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第一次世界大戦後、日中間の経済案件を解決することを目的に、日華実業協会という日本人実業家団体が結成された。本稿では一九二〇年代後半に重要な外交懸案となった中国関税改定問題についての同会の運動を検討し、その政治活動の特色を明らかにする。会の中心を在京の実業家が占めていた日華実業協会は、当初は関税問題への対応をめぐって利害を異にする在阪の実業家との連携を欠いていた。しかし会議が中断され中国情勢が流動化すると、同会は在京の実業家と在阪の実業家の意見を媒介・統合し、政府に対して関税率・対中債権問題の包括的な解決と政党間対立を超えた一貫した対中政策の形成を訴えるようになる。当該期の日華実業協会の活動は、関税問題の政局化を避けつつ、国内実業界の意見を統合し、政府との意見交換の緊密化を図ろうとするものになっていったのである。, After World War I, Japanese businessmen organized a group called the Nikka Jitsugyō Kyōkai 日華実業協会 (Japan-China Business Association) that included a wide range of Japanese businessmen and business organizations who thought it necessary to solve economic issues between Japan and China. This paper analyses how this group developed a political campaign to deal with Chinese tariff revision, which was the most controversial economical issue between the two nations in the late 1920s, and clarifies the development of the group as a political organization. When the Special Tariff Conference in Beijing was held in 1925 with the aim of reaching a final agreement among China and the powers, Japanese businessmen paid much attention because the issue was deeply linked with Japanese trade and investments in China. But the organizers of the Nikka Jitsugyō Kyōkai at first consisted mainly of businessmen from Tokyo, and the organization did not cooperate with the businessmen from the Osaka region because their interests conflicted. However, when the tariff conference was broken off in July 1926 because of the turmoil in China, Japanese businessmen from throughout the nation were anxious about the future of Chinese tariffs. This change of the situation in China had a great impact on the campaign of the Nikka Jitsugyō Kyōkai. The association mediated the views of businessmen in Tokyo and Osaka, uniting them in the demand that the Japanese government make an effort to reopen the international conference and resolve the tariff issue comprehensively. Conflicts between the two regions were thus overcome by the Nikka Jitsugyō Kyōkai that also insisted that the policy toward China should not be affected by the conflict between political parties and be carried out consistently. Besides, it also provided opportunities for meetings with political authorities to exchange of views about this issue. The activities of the Nikka Jitsugyō Kyōkai throughout this period were meant to integrate the views of domestic business circles and to develop closer relationships with the government in order to facilitate an exchange of views. This also signaled the development of the Nikka Jitsugyō Kyōkai as a political group that would have a stronger involvement with diplomacy toward China in the future.

本稿では、一九一六年六月にパリで開催された連合国経済会議に関する日本の政策形成を検討し、第一次世界大戦中に生じた貿易統制の動きに対する認識と対応の一端を明らかにする。会議の開催通知を受けた大隈内閣は、会議のもつ拘束力は限定的であるとの見通しのもと、当初通商面における連合国への協力を最小限に留めようとした。これに対して、会議の事後処理にあたった寺内内閣は、対連合国関係と産業機構の強化を重視する観点から、速やかな決議承認と関連法案・機構の整備を推進していった。さらに日本代表として会議に参加した阪谷芳郎らは、世界経済のブロック化は不可避であるとの切迫した危機感のもと、一層の連合国支援と産業関係機関の再編を主張し始めた。そしてその後、日本国内でも自由貿易への危機意識が共有されるようになるにつれ、彼の構想と同様の政策が実際に検討されることになるのであった。, In June 1916, the leaders of eight allied countries assembled in Paris for a conference known as the Economic Conference of the Allies with the aim of debating the problem of regulating international trade and commerce during and after the period of the First World War. This article examines the foundation of Japan's policy toward the conference and clarifies Japan's recognition and reaction to the problems precipated by the war and a portion of their later influence. The Ōkuma Shigenobu cabinet, which had received notice of the opening of the conference, made known its intention to participate, but Foreign Minister Ishii Kikujirō only feigned interest in cooperating with the allies because he wished to limit damage to Japan's commercial interests as much as possible. The cabinet held the view that the situation most feared by Japan, in short, that the conference would restrict free trade to the allies' colonial possessions, would not occur because of the firm stance of the British in favor of free trade. Given this understanding, the cabinet saw the conference as a place for solving the economic problems during the first stage after the war such as concluding commercial treaties with the allies' colonies rather than as a place for debating the future of world commerce, and it proceeded on this course. In contrast, the Terauchi Masatake cabinet that dealt with the aftermath of the conference positively supported the decisions and related provisions under a policy that was different from that of the previous cabinet. Foreign Minister Motono Ichirō, who had seen furthering cooperation with the allies to insure Japan's economic interests from the start of the world war as indispensable, openly declared his full agreement on the resolution that clearly stated stance in opposition to the allies and broke off trade relations with enemy powers. Furthermore, ministers charged with economic affairs led by Minister of Agriculture and Commerce Nakashōji Ren reacted against the imposition of restrictions on Japan's trade activities by the conference, but as his own personal idea was to implement the establishment of economic institutions to strengthen the industrial base, on this occasion he recognized the resolution of the conference and later instituted a special Industrial Research Bureau. In this way, the Japanese government established means to deal with the conference in both diplomatic and economic spheres. Moreover, Sakatani Yoshirō and others who traveled to Paris as representatives of Japan were shocked by the heights of the allies' belligerency and the political rise of those who called for tariff reforms through their experiences at the conference and afterward, and they came to realize that it was inevitable that the post-war economy would evolve into trading blocs. He thought that in order for Japan to react to these circumstances, it must both strengthen its support of the allies, including military cooperation, but also he began to extol the necessity of establishing a Ministry of Commerce that would comprehensively lead other related agencies in order to strengthened the country's commercial and industrial base. The Japanese government was shaken by the Sakatani report that had betrayed their expectations, but ultimately the resolution was not regarded as a change in the free trade policy, and Sakatani's policy was not immediately implemented. However, consciousness of the problem that he obtained at the conference came to be shared domestically throughout the war due to the difficulty of entering into trade agreements with the colonial possessions of the allies and the occurrence of the problem of the prohibition of the iron ore trade. Then, in contrast to Sakatani's predictions, the actual world economy in the 1920s reverted to free trade, but the policy issue of establishing a Ministry of Commerce continued to be investigated as part of the post-war economy.

This is a translation into Japanese of the article by Dr. John R. Patterson, 'The Relationship of the Italian Ruling Classes with Rome : Friendship, Family Relations and Their Consequences'. It was first presented at a conference in Dresden and then published in the following book : Martin Jehne & Rene Pfeilschifter eds., Herrschaft ohne Integration? Rom und Italien in republikanischer Zeit, Verlag Antike/Frankfurt am Main, 2006. I would like to thank the editors and publishers of the above mentioned book for permission to publish the Japanese translation of Dr. Patterson's article.

Extremely Low Frequency (ELF) and Ultra Low Frequency (ULF) band observation of ElectroMagnetic wave (EM) precursor of earthquakes and volcanic eruption has been studied. Three-axial ELF (223 and 17 Hz) high sensitive equipment of order of sub-pico Tesla per root Hertz have detected many precursors of earthquakes and volcanic eruptions for these twenty years. The ULF band system has detected Schumann resonance variation in level and frequency. In this paper, EM precursors of large-scale earthquakes of order Magnitude 7, of recent Offshore Kii-Peninsula Magnitude 6.9 and Magnitude 7.4, and the disaster quakes of Niigata-Chuetu Magnitude 6.8 experienced on 2004 in Japan are discussed., 資料番号: AA0048095042

近年、ローマ共和政をめぐる議論が盛んである。クリエンテラを基盤としたノビレス貴族が排他的な貴族政を展開したという従来の通説にたいし、一般市民の制度的権利を重視すべきとの見解が提出され、統一的な理解はいまだ形成されていない状況である。本稿は、この問題を考えるために、共和政中期の同時代史料、ギリシア人歴史家ポリュビオスの『歴史』を分析した。議論は、まず、『歴史』第六巻の混合政体論の検討から進められる。これは、「共和政＝民主政」論の重要な根拠となるものであるが、考察の結果、混合政体中の民主政的要素の実態は上層のローマ市民であり、混合政体論は一般市民の政治的重要性を示唆するものではないことが明らかとなった。さらに、『歴史』全四〇巻を体系的に考察したうえで、ポリュビオスは前一六〇年代以降のローマ国政を混合政体からの没落と把握していること、そして、その国政変化に一般市民の政治的意義の増大を看取していることを指摘した。そして、以上の分析で明らかになったポリュビオスの認識を軸としながら、『歴史』以外の史料もあわせてローマ国政を具体的に検討し、前一六〇年代以降、一般布民の政治的重要性が国政において顕著になっていること、その政治的重要性は静態的な制度的権利ではなく、徴兵忌避などにみられる直接的な政治的圧力に基づいていることなどを、最終的に結論として提示した。, From the end of the Second Punic War to the Gracchi, the influence of the Roman Republic extended over an increasingly wide range of the Mediterranean Sea area. However, when we study the internal politics and society of the Republic, we find that the traditional interpretation that the Nobiles, by making use of the patron-client relationship between themselves and the ordinary citizens and then monopolizing the posts of the magistrates, had ruled the politics of the Republic exclusively is rendered suspect. This is a result of the fact that a new interpretation, originally proposed by F. Millar, has become influential. This view posits that the ordinary citizens of Rome played an important role in the system of the Republic, participating in the voting for the selection of magistrates and legislation. In order to consider this problem of the nature of politics in the Republic, especially in Mid-Republican Rome, the author has analyzed one fundamental primary source, Polybius' Histories. Polybius, who was born at Megalopolis in the Peloponnesus and lived throughout almost the entire second century B.C., wrote the Histories in forty volumes. His main theme was an examination of the causes of the rise of Rome, the most important factors for which were the constitution and politics of the Roman Republic. His description of these factors is found primarily in the sixth book as the theory of the mixed constitution. Some of the scholars who insist on the political significance of the ordinary citizens recognize and even praise Polybius because his view of the mixed constitution of the Republic seems to describe the citizens' political rights accurately. However, when we look at the section of the Histories on the mixed constitution, where the relationship between the aristocratic elements and the democratic elements are described. we find that the higher-ranking citizens, including the Equites, are described as the chief actors of the democratic elements. The author concludes that Polybius considered the higher-ranking citizens as the holders of democratic power in his mixed constitution of the Republic. As regards the political significance of the ordinary citizens, it is necessary to examine Polybius' description of the decline of the Roman Republic. There he refers to the political pressure of the ordinary citizens on the Nobiles. It appears that he thought that the decline of the Republic began from 160's B.C., and he notes specific incidents that demonstrate the political pressure of the ordinary citizens in the volumes dedicated to the years 168 B.C. to 145 B.C. It is important to recognize that Polybius perceived the emergence of the significance of citizens' political power after the 160's B.C. not in terms of constitutional rights but as practical pressure on the Nobiles. Finally, the author has addressed important aspects of the politics of Mid-Republican Rome by comparing the descriptions of Polybius with records of the same incidents in other sources from the viewpoint of the political significance of the ordinary citizens., 個人情報保護のため削除部分あり

第2次ポエニ戦争終結からグラックス兄弟の改革に至る共和政中期は, 共和政のシステムがよく機能した時代であるといわれている。その共和政の実態はクリエンテラ関係に基づくノビレス支配であったとする説が長らく支配的であったが, 近年これにたいする批判として, 一般市民の持つ制度的権利の再評価の傾向が顕著である。これをうけて, 本稿は市民の制度的権利の社会的前提として, 軍務の果たしていた役割について考察することをその目的としている。まず, 本稿は徴兵の現場に焦点を合わせ, 徴兵をおこなう側の政治指導者層と徴兵される側の一般市民の関係を考察した。その結果, 軍務を中心的に担うのは一般市民であるという共通認識のもと, 一般市民は自律的に行動し, 政治指導者層も彼らを強権的に徴兵するのではなく, ある程度丁寧な対応をしている状況が明らかになった。次に, 本稿はこの両者の関係をフォルムにおける政治の場に敷衍することを試みた。そして, 最終的に筆者は, 一般市民が民会や法廷で制度的権利を行使する際, 彼らの果たしていた軍務は権利の実効性を高める社会的前提として機能し, それゆえに政治指導者層も彼らの重要性を認識して呼びかけや弁論をおこなう必要があったと結論付けている。, Most historians studying the Roman Republic argue that from the end of the Second Punic War to the Gracchi, the system of the Republic worked smoothly. However, there are two theories to understand when studying the politics and society of the Republic. One is the traditional interpretation that the Nobiles, monopolizing the posts of magistrates, had ruled the politics of the Republic exclusively. The other is the new interpretation originally proposed by F. Millar that the ordinary citizens in Rome had an important role in the system of the Republic, participating in the election and the court. When we take account of the ordinary citizens' political right, how can we consider the basis of their right? In this paper, the author attempts to consider their military service as the origin of their political significance. From the middle of the third century B. C. the Roman army became composed of poorer citizens. Many scholars call it the proletarianization of the Roman army. Ancient sources like Dionysius Halicarnasseus, from the point of the timocratical view, indicate that the richer a citizen was, the greater his military obligation and the wider his political right. According to this view we have to understand that poorer soldiers couldn't have had an important political role as citizens. However, as long as citizens were soldiers and they sustained the vast expansion of Rome in the second century B. C., we should suppose that the burden which they shouldered gave them political significance. To reveal this relationship between military service and political power, the author surveys the affairs of the system of conscription. The magistrates sometimes felt difficulties in conscripting because the ordinary citizens, who were liable for military service, acted against the intention of the magistrates. The magistrates had to appeal to the citizens for military service or change the method of conscription. So we should consider that there existed a sort of political communication between the ordinary citizens and the magistrates and it came from the fact that the ordinary citizens bore the burden of military service and they were indispensable for the Republic.

制度:新 ; 文部省報告番号:乙1334号 ; 学位の種類:博士(工学) ; 授与年月日:1998-02-5 ; 早大学位記番号:新2571 ; 理工学図書館請求番号:2156

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