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Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Problems / Problemos is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Monetary Studies (Bank of Lithuania) is the property of Bank of Lithuania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socialinių Mokslų Studijos is the property of Mykolas Romeris University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Logos: A Journal, of Religion, Philosophy Comparative Cultural Studies & Art (08687692) is the property of Logos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to reveal the main features of the right to aca- demic freedom by analyzing theoretical aspects of this concept, some moments of its historical development, related case law, and the Turkish case. The first chapter considers the relationship between the right to academic freedom and the other human rights, its structure, and its place in legal acts. Then, the paper reveals the practical issues regard- ing the right to academic freedom, taking into account the most significant legal inter- pretations of the concept of academic freedom in the form of legal judgments from U.S. and European courts. More precisely, the case law of the U.S. Supreme Court, European Court of Human Rights, and European Court of Justice is relevant in understanding how both sides of Atlantic Ocean understand the right to academic freedom. The third chapter considers the state of academic freedom in the Republic of Turkey. The case of Bogazici University is considered in an attempt to reveal the restrictive conditions of academic freedom in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Man & the Word / Zmogus ir zodis is the property of Vytautas Magnus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Almanac / Politikos Mokslų Almanachas is the property of Vytautas Magnus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Problems / Problemos is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although the need of freedom is definite, the concept of individual freedom, while being interpreted with legal terms, causes not only theoretical, but also practical problems. The observed two extremes of freedom are defined as any human self-expression as well as the license, where the state power is generally attributed to disregard personal freedom. In this article the freedom of expression and state enforcement jurisdiction dichotomy are addressed by discussing positive and negative conceptions of freedom and the relationship between the interpretations of political liberalism and Kant and Hegel's philosophies. This paper aims to prove that the positive liberty is the assumption of the negative liberty. The paper based on Hegel's philosophy shows that freedom is the characteristic of human nature to seek identity. It is also argued that human identity can take many forms and, therefore, a person has a number of inherent rights and liberties. It is human psycho-physical identity that provides the right to life and health care; human creative identity, providing the right to privacy and freedom of occupation; human moral identity, which provides the right of dignity, and the moral autonomy of person's social and political identity, providing the political and social rights and freedoms. This article concludes that while a person uses the given rights with integrity and the state is limiting people's arbitrariness, there is no conflict between the freedom and state violation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socialiniai Tyrimai is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper focuses on the general principles established in the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights while applying and interpreting the Article 3 of the First Protocol of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (hereinafter -- Article 3 of the First Protocol) which provides: „The High Contracting Parties undertake to hold free elections at reasonable intervals by secret ballot, under conditions which will ensure the free expression of the opinion of the people in the choice of the legislature.“ Article 3 of the First Protocol enshrines a fundamental principle for effective political democracy, and is accordingly of prime importance in the Convention system. It refers not only to positive obligation of the Contracting State to organize democratic elections, but also guarantees individual rights, including the right to vote and the right to stand for election, although this is not explicitly stated in it. These rights are not absolute; there is room for "implied limitations" and Contracting States are given a wide margin of appreciation in this sphere. However, these limitations must be such that the rights in question were not curtailed to such an extent as to impair their very essence and deprive them of their effectiveness, should be imposed in pursuit of a legitimate aim and should not be disproportionate. The choice of electoral system by which free expression of the opinion of the people in the choice of the "legislature" is ensured -- whether it is based on proportional representation, majority voting with one or two ballots or some other arrangement -- is a matter in which the State enjoys a wide margin of appreciation. Article 3 of the First Protocol does not create any obligation to introduce a specific electoral system. In the second part of the paper it is analysed what types of elections fall under the scope of Article 3 of the First Protocol. This article obliges the Contracting States to set up "legislature" which is directly elected by people, it does not define the concept of "legislature" explicitly, but in any case it includes national parliaments. Under the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, Article 3 of the First Protocol applies only to the "legislature" or at least one of its chambers if it has two or more. The concept "legislature" does not necessarily mean only national parliament," it has to be interpreted on the basis of the constitutional structure of the state in question. In the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights the ambit of the Article 3 of the First Protocol has been extended to the European Parliament. Article 3 of the First Protocol is not applied to the elections of the Head of State, to referendums, to elections of local authorities which do not exercise legislative powers. The third and fourth parts of the paper deal in more detail with issues concerning the right to vote and the right to stand for election in the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights. The right to vote is not a privilege; the presumption in a democratic state must be in favour of inclusion; universal suffrage has become the basic principle. Any conditions imposed must not thwart free expression of people in the choice of legislature, they must reflect the concern to maintain integrity and effectiveness of an electoral procedure aimed at identifying the will of people through universal suffrage. Exclusion of any groups or categories of the general population must accordingly be reconcilable with the underlying purpose of Article 3 of the First Protocol.… [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper takes a generic approach towards the analysis and comparison of „Kauno Tiesa," a daily newspaper during the Soviet period, and its counterpart „Kauno diena" in post-Soviet Lithuania. The specific generic analysis is performed on three issues ranging from the years 1964, 1986 and up to 2008. All of them appeared at the beginning of May and were dedicated to the Day of Press. The choice of these specific issues allows the author to find a common denominator for the comparison of otherwise hardly comparable issues. The aim of the comparison is to reveal the most general tendencies in the development of post-Soviet Lithuanian dailies. However, the development is caused by a few important factors such as an overall change of times; overwhelming technological shifts due to the application of computers; and a change in the country's status, i.e. the shift from a totalitarian system towards democracy. The latter ideological change was conceived as crucial for the dramatic change in the form, contents, and function of the dailies under investigation. The generic approach was chosen as the main aspect of research because of its underlying theoretical assumptions. Genre is assumed here as a social action, the basic substance of any culture, therefore it is taken as a conditio sine qua non for any text. The purity of a genre, the clarity of its status may be questioned but not its existence in general. The present paper presents some methodological insight into the nature of a genre as well as into the problems of its identification in general. Moreover, it compares classifications of genres of periodical literature that prevailed in Western countries and Eastern or Central Europe since generic shift was mainly a matter of the westernisation of the daily press. The outcome of generic shift was threefold. It comprised the (dis) appearance of specific genres and radical changes in the existing genres. All ideologically biased materials such as the speeches of CPSU leaders and reports on CPSU congresses were gone as soon as Lithuania regained its independence in 1990. Gradually, after the privatisation of the press their place was taken by new macrogenres such as advertising and comments. Other genres, especially service information and news items, underwent considerable changes also. The paper concentrates on the most obvious of them, as reflected in the informational structure, style, and language of the texts. The overall tendencies observed in the development of post-Soviet dailies are quite paradoxical. Although a much bigger variety of genres appeared in the last two decades, a clear-cut tendency of less diversity of their textual structure is obvious. The ideology of texts changed from an assumed objective to an imposed subjective approach towards reality. The most striking difference, however, is the shift in the pathos of dailies from false but positive towards true but negative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The leader’s role is decisive when developing a strategic vision and strengthening democracy at local as well as at highest level. Local government leaders should develop new approaches to further development, be able to adapt to the time of frequent change and thus enhance the effectiveness of organizations and leadership at local level. The aim of the paper is to examine the development of leaders’ skills and competences. Most often leadership skills are being developed at school, within NGOs and society. It is important to be organized and have good communication skills, be able to generate and disseminate ideas. Leaders’ characteristics, leadership skills and their development, future challenges are discussed in the first part of this paper. In the second part, the impact of local government leaders on democracy strengthening at local level are analysed. This research shows that the activity of local government leaders has a huge impact on democratization processes in Latvia therefore motivation for further development, lifelong learning and competence development play a very important role.

Copyright of Darbai ir Dienos is the property of Vytautas Magnus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociologija: Mintis ir Veiksmas is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study covers topical issues of the modern state formation in Ukraine. The study was aimed at investigating the interrelations between individuals and subjects of public administration in the context of modernisation of Ukrainian society and the state. The purpose of this study was to identify the possibilities of introducing civilised aspects of relations between subjects of state power and civil society into management activities, which has been successfully implemented in management practice in countries bordering Ukraine: Poland, Romania, Hungary, the Baltic states, etc. The paper employed the following methods: analytical substantiation of the problems under study; focus group; expert survey; research-to-practice developments in the problems of relations between public councils and subjects of public administration, etc. Having studied the theoretical and practical components, the authors concluded that the public council as a temporary consultative and advisory body, formed under the executive authority to promote public participation in the development and implementation of national policy, is an integral component of a democratic society, which would help in bridging the gap formed over a long time between the government and the population, the state and civil society, restore confidence in the authorities, form transparency and efficiency. The practical aspect of this problem can serve as a certain example for other countries, especially for the former republics of the USSR: Moldova, Belarus, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, etc.

Copyright of Sociologija: Mintis ir Veiksmas is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper focuses on the principle of subsidiarity, which is one of the key principles in the European Union law and which along with other principles essential for democratic political systems, such as the principles of federalism, regionalism, local self-government, proportionality, legal certainty etc., is recognised in the EU law as an effective method (and criteria) of State governance as this principle is the basis for separation and allocation of powers at different levels of governance. This allows bringing decision making closer to citizens, promotes democratic processes in the country, increases the openness of the public sector to the needs of the society, and contributes to better protection and implementation of human rights. The work presents the analysis of national legislation which imposes the principle of subsidiarity, discusses the impact of the principle on the system of legal institutes, its use in the state governance and local self-government, analyses the practical problems of the application of this principle in the decentralisation and democratisation of state governance (distribution of powers to the governance entities). The principle of subsidiarity is used to defend the prerogatives of central governance and local community interests, and the result of its application is a rational consolidation of the management concept in the state organisation, when the allocation of institutional powers between different levels of governance is caused not by ambition of political governance but the effective exercise of powers conferred on the authorities in order to achieve that decisions are taken not only at the highest management level, but also that the local community is included in their making. It is important for Lithuania that during the application of the principle of subsidiarity in the management system, the level of decision-making is adequate to the scale and complexity of the arising problem, so that the assignment of functions is based on the need and ability to implement them in a specific level of state management, and that the state management functions are based not only on the political will but also on the financial resources necessary for the implementation of the functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Paedagogica Vilnensia is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Problems / Problemos is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present article aims to show the effects that the coalescence of liberal democracy and globalisation has on the law as a social institution. The law as a social institution is one of the key foundations for the social integration of modern society, which is why we may suggest a reasonable assumption that the role of the law in modern Western societies should be growing in significance. However, the coalescence of liberal democracy and globalisation is a consequence of the evolution of modern Western civilisation and the main context of its further development that gives feedback to the very development process. The analysis of the crisis of the financial capital makes us question the previous assumption because the essence of the law as a social institution lies not in its legal regulation but in its self-regulation that should increase the society's trust in different institutions, including the financial capital. The present research makes an attempt to answer the following questions: 1) what is the traditional role of the relationship between society and the law as a social institution? 2) what are the most important social consequences of the coalescence of liberal democracy and globalisation? 3) what is the significance of the legal culture under the circumstances of the coalescence of liberal democracy and globalisation? These questions have determined the structure of this paper. The first part of the article analyses the traditional interpretation of the relationship between society and the law as a social institution. On the basis of the varieties of the social order we have singled out the mechanisms of legal regulation and self-regulation. The law as a social institution is based on the mechanism of social and legal self-regulation. Under the circumstances of liberal democracy, social and legal self-regulation is a natural basis for legal regulation which is conditioned by government operations. The second part of the article shows that consumer society is a social consequence of the coalescence of liberal democracy and the market. Consumer society emerges in the process of the commercialisation of democracy as the market values get hold of the collective social consciousness. The "new" society has exchanged social solidarity for competition beyond the boundaries of social morale. The impact of the coalescence of liberal democracy and globalisation on society is manifested in social disorganisation, the deterioration of cultural values and norms of social behaviour. Market-oriented social models based on profit-making and unrestrained greed take root in society. The third part of the article shows that the role of the law as a social institution is not increasing, but the role of legal positivism is. On the basis of legal positivism the law enhances its regulatory function because the law gradually penetrates the areas of other social regulators. However, the role of the law as a social institution does not gain significance because the gulf between the object-oriented and subject-oriented legal cultures gets wider. In other words, commercialised democracy has a negative effect on the law as a social institution that should encourage society's trust in legal institutions. Thus, there is an opposite process at work: the role of the social self-regulation of the law and society's trust in it is decreasing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the paper is to analyze and compare social guarantees for public servants in several European countries. Three groups of countries had been chosen for the comparison: 1) Germany and Belgium as an example of career model civil service, 2) United Kingdom and Denmark as a case illustrating post model, 3) Estonia and Lithuania as an example of new democracies. The comparison was based on three dimensions: the scope of social guarantees, the legal regulation and functions and place of those guarantees in general motivation system. Author concludes that there is no universally accepted definition of social guaranties, but the analysis of states' legislation provides the framework for the clarification of the concept. Often social guarantees compound of certain social rights, various holidays and leaves, medical insurance, a range of benefits, compensation and other supportive means for civil servants Different centralization / decentralization tendencies, some practises used in the private sector are observed in the above mentioned countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologija: Mintis ir Veiksmas is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The general framework of the article is the analysis of aspects of the rotational role of public administration human resources in the contemporary democracy development and its processes. It pays attention to the interplay between the requirements of human resources activities and the democracy references. The analysis provided in the paper emphasizes, that the personnel of public administration organizations integrates into public policy implementation as tools for warranty and continuation of democratization processes. The main result of this article is a double-sided idea, that human resources are involved in establishment, determination, consolidation and development processes of democracy; from the other side, democracy makes a great impact on public administration human resources through democratic values and their system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of the Paper is an analysis of the key categories used in administrative law of Lithuania, because their number was gradually increasing after the restoration of Independence and the issues bound with their interrelations are not widely discussed upon in scientific references. Immediately after the restoration of Independence (11 March, 1990), the basis of regulation of administrative law in Lithuania was the state governing, then, after the transfer to the state power organizing in accordance with the doctrine on power distribution recognized in democratic states, the category of „executive authorities" was started to use simultaneously in administrative law. Both above-mentioned categories were used for a period about ten years; however, the category of „state governing" preserved its prior dominating position in theory and practice of administrative law. Since June 1999, one more new category, i.e. „public administration", started to be used in administrative law of Lithuania. The concepts of „executive authorities", „state governing (administration)" and „public administration" differ in the extent of governing and the subjects involved in implementation of the above-mentioned activities. The term „executive authorities" is narrower than the concepts of „state governing (administration)" and „public administration". It is the narrowest category among the above-listed in respect of extent, however, it is the basis of the said categories in the functional and institutional aspects. Namely, institutions of the executive authorities form the organization structure of the said systems and in fact ensures a state governing. On the other hand, the executive authorities are provided the key power for implementation of laws and other important problems of state governing. If assessed in the context of Lithuania, the term „state governing (administration)" is wider than the concept „executive authorities". Such a opinion is supposed on the base of the provisions of the Law of Republic of Lithuania on Public Administration. In addition to executive authorities, the subjects of state administration include institutions that are not a part of the system of institutions of executive authorities, however, engaged in execution of functions of executive character (public administration). This group includes institutions responsible and accountable to Seimas of Republic of Lithuania or the President of the Republic. The term „public administration" unites the both abovementioned categories, i.e. the concepts of „executive authorities" and „state governing (administration)" are constituent parts of this term, so the category of „public administration" may be treated as the widest concept. It should be noted that the term „public administration" also involves local self-governing institutions that are not considered subjects of state administration and other administration subjects provided with public administration functions that are delegated to them by the state according to the procedure set in laws and other legal norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the restoration of independence of Lithuania the legal basis and administrative structures of heritage preservation were changed many times, though the maintenance, use and state of heritage were not improved, and its decay did not decrease. Undemocratic and inhumane legal basis and management of heritage preservation based on restrictions, prohibitions and penalties without any compensatory incentives for imposed restrictions and economic disadvantages increasingly raises discontent not only from society, but also from heritage owners and users. The owners and users of land where heritage objects are situated realize that their property can be used more efficiently and profitably and that social and economic restrictions imposed by heritage protection regulations contravene their rights. Instead of investing into preservation of heritage objects, owners usually attempt to get rid of them. Conflicts between heritage preservation institutions, owners of heritage objects and society are especially inherent in historic city centers where commercial interests are expanding and master plans and development projects propose intensive modernization and development of high rise buildings. Countries with long-lasting democracy traditions are looking for solutions how, without contradicting heritage preservation ethics and social justice, to encourage owners and users of heritage objects to protect and use rationally the legacy inherited from the past simultaneously retaining and stimulating vitality of historic centers and improving quality of life of their inhabitants. The problem is multipartite and ambivalent. Only changes and improvements in heritage preservation systems enacted in latter years in the countries of stable democracy, emphasizing the problem of development and protection ethics, the questions of respect of heritage values and implementation of social justice in juridical and practical heritage preservation activities are discussed in the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologija: Mintis ir Veiksmas is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Parlamento Studijos is the property of Parlamento Studijos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to reveal the main features of the right to aca­ demic freedom by analyzing theoretical aspects of this concept, some moments of its historical development, related case law, and the Turkish case. The first chapter considers the relationship between the right to academic freedom and the other human rights, its structure, and its place in legal acts. Then, the paper reveals the practical issues regard­ ing the right to academic freedom, taking into account the most significant legal inter­ pretations of the concept of academic freedom in the form of legal judgments from U.S. and European courts. More precisely, the case law of the U.S. Supreme Court, European Court of Human Rights, and European Court of Justice is relevant in understanding how both sides of Atlantic Ocean understand the right to academic freedom. The third chapter considers the state of academic freedom in the Republic of Turkey. The case of Bogazici University is considered in an attempt to reveal the restrictive conditions of academic freedom in Turkey.

In this paper, the concept of creative emotion (émotion créatrice) and the understanding of democracy, which arises out of it, in the philosophy of Bergson is analysed. This specific emotion does not depend on an object’s intellectual representation; therefore, Bergson refers to it as “supra-intellectual.” Contrary to the usual “infra-intellectual” emotions, it is primary in regard of the mind and the will, and it comprises the fundamental matrix of creative acts of the human being. Creative emotion is one of the forms of the intuition of duration that is rooted in élan vital. It not only determines the essential changes in the fields of art, religion or science, but also re-configures the political rationality by revealing a deeper form of sociality. Thus, the presumed anti-sociality of the philosophy of Bergson is denied. In his last work, The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, Bergson shows how creative emotion transforms understanding of democracy and how it turns this political conception into a dynamic movement corresponding to the deep process of the human being and the whole reality.

In the paper I analyse Daniele Archibugi’s conception of the new cosmopolitanism, aimed at formulation of a theory of cosmopolitan democracy capable of facing contemporary global problems that go beyond the competences of nation-states. My claim is that the advocates of the new cosmopolitanism have yet to come up with a theoretical minimum to which all parties of the cosmopolitan debate would subscribe. I argue that the main obstacle in formulation of a viable cosmopolitanism are attempts at imposition of the universalist uniformity inscribed in the traditional cosmopolitanism or, at best, a straightforward acceptance of cultural differences. In opposition to this, I outline the idea of reciprocal cosmopolitanism which, I believe, should proceed from the acknowledgement of human diversity, thus becoming a more inclusive project than its existing alternatives.

Women's political participation is regarded as an essential element in all forms of development; however, the gender equality policies of India remain under scrutiny. After independence in 1947, there have been many initiatives to increase the political representation of women by the decentralization of power in various local self-government institutions of India. The act of Panchayati Raj Institutions has increased the engagement of marginalized segments of society, including women, into the decision-making role in political institutions. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the political leadership of women in Local Self Government institutions, through the use of qualitative methods, such as document analysis of the Panchayati Raj Institutions amendment act and expert interviews with elected women representatives in one district of the Kerala state. The paper seeks to identify the challenges of women in political leadership positions in India, the largest democratic nation. Findings from the study reveal that there is considerable progress in women’s equality in the leadership role; however, there are certain crucial obstacles that still exist for women to be active in the political realm.

The issue of public policy on accountability, transparency, and access to public information has now become a trend in most countries of the world. Among one of its objectives when evaluating institutions and public servants by their administrative and governmental decisions is to decrease corruption. Mexico is already a formal democracy, but the quality of its governments is still very low. Although these have been elected by the citizens, they continue without being accountable. In this paper, we analyze as a case study the State´s last recourse to repair what bad management and privileges caused: the national anticorruption system, its formation, and operation. We enunciate the limits and scope it faces.

The state governance model is established by Constitution. In the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania, there is a separate section dedicated to local self-governance and its management, that shows not only the state’s recognition of local self-governance, but also the principles of local self-governance mentioned in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania. There are sixty separate territorial administrative units in Lithuania, which are guaranteed the right of self-governance, which is implemented by municipal councils elected during secret elections. After the first direct elections of mayors held on March 1, 2015, even in sixteen municipalities (Birštonas municipality, Druskininkai municipality, Ignalina district municipality, Jonava district municipality, Kaunas district municipality, Lazdijai district municipality, Marijampolė municipality, Neringa municipality, Pagėgiai municipality, Palanga municipality, Pasvalys district municipality, Rietavas municipality, Šakiai municipality, Šalčininkai municipality, Vilkaviškis district municipality, Vilnius district municipality) one of the political parties or political organizations (movements) in the municipalities and districts of Lithuania won an absolute majority, which further emphasizes the importance of securing the rights of the minority (opposition).The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania has also noted that taking into account the fact that the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania implies the defense of the parliamentary minority, the minimum requirements for the protection of the opposition of the Lithuanian parliament, as well as the fact that the recognition of parliamentary opposition is an essential element of pluralistic democracy. The Statute of the Lithuanian parliament (Seimas) may establish guarantees of opposition activities: certain places and positions in the committee, opposition leader status, initiation of work places and commissions, etc. The systematic appraisal of the provisions of the Law on Local Self-Government of the Republic of Lithuania shows that the obligation to form in each municipality the Control Committee, the Anti-Corruption and Ethics commissions, whose candidacy is delegated by the municipal council’s opposition, is one of the ways provided by the legislator to ensure the minority rights recognized in pluralistic democracy in self-governance. As there are 60 separate territorial administrative units (municipalities) in the Republic of Lithuania, in which there is a different demographic and political situation, different regulation of municipal councils, composition of municipal councils, therefore different management traditions are formed in them. In the absence of a sufficient definition of minority rights of municipal councils, which ensure the possibilities of opposition activities, the medium develops into oligarchic tendencies. The poor control of decisions taken by municipal councils and administrative actions as well as a flawed legislative framework make it possible to form situations in which the democratic values and the protection of individual rights and freedoms are threatened. The abundance of the problems of the legal regulation of municipalities is indicated by the fact that since 1994, the Law on Local Self-Government of the Republic of Lithuania has been amended even 124 times. In the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania (25th October 1992), a separate section is devoted to local selfgovernance and its management. This is understood as the importance given by the state to self-governance, as an independent state of governance, which unconditionally depends on legal regulation. Therefore, this article overviews the gaps in the legal regulation and the political problems that affect the principles of democracy and the system of leverage and balance between the majority of municipal councils and minorities in the local selfgovernance of the Republic of Lithuania. In each municipal council, the presence of an opposition (minority) is not only a normative phenomenon, but also a necessary expression of democracy. In essence, the opposition has two main functions: firstly, this does not allow one party to entrench and curtails government selfishness as well as helps to maintain the constitutional model of governance. Secondly, because the political decisions are not perfect, the opposition points out the mistakes and shortcomings of the governance. Opposition works as an instrument to restrict governance and cultivate social peace. Depending on the subject matter, the aim and objectives of the research paper, the document analysis method was used for data collection and analysis. Data sources are as follows: National legislation, European Union and international legal acts, rulings of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, current Case law, related scientific works, and official statistical indicators. The method of systematic analysis is applied in complex examination of legal norms and relevant jurisprudence in the aspect of ensuring the rights of minority municipal councils. The monitoring method was used in making proposals for the improvement of the Law on Local Self-Government of the Republic of Lithuania. The author of the article has accumulated practical experience in the area of legal regulation of local selfgovernance of the Republic of Lithuania, starting from 2011 until now as a member of the municipal council. The method of summarizing was used to summarize the collected and analyzed research data and to formulate conclusions and suggestions.

The aim of the article is to evaluate the perception of the state by students in the context of research on social capital. The paper uses the results of a survey conducted at the Faculty of Economics and Management University of Szczecin, Faculty of Politics and Management Mykolo Romeris University in Vilnius and Faculty of Economics, Matej Bel University Banska Bystrica Theoretical part of the article presents chosen issues concerning social capital in relation to the state. This part has also become a foundation to the analysis of the survey outcomes conducted among students in Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia. It was preceded by presentation of research methodology. The article presents conclusions regarding the assessment of the state by students in Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia in the context of democracy, social participation, trust and social norms.

Based on the numerous documentary data, the article provides a first-time comprehensive discussion on the approach of the Lithuanian Peasant Populist Union (LVLS) towards the Lithuanian foreign policy during the authoritarian rule in 1926-1940: the position of the Peasant Populists regarding the Vilnius issue and Lithuanian-Polish relations, Klaipėda Region and Germany; it reveals the approach of the Peasant Populists towards the Soviet Union, the Baltic Entente and European democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article deals with specific features of the political regime in Lithuania in 1926 - 1940, and the author poses the following question: should this regime be viewed as authoritarian dictatorship or as democracy of a peculiar model? The article reviews the following important political aspects: political choice, mechanisms of power formation, people's rights, public life and selfexpression, power and law relationship, responsibility, etc. The author analyzes both theoretical principles, specified in Constitutions and laws, and actual tendencies, i. e. the government's position, society's and state's life circumstances, events, actions of political subjects. The article consists of four parts: "Coup d'état of December 17, 1926: causes, evolution, consequences", "Consolidation of the Authoritarian Power", "Consolidation of Political Regime", "Dilemma of Democratization". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christian Democrats were a very influential political party in the interwar Lithuania. One of the most important questions that was analyzed in their press was that of democracy and its problems in the authoritarian Lithuania. Christian democrats raised and deeply analyzed the most important issues concerning democracy. Despite strict censorship imposed by the Nationalist Party, the Christian democratic press managed to provide society with important critical information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the consequences of the coup d'état of December 17, 1926, for the Lithuanian Peasant Populist Union (LPPU). The leaders of the party were the then President of Lithuania Kazys Grinius and Prime Minister Mykolas Sleževičius and, holding the supreme power, gave in to the initiators of the coup without any struggle. The research proves that the consequences of this action immobilized the development of the parliamentary system in the country as well as weakened the position of the Lithuanian peasant Populist Union itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)