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In 2017, the Israeli Government started implementing the “Savings for Every Child” program which is instituted by Israel’s National Insurance law. Under the program, the state invests 50 NIS each month in a designated savings plan on behalf of each child whose parents are entitled to a child support stipend from the government. In addition, parents have an option to “match” the state’s investment, by contributing another 50 NIS a month out of the child support stipends they receive. This position paper raises several concerns with respect to the implications of the program on children who lack familial support due to situations that include failure to care for them by their parents, life outside of the home, as well as foster care placements. The paper acknowledges that the number of children who lack familial supports is hard to estimate but notes that in 2019 alone, 405,923 children were known by Child Welfare authorities, and that 12,439 children were residing in out of home placements. The article identifies two deficiencies in the “Savings for Every Child” policy with respect to children without familial support: 1) their parents are not likely to make matching contribution in their designated saving plans, resulting in significant differences in the funds that will be available to them as adults vis a vis children whose parents did make the matching contributions; and 2) the current law does not allow 18 year-olds to withdraw the monies without parental consent – greatly undermining those without familial supports who are in dire need of these funds and are unlikely to receive parental consent. The position paper argues that these aspects of the policy are inconsistent with its goals to promote equality and to close gaps among children – as they put children without familial supports in a great disadvantage. The paper makes four policy recommendations to address these issues: 1) develop mechanisms to identify children without familial support; 2) have the state make matching contribution on their behalf in lieu of their parents; 3) cancel the policy that requires parental approval for withdrawal of the monies at age 18; and 4) develop programs that will educate at-risk children about financial planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the main challenges in modern labor markets is to improve the mobility and employability of workers among workplaces, jobs and roles. This paper explores the factors that might influence people's beliefs about and attitudes towards the mechanisms for improving employability through training. We develop a research model and test it in Israel using surveys that were distributed at two points in time – before and during an acute crisis in the labor market – the Covid-19 pandemic, and evaluate the influence of the Covid outbreak on the research variables. Although citizens are aware about the need to improve employability, they are less willing to promote or pay for it. Perceptions about personal mobility and employability, as well as about employment security, play a major role in explaining citizens' attitudes towards training. Beliefs about the effectiveness of government training providers can influence on citizens’ demand for training. We also reveal a paradox whereby people support training, but also feel that widespread training might reduce their competitive advantage in the labor market. Although the unemployment rate increased dramatically following the Covid-19 outbreak, the relationships between the research variables are almost identical at the two points in time. Our findings indicate that employment status is related to citizens' perceived employment security and their attitudes toward training. Previous educational experience, education and training have a role in perceived employment security and indirectly affect support in training. Policy implications follow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In early 2017, a Universal Child Development Account (UCDA) was started in Israel after a similar program had been suggested by the Research Department of the National Insurance Institute (NII) following an international workshop held at the department in 2009. The NII's proposal, though accepted by the 'war on poverty' commission in 2013, was only considered by the government in 2015 following a deep cut in child benefits in August 2013 and after the Ultra-orthodox parties' insisted on the reinstalment of the amount as a universal CDA. The program that was finally implemented includes monthly deposits of NIS 50 out of the child benefit, in a dedicated savings account, either in a bank or a provident fund in one of several financial institutions, participating in the program. The program, administrated jointly by the NII and the Finance ministry, gives the children access to expected future income from the capital market. The accumulated funds after 18 years hopefully create an incentive for the grown-up child to use the benefits for human capital accumulation. Such a policy can help strengthen the child's future earnings capability and thus add to the individual’s economic success and also to the social insurance's financial sustainability. However, as shown in this paper, such a policy is not without risks. The parents are required to make several choices – they are supposed to choose a savings path for each of their children – either open a savings account in a bank or invest in a provident fund of one of the eligible investment firms. The various savings paths differ in their combination of risk and return on the investment. The investment period for a newborn child is 18 years and extendable to 21 years. Parents can add a monthly deposit of 50 NIS, out of the current child benefit. For parents, who do not choose a savings or investment path, a default decision is activated. As shown here, the design of the default has important implications on the distributional outcome of the program. The long run success depends therefore on the degree of the parents' financial literacy. The latter, depending among other things on the parents' socio-economic background. It seems that an important shortcoming of the specific implementation is that observed choices by the parents hint at the creation of an advantage for affluent families, while disadvantaged families, who happen to be in high need of social insurance, may fall behind. Opportunities and difficulties arising from a CDA policy are discussed, stressing the importance of the policy design, necessary to strengthen the program's positive effects on the children's future income mobility . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From its early beginnings as a profession and as a scientific field, social work has seen communities living in poverty as one of its main target populations, both in practice and in research. However, the profession is moving worldwide away from significant community engagement in these communities. This transformation is part of a widespread erosion process of the professional status of community practice in social work. In Israel, this process is reflected on several levels such as the decay of community work in public social work, a decrease in number of students interested in specializing in this field, a lower amount of academic community work tracks in higher education institutions, and little social work research papers and articles. The ever-expanding dimension of inequality and poverty in both Israel and the world requires the profession to return to its origins and to offer community solutions that can help these communities deal with the roots and impacts of poverty. This article offers a unique conceptual framework for poverty-aware community practice. This framework addresses five major characteristics of poverty-stricken communities: progressive marginalization, dependency, multidimensional deprivation, internalized oppression, and lack of participation. The article presents basic principles for poverty-aware community practice: deep engagement in community life, encouraging egalitarian partnerships, constant learning from community knowledge, adherence to participatory approach, developing social rights discourse, striving for change in power relations, dealing with intersectionality, and advancing critical methodologies that incorporate micro and macro practics at the community level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the number and formulation of the blessings said prior to the laying of tefillin (phylacteries) as practiced in Babylonia and in Eretz Israel, according to Talmudic literature. Initially, it would appear that the facts on this issue are clear. An explicit ruling in both the Talmud Bavli and the Talmud Yerushalmi states clearly that two blessings should be recited while laying the tefillin: lehaniach tefillin, and 'al mitzvat tefillin. However, further examination indicates that this is not the case, as is reflected in the accepted halakhic practice of reciting only one blessing - lehaniach tefillin (Shulkhan Aruch). This paper shows that the formulation lehaniach tefillin reflects the practice in Babylonia, whereas in Eretz Israel the blessing for tefillin was a! mitzvat tefillin. Analysis of the Talmudic discussions in both the Talmud Bavli and the Talmud Yerushalmi demonstrates that a transition occurred from the early, original practice prescribing one blessing for tefillin, into a later development prescribing two blessings. In the Talmud Yerushalmi, one of the two major sections dealing with the blessings for tefillin (Berakhot ch. 9) mentions only one blessing ('al mitzvat tefillin); the other source (Berakhot ch. 2) attaches the Babylonian blessing - lehaniach tefillin - to the original Eretz Israel blessing - following the well known Talmudic dictum, 'therefore, let us say both'. The Babylonian Talmud also addresses the matter of the blessings for tefillin in two major discussions (in tractates Berakhot and Menachot). In tractate Berakhot the Talmud prescribes two blessings: lehaniach for the tefillin worn on the arm, and 'al mitzvat for the tefillin worn on the head. However, examination of the text found in manuscripts of tractate Berakhot, as well as in excerpts cited in medieval commentaries, reveals that originally the Talmudic text in Berakhot did not mention at all the blessings for the laying of tefillin; they were inserted at a later stage. The discussion in tractate Menachot indicates, upon analysis, that the instruction to recite two blessings over the wearing of tefillin arrived in Babylonia quite late - not before the fifth generation of Amoraim - and that the original practice had been to recite only one blessing. It is this earlier practice that is reflected in the accepted halakhic practice of today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tosefta Sanhedrin Chapter 7 presents a series of instructions which appear to be part of a list of bylaws: 'We do not adjudicate', 'We do not add judges', 'We do not inquire', etc. E. S. Rosenthal was the first among many to view this chapter as reliable historical evidence of the bylaws of the court at Yavneh. This view was the source of far-reaching conclusions regarding the system of adjudication and rulings followed by the Tannaim. These studies, however, gave little heed to the chapter's literary composition and refrained from examining its sources. This paper suggests that the various sections of the chapter should be read separately, and that it consists of not one but three codices of bylaws. Each codex, moreover, is a product of literary redaction and is not an 'original' code. A close reading of the chapter may therefore correct wrong impressions and enrich our knowledge of the Jewish courts and their authority after the Destruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]