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O presente artigo trata de um tipo especial de semântica de múltiplos valores: Semântica de Perguntas e Respostas, na qual valores lógicos são produtos de perguntas sobre predicados semânticos (’verdadeiro’, ’falso’, etc.) e respostas correspondentes (’sim’, ’não’ etc.). Pretende esclarecer algumas dificuldades relacionadas ao que se entende por atos básicos de fala, como afirmação e negação. Discordâncias profundas ocorrem sempre que dois falantes discordam acerca do significado das palavras que usam. No caso especial dos valores de verdade, Frege os tomou como os referentes de proposições que são classes de sentenças aceitas (’verdadeiras’) ou rejeitadas (’falsas’). Partindo dessa representação comum da verdade e da falsidade, é proposta uma estrutura algébrica geral ARnm, a fim de sistematizar o uso de valores de verdade em uma perspectiva dialética da lógica. Uma atenção especial é dada a dois pseudo-falantes radicalmente opostos, a saber: Heráclito e Nagarjuna, segundo os quais os valores deverdade se referem, respectivamente, a tudo e nada. No final, uma negação dialética (pseudo-hegeliana) é esboçada como uma função muito peculiar, a saber: como um operador ontológico gerador de objetos, semelhante ao operador aritmético gerador de sucessores Sn+1(x) aplicado a números inteiros e também combina com uma teoria generalizada de valores de verdade como nomes próprios milianos ou kripkeanos.

In this article we consider the way the speech variant of the lexical semantic field FACE functions in the novel by Br. Stocker “Dracula”, the precedent text in vampire literature. We focus on the depiction of the vampire characters to identify the set of typical traits as they are represented in the novel, special attention is paid to the traits attributed to Count Dracula. We adopt the definition of the portrait offered by Elena Kalinjuk, where portrait description is understood as a variation of the compositional speech forms “description” which studies a literary character, his/her appearance, clothes, manners, speech and psychoemotional behavior. In our article we have analysed physiognomy and countenance proceeding from the fact that the constituent elements of the lexical semantic field FACE denote face with its parts and facial expressions. The latter describe emotional experience and act as means of nonverbal communication. The detailed portrait description prevails in our selection of 102 portrait descriptions. All the constituent elements of the LSF FACE are classified according to the parts of the face they denote. As a result, we’ve obtained seven groups, the most frequently used constituent elements indicate the following parts of the face: “mouth”, “face proper” and “eyes”. Some of the specific traits are foregrounded through the distant repetition of the lexical units. These traits have become the descriptive details in the novel, they are “red lips”, “peculiarly sharp white teeth”, “burning eyes”, “sharp aquiline nose”, “the scar on the forehead”. All the constituent elements of the LSF FACE represent the conceptual opposition FRIEND-ENEMY.

The article «Depiction of the Conflict between Personality and State in the Novel «1984» deals with investigation of the genre peculiarities of the novel – dystopia «1984» by G. Orwell and depiction of the conflict between Personality and State. The author of the article states that the genre of dystopia novel occupies a special place not only in the English literature of the XX century, but also in the world literature. The first part of the article speaks about the formation of the dystopia genre in the world literature, which developed as an opposite to the genre of utopia. The research shows that dystopia genre was creatively implemented in the works by A. Huxley, R. Bradbury, K. Ishiguro, etc. The article states that in the novel under analysis the author touches political, social, moral and philosophical problems. And the main means of treating this issue is the system of characters creatively presented in the novel. The author of the article focuses on the analysis of the main character of the novel – Winston Smith, who becomes a person involved into a dramatic, tense conflict between a Personality and the State. G. Orwell provides the idea that under the pressure of a society any person can be ruined. Outstanding characters of the book make it interesting and exciting for a wide circle of readers. This research states that the most tragic and awful character for G. Orwell is the leader of the totalitarian state – Goldstein. The whole novel is aimed against totalitarian ideas, tending to embrace all aspects of human life in order to develop the nation of warriors and fanatics.

This paperpresents a new inscribed Assos-type sarcophagus found recently in a villageclose to the ancient city of Alexandreia Troas. A characteristic feature of thegeneral decoration of Assos-type sarcophagi is the attention-grabbing shape ofthe large central panel positioned on each of the long sides of thesarcophagus. It is proposed that these large central panels may have been schematicrepresentations of rectangular or round funerary altars. Accordingly, the depiction of the funerary altar onthe sarcophagus is considered to be a new hybrid style of the practice in thenecropolis of Assos of erecting a funerary altar along with the sarcophagus. With this sarcophagus inscription dating tothe third century AD, the presence of the professional association ofshipwrights, which is known to have existed in a number of important harbourcities in the western part of the Roman Empire, is attested for the first time inthe ancient city of Alexandreia Troas and Asia Minor in general. The epithet ἱερώτατοςlabelling the collegium suggests that the association may have gained a privilegedposition in the ancient city. The anonymous owner of the sarcophagus must havebeen associated with the collegium of shipwrights at Alexandreia Troasand, presumably, he was a shipwright., Makalede yakın zamanda AleksandreiaTroas yakınlarındaki Kemallı Köyü’nde bulunmuş yazıtlı bir Assos lahditanıtılmaktadır. Yazarlar, Assos lahitlerinin her iki uzun yüzünde bulunan veşekilleri itibariyle dikkat uyandıran geniş orta panelin aslında dikdörtgenveya silindirik gömü sunaklarının lahitler üzerine işlenmiş şematik bir tasviriolabileceğini ileri sürmektedir. Buna bağlı olarak, mezar sunaklarının lahitüzerine betimlenmesinin Assos nekropolisinde lahitle birlikte bir gömü sunağıdikme geleneğinin yeni bir melez biçemi olabileceği varsayılmaktadır. Roma İmparatorluğu’nunbatısında birkaç önemli liman şehrinde faaliyet gösterdiği bilinen tersaneişçileri derneğinin Aleksandria Troas ve Asia Minor’daki varlığı, MS 3. yüzyılatarihlenen bu yazıtla ilk defa epigrafik olarak belgelenmektedir. Derneği tanımlamakiçin kullanılan ἱερώτατος epitheti bu derneğin kentte belli bir prestije sahip olduklarınıdüşündürmektedir. Lahdi hazırlatan kişinin bu dernekle bir bağlantısının olmasımuhtemeldir. Belki, o da bir tersane işçisiydi. Yazıtın tercümesi şöyledir: “[- - - ve] evlatlarım Sulpicius Aurelius [cognomen] ve Sulpicius AureliusSmintheus için [- - -] eğer biri (lahdi) açarsa ve (içerisine) başka bir ceset koyarsason derece kutsal tersane işçileri derneğine 500 denarii verecek”.

An important member of Northern Germany artists, Emil Nolde has formed a unique style with his personal expressiveness. Originally from a region near the border of Germany and Denmak, he received art training in Munich and Paris, but abandoning all types of traditional mastery acquired, he formulated a plain painting technique which can be considered near primitive. In his works he used impassioned colours devoid of object, figures resembling masks and various symbols. With naive and puritan comprehension, he integrated life and art. He spent a significant portion of his life travelling various countries. This was caused by in

The Heraklitos mosaic, which dates to the second century ad and is displayed today at the Vatican Museums, depicts the theme of the asàrotos òikos (‘unswept floor’) alongside allusions to Dionysian and Isiac mystery cults. The mosaic is well known due to its highly il-lusionistic depiction of scraps of food, which are scattered evenly across the room’s floor, as if left behind –a theme which according to Pliny was first created by the mosaicist Sosus in Hellenistic Pergamon. The mosaic Pliny is referring to was never discovered, and the theme is known today only through five surviving Roman variations, the Heraklitos mosaic be-ing the largest and most elaborate one. This article examines the ways in which the Heraklitos mosaic expresses the connection between power, social status and initiation into mystery cults in Imperial Rome, and ex-plores the connection between traditional Roman beliefs, foreign cult practices and elitist artistic representation.

The article deals with Kazuo Ishiguro’s philosophical and aesthetic principles reflected in the analysed works. Particular attention is paid to the ideological and artistic dominants of the individual style. The early novels share an individual style of narration. In these novels Kazuo Ishiguro makes usage of the literary device of the unreliable first person narration. However, no less important, that the author’s philosophy is based on the principle of tolerance, as the writer refers to the philosophy of New Humanism. The respect for cultural diversity and the rejection of the Eurocentrism differentiate New Humanism from the classical one. Following the above-named philosophy, Kazuo Ishiguro creates the so-called multicultural novel which combines characteristic features of the English and Japanese literary traditions. The early novels have witnessed the influence of the Japanese literary tradition. The Japanese literary tradition can be found in a number of Japanese motifs employed by the author. In general, the unique poetics of the early novels, which manifests itself in the usage of various exotic notions, as well as depiction of Japanese topos and historical events, creates an image of the “floating world”, borrowed from the philosophy of Buddhism. The later novels draw our attention to the problems of multiculturalism. The national character can be observed in the usage of English topos and description of English traditions and realities. A mention should also be made that there is a very thin line between the English surface and the Japanese core of the works into consideration. Both early and later novels deal with the themes of escapism, emigration, the search for self-identity and the interaction of cultures. These questions are studied on the example of such literary works as “A Pale View of Hills”, “An Artist of the Floating World”, “The Remains of the Day” and “Never Let Me Go”.

With its complexity and frequent depiction of violence and sexuality, George R. R. Martin’s A Song of Ice and Fire book series is evidently aimed at an adult readership. Considering its setting in a feudalistic society, it is all the more surprising that many of the point of view characters are children or teenagers who are a priori in a position of powerlessness. This position is even exacerbated for the youngest children of House Stark once the game for the Iron Throne begins. Although they experience violence and have to face dangerous situations, the loss of their home and family is also reminiscent of the step out of the social order which marks the beginning of countless adventure stories and hero’s journeys in literary history. The article shows how Bran, Sansa and Arya Stark are initially subjected to the power and whims of others in a world marked by war, violence and arbitrariness, and how they eventually develop strategies to realise their inherent potential for empowerment in the course of their respective journeys.

This chapter probes potential synergies between comparative children’s literature, imagology and digital humanities by discussing two research projects with an imagological focus. The first is a diachronic study of British children’s fiction with a German theme published between 1870 and 1990, which traces the interdependence of political and cultural relations between the two nations asking, for instance, how the depiction and valorisation of German characters in narratives with a specific time setting varied according to their dates of publication. The second, current, project examines images of nations, cultures and ethnic groups in picturebooks from a double perspective: it investigates the mental images of such groups formed by the imagination and how these are represented in the material images of the picturebook. The chapter asks whether or rather how these projects might profit – or have profited – from the new possibilities offered by digital technology. It concludes with a critical appraisal of what digital humanities currently has to offer, but also what it cannot yet accomplish, pointing out that hermeneutic and interpretative processes are still indispensable in order to identify and engage with specifically literary devices such as rhetorical devices, schemes and tropes.

The paper is dedicated to the volume of poems by Jerzy Harasymowicz, entitled 'Banderia Prutenorum' (1976). The author explores the dependence of this volume on a work of the same title, which was released in mid-15th century through the initiative of Jan Długosz. The medieval manuscript contains illustrations and short descriptions of 56 Teutonic flags captured by Polish troops in the battle of Grunwald (1410). The author of these pictures was Stanisław Durink, while the descriptions were made by Jan Długosz, among other authors. Using the illustrations of Teutonic flags from the medieval model, Harasymowicz added his own poems, showing in bad light particular troops (flags) of the Teutonic Order, as well as their great defeat in the battle against Polish‑Lithuanian forces. The author of the paper analyses the ideological‑persuasive meaning of these poems, as well as their language and depiction.

The present article is dedicated to the analysis of the peculiarities of functioning of synsemantic lexis in the novel Nothing to be Frightened of by a contemporary British author J.Barnes. The aim of our research is to determine the role synsemantic lexis performs in the depiction of the key image of the novel, namely the image of death. Special features of expression of the author’s intention with the help of synsemantic words used in the portrayal of death became the object of the analysis, while synsemantic words themselves– pronouns and function words and the contexts in which they appear in place of the lexemes death/to die constitute the subject of the research. The continuous sampling method enabled us to allocate contexts that contain synsemantic lexical units, which are connected with the main theme of the novel one way of the other. It was hypothesized that the key characteristic of synsemantic lexis – emptiness, the absence of semantic substance – manifests the author’s conception of the phenomenon of death as a transition into nothingness. Besides, it was also established that synsemantic words act as euphemisms along with conventional synonyms of the lexemes death/to die and author’s original metaphors with the same meaning.

13. Abydos – whereAlexander started his campaign against the PersiansBetween AD 177/8 and the reign of the emperor MaximinusThrax (235-238) the city of Abydos in the Troad (modern Çanakkale), situated onthe Asian shore of the Hellespont, minted five emissions of medallions with avery interesting reverse image. In the centre of this picture, that may haveused a painting as a template, an armoured man is shown with a spear in hisleft hand. Surrounded by two other combatants he stands on the deck of avessel, whose stem is decorated with the helmeted head of the goddess Athena.The central male figure waves with his right hand, probably as a command toother ships to follow him. Another significantly smaller vessel, manned by asingle warrior who represents the whole crew pars pro toto, isdepicted in front of the commander’s ship. We may conclude that the commander’sorder is obeyed. In the background of the coin image a trumpeter stands on atower, obviously giving the signal for departure.The interpretation of this coin image has been long debated.Friedrich Imhoof-Blumer, guided by the coin legends, which were misread asΛOVKOVΛΛΟC, considered that the coin might depict Sulla and Lucullus crossingthe Hellespont from Sestos to Abydos in the year 86 BC, but he was finallyunconvinced by this proposal. In 2001 Italo Vecchi, without discussingImhoof-Blumer’s interpretation, suggested that the scene on the Abydosmedallions should be interpreted as Alexander the Great crossing the Hellespontin 334 BC. His proposal was not accepted by Carsten Dahmen, who discussed the Abydoscoin image in his book on Greek and Roman coins depicting Alexander, althoughhe was unable to refute Vecchi’s interpretation.Arrian of Nikomedeia, our best source for Alexander’scampaign against the Persians, tells us that Alexander went from Sestos to thetop of the Thracian Chersonesos and crossed over from Elaious to the Asianshore. This may discourage us from accepting Italo Vecchio’s explanation, butArrian’s account includes the observation that different versions of the storyof Alexander crossing the Hellespont circulated, and that the story describingthe crossing from Elaious, which he followed himself, was the version mostcommonly adopted by Alexander’s historians. However, other traditions clearlyexisted, and we should conclude that one of them related the circumstanceswhich were depicted on the Abydos medallions. According to this versionAlexander and his army must have crossed the Hellespont from Sestos to Abydos.After leaving the harbour in Sestos, the expedition sailed southwards to thetower of Hero, where Strabo writes that the force of the stream directs theships to the opposite shore near Abydos. Alexander was the first to land andthrew his spear into Asian soil to claim it as his δορύκτητος χώρα (‘spear-wonterritory’). The people of Abydos may have decided to mint these medallions,illustrating their central role in this tradition, around/on the 500th anniversaryof Alexander’s crossing, in response to the publication of Arrian’s Anabasis.Abydos’ historical link with the start of Alexander’sPersian campaign in Asia was a very important aspect of the city’s identity.Other cities of Asia Minor, including Apollonia Mordiaion and Sagalassos, alsoclaimed a special relationship with the Macedonian king. Especially at times whenRoman emperors led campaigns against the Iranians (Persians?), identifyingthemselves as new Alexanders, it was beneficial for a city like Abydos toaccentuate its role as the point of departure for Alexander the Great’sworld-changing campaign. The traditional view of the Hellespont as the borderbetween Europe and Asia also served to define this military operation as ahistoric turning-point. Thus the image on the Abydos medallions should beinterpreted in the same way as paintings depicting Caesar crossing the Rubicon,Washington crossing the Delaware, Blücher crossing the Rhine, or Napoleon’straverse of the Alps and the Neman (Memel).14. Antandros,a city at the southern foothills of Mt. Ida: a coin illustrating a scenefrom Virgil’s Aeneid and the city’s tutelary goddessAntandros was a small town in the southern foothills ofMount Ida in the eastern part of the Troad. The literary tradition about thecity is scarce, and only a few inscriptions have come down to us. We may hopethat the Turkish excavations, which started in 2001, will enhance ourknowledge. However, we can also gain new information about the city by bringinga nearly unexploited kind of evidence into the discussion, the city’s coins.This helps to create a sharper profile of Antandros and its identity inantiquity.Our literary sources repeatedly mention the city’s richtimber resources and ship-building based on timber brought down from Mt. Ida.The German philologist Klausen observed in 1839 that coins depicting a treeminted by Antandros and its neighbour city Skepsis, alluded to the abundance offorests and timber around these cities, and that the tree should be identifiedwith a significant local species, Klausen’s proposal was ignored by subsequentnumismatists and scholars who identified the tree as a palm. Correctionsof this misinterpretation by Friedrich Imhoof-Blumer and Louis Robert have notbeen heeded. We know now that the vegetation of Mt. Ida contains many endemicplants, and one of the most conspicuous is Abies nordmanniana ssp.equi-trojani, the Trojan fir (Turkish fir, Kazdağı fir). Originally the speciesonly grew in this region, but in the last decades it has been introduced tomany other parts of the world, especially to northern Germany and Denmark,where hundreds of thousands of examples are grown for sale as Christmas-trees.Homer referred to this particular fir in the Iliad, as it served as a hideawayfor Hypnos in the episode describing how hewas collected by Hera when she puther husband Zeus to sleep. Quintus Smyrnaios mentioned the Trojan fir in hisaccount of the building of the Trojan horse: the Greeks cut many specimens onMount Ida as timber to build that sinister beast.Around ten years ago, a large and very interestingmedallion, minted by Antandros in the time of Severus Alexander, was auctionedby the American auction house, the Classical Numismatic Group. The coin’sreverse depicts Aeneas leaving the Troad. He is shown pulling his young sonAskanios with his right hand, as he carries his old father Anchises on his leftshoulder. In the background we see the rear part of a ship. This coin imagerecalls the opening scene of Virgil’s Aeneid book 3, where Virgil mentionsAntandros by name as the place of Aeneas’ departure from the Troad. By drawingon this tradition, disseminated by the most widely read Latin author, Antandrosadvertised both its own importance and its affinity with Rome. AnotherVirgilian passage also illuminates Antandros’ self-promotion. Aeneid 9,80-92 relates that Aeneas was only able to build the ships that carried himLatium, with the help of a goddess, who provided the necessary timber fromconifers growing in her sanctuary. In Virgil calls the goddess Berecyntia, i.e.the Phrygian goddess. As she speaks of Mount Ida as ‘our mountains «montesnostri», she must be identified with the Mater Deum Magna Idaea, also namedKybele, Meter theon, Rhea, Adrasteia, and so forth. Virgil and other authorsshow that there was a sacred grove with altars of this goddess in themountainous and thickly wooded area forming part of Antandros’ territory. Thehead of a goddess, who is depicted on the classical silver coins of Antandrosand which until now has been regarded as Artemis Astyrene, should be identifiedwith the Mater Deum Magna Idaea. Her sacred tree was the Trojan fir, underwhich her lover Attis was killed by a wild boar. She was also venerated by thecitizens of Antandros’ neighbours, Skepsis and Skamandreia, and it is nosurprise that the Trojan fir, or one of its cones, is also shown on their citycoinage. The Antandrian, Skepsian and Skamandreian coins depicting this treewere notdesigned to evoke the natural landscape of Mount Ida, but should beunderstood as a mark of homage to the Mater Deum Magna Idaea, who also had thefunction of a ‹potnia theron› and of an oracular goddess.Strabon indicates that the goddess’s cult was closely linkedwith that of Dionysos, who was widely venerated in the Troad. TImages of agoat, a bunch of grapes and an ivy leaf on the coins of Antandros are to be understoodas allusions to Dionysos worship in Antandros and its territory. Furtherimportant gods of Antandros were Apollon, his son Asklepios and Hephaistos,whose cultic significance had to do with iron mining and the prosperousblacksmith’s craft at Antandros, that may have produced weapons for the Romanarmy. According to local lore the Judgment of Paris (Iudicium Paridis) alsooccurred on Antandrian territory. Another Antandrian medallion refers to themyth that Apollo’s singing was audible near the source of riverSkamandros. The true background of this mythical story was revealed bythe great German physician Rudolf Virchow, who was unaware of this coin, butreported in his book on the Troad (1879) that both he and his companions hearda singing voice where the Skamandros comes out of the rock.In sum, the coins of Antandros reflect legends and phenomenathat instilled its citizens’ sense of the gods’ protection and favour to thecity as well as of their own self-worth. Especially under Roman rule suchfeelings were important in maintaining a small community’s autonomy and status., 13. Abydos -İskender’in Perslere karşı sefere başladığı yerHellespontos’un Asia kıyısına konumlanmış bir Troas kentiolan Abydos (bugünkü Çanakkale), İ.S. 177/8 ile imparator Maximinus Thraks’ınhükümdarlığı (235-238) arasındaki bir zamanda oldukça ilginç bir arka yüzresmine sahip olan 5 madalyon baskısı yapmıştır. Bir tabloyu model alan buresmin merkezinde sol elinde mızrağı olan zırhlı bir adam tasvir edilmektedir.İki başka savaşçıyla çevrelenmiş olan adam, pruvası tanrıça Athena’nın miğferlibaşıyla bezenmiş olan bir geminin güvertesinde ayakta durmaktadır. Ortadakierkek figürü, muhtemelen diğer gemilerin takip etmesi amacıyla sağ elinisallamaktadır. Oldukça küçük boyutlarda ve üzerinde sadece bir savaşçının parspro toto (bir bütünü açıklayan bütünün parçası) olarak konulduğu birbaşka gemi komutanın gemisinin önünde tasvir edilmiştir. Bundan dolayıkomutanın emrine itaat edildiğini düşünmeliyiz. Sikke resminin arka planındabir adamın üzerinde trompet çaldığı bir kule görünmektedir. Adam açık birşekilde hareket için bir işaret vermektedir.Sikkedeki bu resmin yorumlanması uzun bir süredirtartışılmaktadır. Friedrich Imhoof-Blumer sikkenin Sulla ve Lucullus’un İ.Ö. 86yılında Sestos’tan Abydos’a gitmek için Hellespontos’u geçişini betimlediğifikrini öne sürmüş, ancak sonuçta kendi önerisinden memnun kalmayarak onundoğruluğuna inanmamıştır. Ancak Imhoof-Blumer, ΛΟVΚΟVΛΛΟC olarak açık birşekilde yanlış okunmuş sikke lejantlarının kendisine başka bir seçenekbırakmadığından emindi. 2001 yılında Italo Vecchi, Abydos madalyonlarıüzerindeki sahne ile Büyük İskender’in İ.S. 334 yılında Hellespontos’ugeçmesini özdeşleştirmeye çalışmış, ancak Imhoof-Blumer’in yorumunu ve buyorumdan kaynaklı sorunları tartışmamıştır. Onun yerine bu gizemli sikkeresmini kendi yaptığı bu yeni yorumla açıklamanın yeterli olduğunu düşünmüştür.Bu yüzden İskender betimli Yunan ve Roma dönemi sikkeleri üzerine yazmış olduğukitapta Carsten Dahmen’i ikna edememiştir. Dahmen, Vecchi’nin yorumunu kabuletmemiş, ancak onu reddetmeye de muvaffak olamamıştır.İskender’in Pers seferi hakkında açıkça en iyi kaynağımızolan Nikomedeia’lı Arrianus, İskender’in Sestos’tan Trakya Khersonesos’unun üstkısmına gittiğini ve Elaious’tan Asia kıyısına geçtiğini aktarmaktadır. Budurum bizi, Vecchio’nun Abydos sikke resmiyle ilgili yaptığı açıklamayı kabuletmekten alıkoyabilir. Ancak Arrianos’un bunu naklettiği pasajının dahayakından okunması tarihçi tarafından öylesine yapılan ek bir açıklamaya dikkatçekmemizi sağlamaktadır. Arrianus, İskender’in Hellespontos’u geçişi konusundafarklı versiyonların dolaşımda olduğunu ve İskender’in Elaious’u ziyareti vehemen ardından oradan geçiş yaptığı versiyonun çok yaygın bir şekildetarihçiler tarafından ve ayrıca kendisi tarafından da kullanılan versiyonolduğunu belirtmektedir. Öte yandan bu, diğer versiyonların da var olduğuanlamına gelir ve bunlardan birinin tam da Abydos madalyonlarındabetimlenenlerden birisi olduğu açıktır: İskender ordusuyla birlikte Sestos’tanAbydos’a giderek Hellespontos’u geçmiştir. Önce Sestos’taki limandan ayrılmış,ardından da biraz daha güneye Hero kulesine doğru yelken açmıştır. BurasıStrabon’un bize aktardığı gibi, akıntının gücünün gemileri zorlayarak onlarıAbydos yakınındaki karşı kıyıya sürüklediği yerdir. Oraya ilk olarak İskenderayak basmış ve mızrağını Asia toprağına fırlatarak oranın kendi δορύκτητος χώρα’sıolduğunu iddia etmiştir. Hem Arrianus’un bu aktarımı hem de İskender’ingeçişinin 500. yıldönümü Abydos’luları kentin bakış açısının vurgulamayayardımcı olacak bu madalyonları basmasına sebep olmuştur.Abydos’un İskender’in Pers seferinin başlangıcıyla kurduğutarihi bağ kentin kimliği açısından oldukça önemli bir yere sahipti. ApolloniaMordiaion ve Sagalassos gibi Makedonyalı kral ile özel bir ilişkiye sahipolduğunu iddia eden başka Küçük Asya kentleri de vardır. Özellikle Romaimparatorları İranlılara karşı sefere çıkıp kendilerini yeni İskender gibihissettikleri zamanlarda, Abydos gibi bir kent için Büyük İskender’in dünyayıdeğiştiren seferinin başlangıç noktası olarak kendi rollerini vurgulamasıyararlı olabilirdi. Avrupa ve Asya arasındaki sınırın Hellespontos tarafındançizilmesi geleneği bu askeri operasyonu tarihsel bir dönüm noktası olaraksimgelemek için geriye kalanı ziyadesiyle yapmış olabilir. Bu yüzden Abydosmadalyonları üzerindeki resim Caesar’ın Rubicon çayını, Washington’unDelaware’yi, Napolyon’un Alp’leri ve Neman Nehri’ni ya da Blücher’in RenNehri’ni geçişini gösteren tablolar ile doğrudan bağlantılıdır.14. Antandros –İda Dağı’nın güney eteklerinde bir kent: Vergilius’un Aineas destanındaki birsahnenin bir sikke üzerinde resmedilmesi ve kentin koruyucu tanrıçasıAntandros, Troas’ın doğusunda İda Dağı’nın güney eteklerindeoldukça küçük bir kenttir. Kent hakkındaki edebi aktarımlar oldukça sınırlıdırve yalnızca birkaç yazıt günümüze ulaşabilmiştir. 2001 yılında başlayan Türkkazılarının Antandros hakkındaki bilgilerimizi artırmasını umuyoruz. Öteyandan, hemen hemen hiç kullanılmamış bir belge türünü, yani kent tarafındanbasılan sikkeleri tartışmaya açarak kent hakkında yeni bilgiler edinebiliriz.Makalenin bu bölümünün amacı Antandros’un ve Antik Dönem’deki kimliğinin dahabelirgin bir profilini oluşturmaktır.Edebi metinler tekrar tekrar kentin zengin kerestekaynaklarından ve İda Dağı’ndan indirilen keresteye dayalı gemi inşasındanbahsetmektedirler. Henüz 1839 yılında Alman filolog Klausen, Antandros vekomşusu Skepsis kenti tarafından basılan ve üzerinde ağaç betimi olan bazısikkelerin bu kentler civarında ormanların ve kerestenin bolluğunu işaretettiğini ve bu ağacın orada yetişen bir ağaçla özdeş olması gerektiğinigözlemlemiştir. Fakat nümizmatlar ve bazı diğer bilim insanları Klausen’in bukeşfini kabul etmemişler ve bu sikkeler üzerindeki ağacı bir palmiye ileözdeşleştirmişlerdir. Friedrich Imhoof-Blumer ve Louis Robert tarafından buyanlış yorumlamaya yapılan sonraki düzeltmeler sonuçsuz kalmıştır. Bugün İdaDağı’ndaki bitki örtüsünün pek çok endemik bitki ile karakterize edildiğinibiliyoruz. Bunlar arasından en göze çarpanlarından birisi Troia köknarı (Türkköknarı, Kazdağı köknarı)- Abies nordmanniana ssp. equi-trojani’dir. Bu ağaçaslen sadece orada bulunabilmekteydi fakat son on yıllık zaman dilimlerinde,özellikle kuzey Almanya ve Danimarka’da Noel ağacı olarak kullanılmak üzereyüzbinlerce köknar yetiştirilmiştir. Bu özel köknardan Homer Ilias destanındazaten bahsetmektedir. Ağaç, Hera’nın, kocası Zeus’u uyutmak için gelip aldığıHypnos için bir saklanma yeri olarak kullanılıyordu. Quintus Smyrnaios Troiaatının yapımıyla bağlantılı olarak Troia köknarından bahsetmektedir: Yunanlılarİda Dağı’na gitmişler ve bu uğursuz yaratığın inşası için gerekli keresteyielde etmek üzere pek çok köknarı kesmişlerdir.Yaklaşık 10 yıl önce Antandros tarafından Severus Alexanderzamanında basılan büyük ve oldukça ilginç bir madalyon Amerikan müzayede evi“Classical Numismatic Group” tarafından müzayedeye çıkarıldı. Bu sikkenin arkayüzünde Aineas’ın Troia’dan nasıl ayrıldığı resmedilmiştir. Sağ eliyle gençoğlu Askanios’u sürüklemekte, sol omuzunda da babası Ankhises’i taşımaktadır.Arka planda bir geminin kıç kısmı görünmektedir. Sikke üzerindeki bu resimVergilius’un Aineas destanının 3. kitabının açılış sahnesine dayanmaktadır.Orada Vergilius, Aineas’ın Troia’dan ayrıldığı yer olarak Antandros’u ismenzikretmektedir. En çok okunan Latin yazar tarafından yayılan bu aktarımlaAntandros hem Roma için olan öneminin hem de onunla olan yakın ilişkisininreklamını yapabilmiştir. Ancak Antandros’un kendi algılayışını aydınlatmak içinVergilius’un Aineas destanının 9. kitabının da göz önüne alınmasıgerekmektedir. Orada 80-92. arasındaki mısralarda Aineas’ın kutsal alanınınkozalaklı ağaçlarını gerekli keresteyi elde edebilmesini için kendisine bırakanbir tanrıçanın yardımıyla Latium’a gidecek gemiyi inşa edebildiğiniöğrenmekteyiz. Vergilius’un mısralarında Tanrıça Berecyntia, yani bir Frigtanrıçası olarak adlandırılmaktadır. Bu tanrıça İda Dağı’nı “montes nostri” olaraktanımladığı için, onun Kybele, Meter theon, Rhea, Adrasteia olarak daadlandırılan Mater Deum Magna Idaea olduğu tamamen kesindir. Vergilius ve diğeredebi belgeler Antandros teritoryumunu oluşturan dağlık ve yoğun ağaçlı alandabu tanrıçanın sunaklarıyla birlikte kutsal bir alana sahip olduğunugöstermektedir. Antandros’un klasik gümüş sikkelerinde betimlenen ve bugünekadar Artemis Atyrene olarak kabul edilen bir tanrıça başı Mater Deum MagnaIdaea ile özdeşleştirilmelidir. Altında aşığı Attis’in vahşi bir boğatarafından öldürüldüğü Troia köknarı onun kutsal ağacıdır. Onun, ayrıcaAntandros’un komşu kentleri Skepsis ve Skamandreia tarafından da tapınımgörmesinden dolayı, Troia köknarının ya da onun kozalağının bu kentlerinsikkeleri üzerinde betimlenmeleri hiç şaşırtıcı değildir. Troia köknarınıbetimleyen Antandros, Skepsis ve Skamandros sikkeleri İda Dağı etrafındakimanzarayı ve doğayı tasvir etmek amacıyla basılmamış olup ve bir kehanet tanrıçası özelliği bulunan Mater Deum Magna Idaea’ya gösterilenhürmet olarak anlaşılmalıdır.Strabon’un bize aktardığına göre, onun kültü Troas’ta genişçaplı bir tapınım gören Dionysos kültü ile yakın bir ilişki içindeydi. Buyüzden Antandros sikkeleri üzerindeki keçi, üzüm salkımı ve sarmaşık yaprağıtanrının Antandros ve teritoryumundaki tapınımına bir gönderme olarakanlaşılmalıdır. Antandros’un diğer önemli tanrıları Apollon, oğlu Asklepios vekültle ilgili olan önemi Roma ordusu için silah üretmiş olabilecek Antandrosdemircilik sanatının gelişimi ve demirin çıkarılmasıyla ilgili olması gerekenHephaistos’tur. Yerel bilgiye göre Iudicium Paridis Antandros kentiteritoryumunda vuku bulmuştur. Bir diğer Antandros madalyonu tarafındanatfedilen başka bir efsaneye göre Apollon’un söylediği şarkı SkamandrosNehri’nin kaynaklarının yakınlarında duyulmuştur. Bu efsanenin gerçek arkaplanı, yani hem onun hem de yoldaşlarının Skamandros’un kayadan çıktığı yerdeşarkı sesini duymuş olması, söz konusu sikkeyi tanımayan ama Troas hakkındakikitabında rapor etmiş olan büyük Alman fizikçi Rudolf Virchow tarafından ortayaçıkarılmıştır.Özetle; Antandros sikkeleri vatandaşlarının kendinialgılamalarında, öz saygı, kutsal koruma ve seçim algısını aşılayabilen öğeleriyansıtmaktadır. Özellikle Roma hâkimiyeti sırasında böylesi duygular nispetenküçük bir kentin otonomisi için önemli olmalıydı.

Elizabeth I’s speech to the troops at Tilbury is arguably her most famous. The well-known line—“I know I have the body but of a weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart and stomach of a king”—is routinely included in cinematic and televisual depictions of Elizabeth’s reign. The speech, however, is seldom depicted in adaptations as it survives. This article argues that the depiction of the Tilbury speech reflects the way that Elizabeth’s gender is conceived of in the relevant adaptation, contending that the speech shows how writers have grappled with Elizabeth’s incongruous position as a female king. In analysing the depiction of the Tilbury speech in the films Fire Over England (1937) and Elizabeth: The Golden Age (2007), and in the television series Blackadder II (1986) and Mapp and Lucia (2014), this article concludes that while writers seem to have little issue with Elizabeth declaring that she has “the body of a weak and feeble woman,” they seem to stumble on her follow-up declaration that she has “the heart and stomach of a king.”

In the article we are examining the iconographical differences which occur in the depictions of the punishments of the sinners in the scene of the Last Judgement from the two major schools of the 16th c. The representatives of the Cretan school appear exceptionally conservative while, those of the school of Thebes continue the common Paleologan tradition and create rather provoking and intense scenes. Following that, we make a general presentation of the churches of Northwestern Greece, where this particular subject appears during the 15th-17th c. examining the continuity or not of specific iconographical motifs.

Categorization of Lucas van Leyden (1494-1533) is a matter of defining modern at the turn of the sixteenth century. His depiction of Late Gothic and Classic architectural forms in his prints shows an interaction between the Italian Renaissance and the Netherlandish traditions. The use of urban setting is to familiarize the viewer with the story. This technique of grabbing the attention of the viewer by situating him within the audience in the image is a traditional characteristic of medieval art. On the other hand, he employs the new method of Renaissance spatial perspective in order to create the three dimensional effect in the print. Ornaments work as metalingual elements giving away subtle information on the subject. A symbol exists by being a reference to a former incidence, which adds to the discussion of whether Lucas van Leyden was a Renaissance or an early modern artist. His concern is with the narrative rather than the idealistic illustration of architecture. His German contemporary Albrecht Dürer also appears to come and go in representing two styles of architecture. Therefore there will be a comparison between Lucas van Leyden, Albrecht Dürer and Italian contemporaries such as Perugino and Raphael. Yet it is still a question to where to position Lucas van Leyden.

In this contribution, I begin by studying the systematic allusions in the proem of Lucan’s Bellum Ciuile (1.1–66) to Virgil’s Georgics, not only to the beginning of the first book, where Augustus’ apotheosis is predicted just as Nero’s is in Lucan, but more specifically to the end of that book, with its depiction of civil war and its resumption of the theme of apotheosis, now presented as a reward for the ruler who manages to end civil war. Other Augustan poems alluded to by Lucan, Ovid’s Fasti and Manilius’ Astronomica, take over from the Georgics the combination of these themes at the beginnings and endings of their first books, and so does Lucan. The most fascinating aspect of his appropriation of Georgics 1 is perhaps the way that he anticipates recent scholarship in interpreting Virgil’s charioteer losing control over his horses as Phaethon, an emblem for the irresponsible ruler, and incorporates this in his praise of Nero. I discuss, but reject modern views that see the Phaethon-motif in Lucan as subversive, but I do argue that Lucan replays the prooem in Book 7, in what may be considered a ‘proem in the middle’, with a pointedly different conclusion: apotheosis is still the consequence of civil war, but now no longer as a reward for the ruler, but as a punishment for the gods.

The Explanatory Palaea (Rus. Tolkovaya Paleya) is now known to us in the form of over 15 texts dating back to between the 14th and the 17th centuries. It provides a full description of cosmogenesis, the creation of Adam, the structure of the human body, the interaction between soul and body, and the forms of spiritual substances. It also contains natural scientific representations of physical phenomena. Together with the explanation of ontological problems, it describes the structure of the universe, the earth, and the next world. Like the Biblical books of the Old and New Testament, the Explanatory Palaea establishes the principal worldview to be found in medieval Russian texts. The descriptions in it are accompanied by polemics and invectives against the Jews, who refused to accept the main principles of Christian doctrine, pagans, and Muslims. The aforementioned makes it possible to view the Explanatory Palaea as a historic ancient Russian manuscript, truly outstanding due to its absolutely unique worldview and its incomparable religious, philosophical, and scientific content. Of special interest is the depiction of the disruption of noumenal beings and the emergence of the binary opposition between good and evil as a result of the fall of the archistrategos of the tenth angelic order. The Genesis catastrophe results in the emergence of evil, a phenomenon originally not included in the divine conception of the creation of the world., Толковая Палея дошла до нас более чем в 15 списках XIV–XVII вв. В ней подробно описаны космогенез, сотворение Адама и устройство человеческого организма, взаимодействие души и тела, формы духовных сущностей, даны естественнонаучные трактовки физических явлений. Наряду с толкованием онтологических проблем, описаны устройство вселенной, устроение земли и топосы иного мира. Как и библейские книги Ветхого и Нового Заветов, Палея считается произведением мировоззренчески установочным и ключевым в иерархии памятников средневековой русской письменности. Описательные моменты сопровождаются в памятнике полемическими толкованиями и инвективами против иудеев, не принявших основные положения доктрины христианства, а также полемическими выпадами против язычников и магометан. Все это позволяет рассматривать Толковую Палею как памятник древнерусской мысли, который со стороны его идейно-мировоззренческого, религиозно-философского и естественнонаучного содержания имеет совершенно особое значение среди памятников письменности Древней Руси. Особый интерес представляет изображение раскола ноуменальных сущностей и появление бинарных оппозиций добра и зла в результате падения Архистратига десятого ангельского чина. Результатом бытийственной катастрофы становится появление зла как явления, не заложенного в Божественную концепцию творения мира.

The recently-created spatial installation K 19 by visual artist Zlatko Kopljar, set up in downtown Zagreb, is directed through its meaning and content towards the remembrance of Holocaust victims. The installation consists of five sculptures, which are made from the bricks originally used to build the walls of the concentration camp at Jasenovac and then re-used for the construction of post-war houses. These same bricks have now been used to create the K 19 sculptures, which have been placed on bases created from standardized Euro-pallets used in construction. Laid into horizontal courses, the bricks form vertical blocks with irregular upper surfaces, and, at the same time, place fragments of a fictitious whole in a semi-circular spatial ring of a monument-like character. The nature of the material and its description, therefore, act as signifiers for the installation K 19, while its interpretation acquired a defined field of signification, a language of context, or, simply put, a discourse. The non-material became a constituent part of the installation by being added through the symbolization inherent in its description and resulted in a “reality remade”, which sprang from the fragile foundations of an “indeterminate denotation and representation-as” with regard to the origin of its material (bricks from Jasenovac and Euro-pallets). The vulnerability of that which is represented draws its strength (growing or healing itself) from a reversible movement being performed by the meaning and content of this artwork which simultaneously travels from present time towards history and from history towards the present. The depiction of a memory of a concentration camp, in the symbolic context of the artwork under discussion, is a process related to a kind of documentation, but it also acts as a testimony achieved through narrative without the possibility of showing the expressed narrative itself. Starting with the observation that the installation K 19 documents a specific historical situation possessing an unrepresentable narrative, the aim of the article is to demonstrate that this does not betray the nature of the medium chosen for this artwork. The article’s theory-based argument is rooted in a number of different interpretative strategies which study the anchoring of cultural representations in artworks by considering them as ethical concepts which are inscribed in a space. Such an inscription in space, having found a newly-created habitat, generates geographical categories from the past which are laden with moral narratives as their points of origin. Through this, the connection between cognitive mapping and contemporary art functions as a link between artistic practices and moral geography based on the fact that certain people, things and practices belong in certain spaces, places and landscapes, and not in others. Moral geography, therefore, obliges us to understand and theorize interrelationships between geographical, social and cultural classes. In this sense, installation K 19 does indeed render a “re-use” of the past actual, and re-contextualizes heritage through the choice of its material (bricks from Jasenovac) and in doing so finds reason and meaning for archaeology in the cultural space of a post-war “prosaic age” when people (at least in this case) used things out of existential necessity and not out of the desire to render the near past symbolical. In that respect the installation K 19 uses the heritage of a collective memory of the event, to which it refers in order to create a new conceptual synonym, and through its mourning character acquires not only the past but the spirit of the new age too. In order to recognize the artist’s individual experience of objectifying mnemopoetic perspectivism (in other words, Kopljar’s mnemopoetic approach to the creation of installation K 19) through the reversible signifying process, in the collective experience of the conceptualization of heritage, one requires intersubjective representations. This is because art and its own mnemopoetic perspectivism is rooted in collective thought while memory restores the integrity to the “commonplace ability to think and remember”. Through this, thought and memory represent our rootedness in time which, unlike moral geographies, is confirmed through a communion with “mobile people” who do not need to cohabit with us in the same space nor be provided with the same ideological patterns that became entrenched as customs inside the narrow territorial and mental boundaries of sedentary cultures. In this sense, it is possible to answer the question about the encounter between subjective and collective memory in an artwork only in a remade reality of an interpretation, that is, in a “secondary discourse of commentary” which opens up a new context for the understanding of the old world. By encouraging the meeting between “the seen and the read” as the meeting between “the visible and the expressible”, the article points to the effects of fictionalization and theatricalization which are present in this installation. Without corrupting testimonial aspects of a (bygone) reality, they help it become manifest in communication with the world. The article’s conclusion congratulates the artist’s mnemopoetic strategies and highlights the encounter of the installation with the world, together with its fictitious elements (the reversible narrative of its content) and theatricalization, as an inscription of an ethical concept in space, and, by this, encourages the encounter between “the seen and the read”, and between “the visible and the expressible”, as if it were possible still.

This article is dedicated to the interpretation of the header before the text of the Ten Commandments on fol. 150 of the Hval Codex. The author is drawing attention to a gloss in the margin to the left of the banner which has not been addressed in the earlier scholarly literature nor recorded in the facsimile transcription of 1986. The rectangular banner consists of a lozenge net filled with gold lilies while three gold interlace crosses of a complex shape are placed on top of the banner. The gloss next to it was written in blue ink as an abbreviated word under a line. It is a rather common abbreviation from the nomina sacra category (God). The significance of this hitherto-overlooked gloss is extraordinary. It was written in the same manner which was used for adding legends to miniatures or headers in order to clarify images in medieval illuminated manuscripts. Hval wrote similar notes in several margins of this manuscript. The location of the gloss itself points to its function as an explanation of the banner before the words which the Lord communicated to Moses on Mount Sinai. That the text of the Ten Commandments was significant in Bosnian illuminated manuscripts is also attested to by the header before the Ten Commandments in a Venetian miscellany codex, which depicts the narrative scene of the theophany on Sinai while, at the same time, containing a fairly long inscription which clarifies the image. Similar textual clues appear in the Dobrejsovo Evangelie, the most important of which is the one positioned next to the Synaxarion header where the inscription, “this is heaven which is also called paradise”, explains the scene. In the context of such examples, this article discusses analogous material from illuminated manuscripts and monumental painting alike by applying a new approach to the study of function of medieval ornament, while also highlighting the problem of the etymology of the notion of ornament in different languages. The findings resulting from this research show that the function of ornament in a religious context was not just decorative, but that it was used to mark the holiness of a space, that is, the presence of the divinity, which is a phenomenon witnessed in illuminated manuscripts, wall paintings, icons and reliquaries. H. Kessler’s research into Judeo-Christian symbol-paradigms confirms the essential importance of the depiction of the Old Testament tabernacle in the manuscripts of the Christian Topography as a source of ornamental motifs. They can be grouped into a relatively narrow set of symbols, always included in a structural system: star-shaped schemes, fields of flowers, interlace and lozenge nets as well as chequers. Their origin is found in the coffered vaults of classical tombs and temples where they represented the sky and Elysium. They were transported to medieval art through identical motifs which were painted in the catacombs and early Christian basilicas. It is these exampes that constitute a formal template for the header to the Ten Commandments in the Hval Codex the meaning of which is, therefore, a symbolic depiction of the Word, Logos, as the source of God’s Ten Commandments, which is why the banner was marked with a corresponding gloss. The article also pays attention to an unusual illumination in the Gospels of Jakov of Serres because it also witnesses that a grid with floral motifs possessed a special meaning to educated medieval men. The portion above the head of Metropolitan Jakov, formed by a band of a lozenge net with flowers, has been described in the scholarship only as decorative, that is, as forming a floral background, but, given that its position and shape both conform to signifiers of heavenly kingdom in Byzantine manuscripts of the Christian Topography, it is erroneous to interpret it only as a floral background and a mere ornament. In this case too, the lozenge field filled with flowers denotes the Empire of God to which Jakov directs his prayers. Therefore, when one studies ornament in a religious context, it is necessary to use a more precise language, one which is rooted in the manuscript material itself. A concrete evidence for such a practice can also be seen in the colophon of this manuscript because the scribe who wrote it compared all of the decoration in the codex to the starry sky of a theological rather than actual kind. Other notes in the Hval Codex margins are also mentioned in the article. Some of these record the name of the manuscript’s commissioner who was addressed out of respect as uram (Hungarian for “my sire and master”): Hrvoje Vukcic Hrvatinic, Grand Duke of Bosnia and a Herzog of Split. The article emphasizes the need to study more closely the location of glosses and all other marginal notes within the codex, and highlights the fact that the two notes recording the name of the patron were placed next to the Gospel sections describing Christ’s healing miracles which, generally speaking, figure prominently in Christian art and exegesis. Furthermore, the article also analyzes the previously-unpublished illumination which depicts Moses in front of the Burning Bush, the branches of which were rendered as interlace ornament resembling a labyrinth. The rendition of the Burning Bush as interlace stemming from the floral frame of the header is a unique example which demonstrates that medieval art did not consider ornament as a meaningless arabesque but that it frequently functioned as a signifier.

A Group of Busts of Zeus from Bilecik and Zeus Bronton In the museums of Bursa, Bilecik, Istanbul, Eskisehir, Sogut ve Iznik, there are a group of Zeus busts of local style, all having no inscriptions and resembling to each other considerably in terms of typology and style. They have been found mostly in the province of Bilecik and its territory according to the information provided from the inventory records. Apart from no. 10, all the busts of Zeus depicted in various sizes are treated nude. The anastole employed in their hair over the forehead is a major characteristic of the busts, which carry crown behind their head and are depicted in a sharp symmetry and stylization. The iconography of Sarapis must have had an effect on the treatment of the busts in some way. They functioned quite likely as the votive offerings. In my opinion, the dowel holes seen at the bottom of the busts indicate that they were once erected on the upper parts of the big dedicatory altars (see p. 130). In the article, it is argued that the uninscribed busts stood on the inscribed altars and the gods depicted on the busts must have been identified from the inscriptions. The busts were possibly employed for Zeus Bronton, the main deity of Bilecik and its surroundings. Plenty of Zeus Bronton dedications are known in the same find-spots. Bilecik and its territory is the border region between northwest Phrygia and Bithynia. Phrygia had a deep influence on the neighboring regions in many respects. I think that the phenomenon of depiction of Zeus as a bust in Bilecik was spread from the region of northwest Phrygia to here, given that the dedication of Zeus busts was not common in Bithynia. The altars dedicated to Zeus Bronton together with their busts must have stood in the temples or sacred precincts (maybe in the open air). It is possible to date the busts of Bilecik between the end of 2 nd century and the first half of the 3 rd century.

How does globalization influence companies’ depiction of their national origin? In this study, we analyse and compare corporate websites of German and Danish companies related to the wind energy sector. Traditionally, Country of Origin (COO) has been used within certain industries with the purpose of achieving a competitive advantage. The wind energy sector is a relatively new sector with market potential worldwide. This situation has led us to investigate whether companies in this sector regard themselves as national and whether they choose to position themselves by means of COO indicators. The analysis includes various indicators of national affiliation, such as the use of national flags or colours and references to Germany or Denmark. Moreover, we investigate which alternative parameters are chosen by the companies that do not depict themselves through national identity features. In summary, the study shows that the national identity is still of great importance and is regarded as a valuable position parameter in the cleantech-industry.

This paper examines the main similarities and differences in the portrayal of the minor mortal female character Polyxo in Apollonius Rhodius’ and Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica as well as Statius’ Thebaid. In a close reading of the three epics, Polyxo is identified as the key character of the Lemnian episode. Even though she speaks only once in oratio recta and merely appears in propria persona in one section of the episode, Polyxo is the driving force of the Lemnian narrative and her words contain striking intra- and intertextual allusions which draw attention to the drastic change her character undergoes from Apollonius’ to Statius’ adaption of the myth. The comparative analysis of her character portrayal reveals a high level of intertextual engagement and shows that a full appreciation and understanding of the respective Polyxo character and its function in the Lemnian episode and the epic plot as a whole is impossible without a careful examination of its intertexts which can retrospectively affect the interpretation and create a new meaning. As Polyxo’s portrayal is inextricably linked to the depiction of the goddess Venus, the changes in her characterization are not only the result of intertextual rivalry, but they are also reflective of the use and function of the divine apparatus in the three epics under discussion.

The article deals with the factors that have influenced the frequent depicting of the ‘Vision of St. Peter of Alexandria’ in the sanctuaries of Byzantine churches from the beginning of the thirteenth century. It also discusses the theological messages of this scene. The preserved examples of the ‘Vision’ from the thirteenth century have been inventoried and described, after which the iconographic characteristics of depictions from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries have been given. The examples from the sanctuaries of post-Byzantine churches have also been added to the catalogue of scenes.

The theme of love and its function in creation oneiric portrayal of occupation in K. K. Baczyński's and T. Borowski's works The aim of the article is to show, by collating, that in particular works of Tadeusz Borowski and Krzysztof Kamil Baczyński appears coterminous depiction of the occupation world. Love in both authors’ works creates oneiric reality in which the cruelty is relegate to a secondary priority. Love encloses the world of the characters to “outside the windows” and “now and here”. In both autors’ works also come similar awakening, which ends oneiric creation. Parallel of Borowski’s “Farewell to Maria” (“Pożegnanie z Marią”) and Baczyński’s some erotic poems is to point out that similarities and prove the right of that thesis.Key words: war; occupation; Baczyński; Borowski; love; oneiric

In the era of hyphenated identities, one’s identity may not be as clear as decades before; the same applies to culture and literature. Over the past years, there have been discussions about the exact definition of national literature. In Estonia there have been debates surrounding the definition of Estonian literature: is it a literature written in Estonian or is it a literature written in Estonia? One of the most interesting literary debates erupted in connection with the Estonian Russian writer Andrei Ivanov (born 1971), whose novels in many cases have been written in Russian but published first in Estonian. The first part of the article deals with the definition of Estonian literature and the position of the Estonian Russian-language literature. It may be noteworthy that only at the beginning of the 21st century did Estonian literary criticism start to deal with the Estonian Russian-language literature as part of Estonian literature. The authors of the younger generation (born in 1970 and later) or the so-called noughts-generation are the first credibly taken authors as part of Estonian literature. The position of Estonian Russian literature has shifted from rejection and periphery to the spotlight. The works by Andrei Ivanov have played an important role in that process. The second part of the article analyses the depiction of Estonian Russians in Ivanov’s A Handful of Dust and Ashes using the branch of comparative literature called imagology or image studies. The Estonian Russian background proves to be a useful tool for creating a character who is alienated, who is an existential outsider. The author deals with existential questions and depicts tendencies in the 21st century society. As many other Estonian Russian writers, Ivanov does not deal specifically with the issues of Estonian Russians and that is one of the reasons of his popularity and one of the reasons why Estonian Russian literature has attracted so much attention.

The aim of this article is to explore the parallels between two late-nineteenth-century utopias,William Henry Hudsons A Crystal Age (1882) and William Morriss News from Nowhere (1891). Itaims to explore how these two works respond to the transition from a kinetic to a static conception ofutopia that under pressure from evolutionary and feminist discourses took place during the period.Particular focus lies on the way in which this is negotiated through the depiction of evolution, sexuality,and gender roles in the respective novels, and how the depiction of these disruptive elements may workas a means of ensuring the readers active engagement in political, intellectual and emotional terms.

Travel writing is a literary space particularly promoting moments of cross-cultural contact. In 18th century, Enlightenment new ideas encourage theproduction of odeporics in Italian literature, while writers and readers' interest for this genre increases conspicuously. The article mainly focuses ontwo travel books suggesting some remarkable research cues, Viaggio in Dalmazia by Alberto Fortis and Viaggio in Grecia by Saverio Scrofani, considering the travellers' specific approach and depiction of local people and analyzing their capability to turn these experiences into occasions to getcloser to the Others and to represent them. V času razsvetljenstva je bilo potopisje še posebej bogato. Pričujoči prispevek se ukvarja z dvema potopisoma: Viaggio in Dalmazia Alberta Fortisa in Viaggio in Grecia Saveria Scrofanija. Oba avtorja opisujeta "lokalno" prebivalstvo in zanju je to način, kako se približati drugemu.

Bilder sind als Mittel der Kommunikation und der Argumentation allgegenwärtig. Viele unserer Handlungen und Überzeugungen rechtfertigen wir, indem wir auf Bilder verweisen und behaupten, dass sie etwas ganz Bestimmtes abbilden oder darstellen. Was aber bedeutet diese Redeweise und wie lässt sie sich im Einzelnen begründen? Eine Antwort auf diese Frage kann helfen, besser zu verstehen, was uns Bilder sagen , und in welcher Hinsicht sie das tun. Es gibt zwei Wege, sich der Fragestellung zu nähern. Der eine Weg geht von der visuellen Erscheinung der Bilder aus, also davon, was man auf ihnen sehen kann. Der andere Weg untersucht die semantische Bedeutung, die Bilder als Zeichen haben. Jeder Weg für sich genommen hat seine Berechtigung, aber auch seine Grenzen. Beides wird in der Arbeit näher untersucht. Die visuelle Erscheinung von Bildern wird unter den verschiedenen Perspektiven von Sehen, Aussehen und (wittgensteinschem) Aspektsehen betrachtet. Die Zeichenfunktion wird am Beispiel von Nelson Goodman diskutiert und an verschiedenen Formen von Bezugnahme, die bei Bildern auftreten. Anstatt von einer Unvereinbarkeit der beiden Wege auszugehen, müssen sie miteinander verbunden werden. Ich will zeigen, dass bei Bildern ein normativer Zusammenhang zwischen ihrer visuellen Erscheinung und ihrer Bedeutung besteht: Bilder müssen so verstanden werden, dass sie sich als Zeichen auf etwas beziehen, was ihre visuelle Erscheinung zeigt. Das Ineinandergreifen von Aussehen und Bedeutung macht unseren Begriff des Abbildens aus. Daraus ergeben sich verschiedene Konsequenzen. So kann ein visueller, nicht-sprachlicher Gehalt von Bildern bestimmt werden, wodurch erklärt wird, in welcher Hinsicht Bilder die Fähigkeit haben, anderen Dingen Eigenschaften zuzuschreiben. Außerdem wird der Zusammenhang zwischen Sehen und Verstehen von Bildern deutlicher: Bilder zu verstehen, heißt das Richtige zu sehen, und das Gesehene in einen Bedeutungszusammenhang zu bringen., Pictures are omnipresent as means of communication or argumentation. We justify many of our actions and beliefs, by referring to pictures and stating that they depict something. What does this statement mean, however, and how can it be justified? An answer to this question can help to understand better what pictures "tell" us, and in which regard they do so. There are two ways to approach the question. The first way is an examination of the visual appearance of pictures, i.e. of what can be seen when looking at them. The second way examines the semantic meaning of pictures and their role as signs. Either way has its own merits, but also has its limits. Both are being discussed in the text. The appearance of pictures will be discussed under the perspectives of seeing, of visual resemblance and of seeing aspects (Wittgenstein). The sign function of pictures will be discussed in the context of Nelson Goodman s theory of symbols and by examining the various forms of pictorial reference. Instead of assuming an incompatibility of the two ways, they have to be combined. I will show that there is a normative connection between the visual appearance and the semantic meaning of pictures: Pictures must be understood in the way that they refer to what their visual appearance shows. This normative connection of appearance and meaning constitutes our concept of depiction. Hence several consequences can be drawn. A non- linguistic visual content can be attributed to pictures, that explains why and in which way they play a descriptive role. In addition, the connection between seeing and understanding pictures will become clearer: Understanding pictures means seeing the right things and putting them into a context of semantics.