to the narrative within South Asia. However, the research would employ a descriptive method of inquiry, collecting secondary data from manifold reputable journals. The research would be beneficial in exploring alternative facets of Pak-China relations and addressing additional regional challenges. Yet, it benefits in pinpointing novel avenues for scholars, experts, and policy-making institutions. Ultimately, the findings are crucial in highlighting issues concerning peace, cordiality, and cohesion within the region. Moreover, the research outcomes would further unlock opportunities for future investigations. Key words: Economics Landscape, Role of CPEC, Pakistan, China

In the face of the globalization of risk society and the increasingly serious ecological crisis, the international community proposed to formulate the ecocide in the Rome Statute in response to the public’s physical security. However, the environmental legal interest is abstract, and the responsibility of the infringer of legal interest is difficult to distinguish. The reckless formulation of the ecocide leads to the absence of legal interest protection mechanism, which is symbolic legislation. Symbolic legislation, in order to reflect legislators’ concern for social issues, is very easy to subvert the theoretical system of the Rome Statute based on freedom and behavior, so that damages its human rights protection function. Dogmatik has the function of explaining law, criticizing and guiding legislation. Through the etymological interpretation of the doctrine, this paper puts forward the axiomatic dogmatik and clarifies the structure of dogma - overall norms - specific norms - criminal law knowledge - specific cases within the axiomatic dogmatik. And this structure provides a path for the criminalization of ecocide: The basic value of the Rome Statute lies in the protection of human well-beings and the right to life (axiomatic dogma), and the protection of environmental rights should take human well-beings and the right to life as the boundary (specific legal interests); Include typical ecological acts such as land encroachment and serious environmental pollution that violate human well-beings and right to life into genocide and crimes against humanity closely related to them (specific norms/criminal law knowledge); It can not only curb the ecocide, but also maintain the internal coordination and external stability of the Rome Statute. Key words: symbolic legislation, criminal law function, dogmatik, legal interest

The 21st century is the “era of international organizations”. the SCO is facing a realistic dilemma of “insufficient rule orientation”, “imperfect international law system” and “uneven level of rule of law among its members”. International law has its own structural dilemma of uncertainty, which lies in structure, language and doctrine, and overturns the existing international law system. Within the framework of the SCO, the traditional normal way can’t quickly and effectively establish legislation. The argumentative paradigm is rooted in the “intersubjectivity” of the international community, reshaping the effectiveness and source scope of international law, and using this paradigm can quickly and effectively build a set of international law system for SCO. This paradigm needs value guidance in line with universal rationality. The “community with a shared future for mankind” proposed by the Chairman Xi Jinping is expected to achieve the multi-dimensional goals of common prosperity, universal security, openness and win-win results, equality and inclusiveness, and joint construction, which can provide a value orientation for the development of SCO international law. This paper focuses on the SCO, tries to elaborate the problems faced by the SCO from the perspective of international law, and puts forward the research paradigm of improving the construction of SCO international law and the value orientation of “community with a shared future for mankind” on the basis of its system, in order to further clarify the direction of efforts to build the SCO legal system. Under the guidance of the theory of community with a shared future for mankind, the SCO’s practice of argumentative international law can improve the legal system construction within the organization on the basis of maintaining regional peace, and then contribute to the SCO’s participation in world governance and the promotion of the rise of Asia. Keywords: norms, indeterminacy, argumentalism, community with a shared future, SCO

In the post-Soviet era, Türkiye has been steadfast in strengthening its relations with newly independent Central Asian and Caucasian countries. These relationships initially encompassed various fields, including economics, culture, and education, but evolved towards energy cooperation and international initiatives in the 2000s. The 2010s witnessed the emergence of platforms like the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic-speaking Countries (TÜRKPA), and International Organization of Turkic Culture (TÜRKSOY), fostering unity among Turkic nations. The defense and military sectors became focal points of collaboration. Türkiye has played a pivotal role in this, achieving significant success in its defense industry, with domestic production rates reaching 80% by 2022. This paper explores the historical context and key developments in Türkiye's defense industry, emphasizing its role in shaping diplomatic relations with Turkic Republics. The study also highlights Türkiye's efforts to become a regional power, fostering stability and peace in its neighborhood while expanding its influence in the defense industry sector. Collaborations with countries like Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan have led to the establishment of military agreements and partnerships. These developments reflect the strategic aspirations of Turkic nations to enhance their defense capabilities and industries, with exchange of expertise and experience in the global defense arena. Key words: security, Kazakhstan, Türkiye, Turkic Countries, defense industry, Organization of Turkic State.