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社会学 : 論文, Articles, 近代医療以外の医療、「補完代替医療」の重要性が注目されて久しい。日本でも2012年から近代医療と「補完代替医療」、それぞれの長所を活かした統合医療の普及が取り組まれるなど、近代医療専門家以外の専門家が医療の領域で活躍するようになってきている。しかし、これまでの先行研究では近代医療と担う医療者と「補完代替医療」を担う専門家はわけて記述されており、特に医師が「補完代替医療」の専門家へどのような印象を抱いているのかなど、その内面に関する先行研究はほとんどない。そこで本稿では宗教的治療者が存在する八重山諸島・石垣島で働く医師へのインタビューを通して、医療体系が多元的に存在している状況について紹介する。インタビュー調査の結果では、医師は近代医療ではないユタの治療の効果を否定も推奨もしておらず、理解しがたいものとして一定の距離を取らざるを得ない様子が看守された。そして、地域住民は「医者にはできないこと」があることを前提に、医師とユタを「必要」な場合によって使い分けていた。しかし、近代医療の教育を受けてきた医師はユタの治療効果を検証・理解する手段もないと語る医師もおり、そのことから近代医療の教育を受けた医療者と「補完代替医療」の専門家との間では、双方の専門性を共有するための「手段」がそもそも存在していない可能性も考えられなければならないのではないだろうか。, A great deal of time has passed since we recognized the importance of complementary and alternative medicine(CAM). Since 2012 in Japan, the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare launched integrative medicine, a combination of both modern medicine and CAM. However, modern medicine and CAM have been researched individually. In particular, there are few reviews on the impressions that physicians of modern medicine have of CAM or CAM experts. This paper introduces the situation of yuta, or a kind of shaman on Ishigaki Island, who are considered CAM based on data from interviews with doctors and participant observation of people who live in the island to examine the future of integrative medicine project. The results indicate that doctors neither affi rm nor deny the effectiveness of yuta and other types of CAM. However, yuta and CAM are cultures far too different for doctors to comprehend. On the other hand, Ishigaki residents use both systems on a case-by-case basis because they have a good grasp of the limitations of doctors. There is a term in sociology and medical anthropology known as “pluralistic medical systems,” referring to situations where multiple medical systems exist in a complementary or comparative perspective. Pluralistic medical systems in Ishigaki Island are run by not experts but people use them properly.

Shamanism is a common fundamental religion for many ethnic groups around the world. Previous research has demonstrated a relationship between shamans and supernatural beings, even though the shaman names may be different. Most previous studies have tended to classify shamans according to their ecstatic trances or spiritual possessions. In this article, however, I examine shaman classification from the viewpoint of the people living in local shaman communities. I analyze the Mongolian shaman classification in the Horqin region of Inner Mongolia in China and elucidate the main classification criteria for these Mongolian shamans as Shaman guardian spirits. The Mongolian shamans in the region were classified into eight categories, and the various types of shamans were arranged on a seven-stage hierarchical ranked system. The shamans were also found to have internal networks; in other words, shamanism was not a personal behavior but was interpreted and ordered by the local community. The complex shaman network illuminated the continuous transformations of the internal Shaman structure. Mongolian shamanism in the research region was found to be a successful but constantly changing faith system.

Chapter 63 of Ise Monogatari is very strange and comical. In this chapter, an old woman, who was 99 years old, and called Tsukumogami, loved Zaigo Chuzyo (Ariwara no Narihira) passionately. He took pity on her and went and slept with her. His mercy (Nasake) is worthy of praise. Though funny, this chapter is very important. Because it has a deep connnection with chapter 69. In Manyoushu, old women composed a lot of poetry, and they often sang about dream and image. Chapter 63 was written according to these poetry, and Zaigo took Sougyoku who was a chainese poet as a model. Old women, for example, Hiketabe no Akaiko, Gen no Naishinosuke, have been regarded shamans. Tsukumogami was a shaman, too. The mariage of zaigo and Tsukumogami seems that of god and shaman. But they had lost power of poetry. This chapter doubts of such folk belief. We can say that this chapter is a kind of a review.

This paper points out that there was and still is a strong tradition of miko in the western parts of the Kyushu islands. Miko is a female dancer or shaman who are mostly over 55 years old or who are very young, still of a pre-menstruation age. The research area covered Tsushima of Nagasakai Prefecture, Kishuku and Shiratori in Fukuejima of the Goto Islands also in Nagasaki Prefecture, Koshikijima of Kagoshima Prefecture, and Kuchino-shima of the Tokara Islands also of Kagoshima Prefecture. In these areas, the dances are performed wearing extraordinary costumes and with drums. The gestures and dances show a common historical background and tradition in these areas. They move in a circular orbit for the second, third and fourth dances. Comparing the dances at different sites revealed that the miko is not a maiden, but a priestess or shaman. However, more extensive research encompassing more examples is necessary to draw an even clearer picture of this important dance in the kagura of Kyushu Islands., 長崎大学総合環境研究. 2006, 8(2), p. 17-30

This paper points out that there was and still is a strong tradition of miko in the western parts of the Kyushu islands. Miko is a female dancer or shaman who are mostly over 55 years old or who are very young, still of a pre-menstruation age. The research area covered Tsushima of Nagasakai Prefecture, Kishuku and Shiratori in Fukuejima of the Goto Islands also in Nagasaki Prefecture, Koshikijima of Kagoshima Prefecture, and Kuchino-shima of the Tokara Islands also of Kagoshima Prefecture. In these areas, the dances are performed wearing extraordinary costumes and with drums. The gestures and dances show a common historical background and tradition in these areas. They move in a circular orbit for the second, third and fourth dances. Comparing the dances at different sites revealed that the miko is not a maiden, but a priestess or shaman. However, more extensive research encompassing more examples is necessary to draw an even clearer picture of this important dance in the kagura of Kyushu Islands.

In Aomori (JAPAN), there are shaman called "ITAKO" or "KAMISAMA", and they do prediction, fortune telling and medical care with their spiritual or religious power. This paper is intended as an investigation of the culture of shaman and mental health in Aomori. The participants in this survey were 670 people from the southern ares of Aomori prefecture who were outpatients because of chronic illness. We conducted this survey using a questionnaire form and a structured interview that mainly consists their experience of consulting to shaman. The following results were obtained: 232 (34.6%) informants had experience of consulting a shaman. Compared with gender, females had a greater tendency to consult. They consulted to shaman about "personal illness" and "family illness", and they had a need for healing. Their impressions after consulting a shaman were mainly "a feeling of healing", and "a felling of calm" (each from approximately 30% of 232 informants). It was found from the result that some people use both hospital care and shaman, and they feel healing and calm from the shaman while complying with their doctor. From this result we may say that shaman supplement or coexist with doctors for people having a chronic in this area., 国立情報学研究所の「学術雑誌公開支援事業」により電子化されました。