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The establishment of a military command for Africa (US AFRICOM) symbolizes the radical repositioning of the US military. Facilitated by the consensus in contemporary Western foreign policies - that there can be no development without security - over the last ten years the US military has expanded its activities into civilian domains including development and conflict prevention. As a reaction to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, recent US military doctrines on counterinsurgency and stability operations have singled out the need for more civilian and long-term activities as a precondition for success. AFRICOM has put most of these „military innovations" into practice. Due to the command's focus on development activities, on civil-military coordination and its proposed engagement in non-war situations, in military circles AFRICOM is seen as a role model for future military practices. This paper problematizes the military's expanding mandate and discusses its implications. It argues that the military's increasing engagement in issues of governance and development deeply blurs the normative boundary between the military and the civilian and exposes development as a technology of security. Furthermore, the military's repositioning follows the dominant securitization of so- called „fragile states" and classifies social spaces along Western strategic interests. As a consequence, targeted communities find it hard to separate development efforts aimed at countering poverty and those aimed at countering insurgency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American sea power and forward-deployed U.S. naval forces play a crucial role for the defense and security policy of the United States. However, indiscriminate budget cuts, a degree of rebalancing towards the Pacific, some ground-breaking changes in strategic dependencies, and a shift in political priorities could curtail the U.S. Navy's abilities to influence events at and from the sea in some areas of the world. As a consequence, other powers need to fill the geopolitical vacuum, with very broad ramifications for European navies. This essay, although skeptical towards Europe's ability to muster such efforts decisively, provides some broad policy recommendations for how to optimize German and European sea power accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of American private detective Allan Pinkerton and his detective agency during the American Civil War, with special reference to his activities as the unofficial head of the U.S. government's secret service. The author focuses on the interplay of private and state interests in the development of intelligence operations during the war. Other aspects examined include espionage and counterespionage, Pinkteron's relationship to U.S. General George B. McClellan, and the problem of contracting out operations pertaining to national security.

The article discusses U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America in the early 21st century in historical perspective. The author intersperses observations about Latin American politics, economic conditions, and international assertiveness with anecdotes about alleged American imperialism in the region from the Monroe doctrine onwards. Aspects of the relationships discussed include the effect of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on American security policy, Latin America's growing geopolitical importance due to its raw materials and natural resources, and the question whether the term Latin America is appropriate to describe the region.

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