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Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates the organization and dispatch of the legation appointed by the General Confederation of Vilnius in 1716 to the Russian Tsar Peter I, which has hitherto received little attention from scholarship. The starosta of Merecz Antoni Kazimierz Sapieha was appointed as the envoy of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The mission demonstrated that the Lithuanian noble society despite the paralysis of the central government, could take the initiative, if necessary, not only in domestic politics, but also in international relations. However, the case analysis of the mission indicates that one-time diplomatic missions did not effectively represent the state’s interests compared to permanent diplomatic missions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gender Studies & Research is the property of Lithuania Siauliai University Center for Gender Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Coactivity / Santalka is the property of Vilnius Gediminas Technical University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The kaleidoscope of events in the European Union over the last few years has forced such rapid change that even a neophyte in this game requires a lot of knowledge, skill and effort. Our objective is to examine to what extent the internationalization of the cultural sector will aid or hinder the development and/or assimilation of Lithuanian culture at large, and the reasons why, in Lithuanian culture, there remains a certain lack of self-awareness. For Lithuanian culture policy makers, a surprisingly successful pattern of cultural co-operation is the phenomenon of the South Eastern European cultural networks. A series of completed research has provided evidence of the importance of horizontal cultural co-operation, giving vivid examples of existing culture networks all over Europe. The methodology for this paper is based on the results of the surveys completed through the joint efforts of the Department of International Economics and Management at Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, Lithuania, and Lithuanian Centre for the Perfection of Cultural Administrators. In the first round of surveys, done in September 2005, among the operators of the country's cultural institutions, 125 public servants of the culture departments in city and county municipalities, museums and libraries, gave their opinions on the opportunities and threats internationalization may pose to the cultural sector in Lithuania. In the following years, more respondents - artists, lecturers, students - took part in the survey, totalling 331. The results of the survey are discussed in the paper in more detail. The main finding: Along with some other important findings, our research suggests that there are certain political, economic, social and technological issues to be considered when establishing international contacts in Lithuania. The existing competences of cultural operators do not always take these environments into consideration, and life-long training becomes critical for the further internationalization of the country's sector of culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ethnicity Studies / Etniskumo Studijos is the property of Lithuanian Social Research Center and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the issue of Lithuania’s debt to the United States during the years 1934–1940, a debt period that has not yet been thoroughly analyzed by historians. Unlike the previous period, during this time, the Lithuanian government acknowledged the debt but, like other countries, did not make any payments towards the principal or interest until the outbreak of World War II and Soviet occupation. Similarly to Nazi Germany’s refusal to pay reparations to France, Great Britain, Italy, and other countries for the consequences of World War I, these mentioned states concurrently failed to fulfill their financial obligations to the United States. The Lithuanian government pursued a policy of non-payment, taking into account the position of major debtor nations, citing Lithuania’s economic difficulties, the loss of the Klaipėda Region, and the restoration of the Vilnius Region, among other factors. The Lithuanian authorities proceeded cautiously, valuing relations with the United States and hesitating for a long time to propose a new, favorable agreement on the debt issue to the Americans. Unlike the heads of Lithuania’s foreign affairs and finance ministries, Lithuanian envoy Povilas Žadeikis advocated debt reduction and repayment. He recognized the sensitive view of the debt issue held by American society and some segments of the Lithuanian diaspora, as well as the negative perception of debt non-payment by the U.S. Congress. The envoy justified his position by emphasizing the potential need for significant future moral and material support from the United States. Ultimately, the debt was not repaid, as the outbreak of World War II and its consequences relegated the debt issue to a secondary concern for the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologija: Mintis ir Veiksmas is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Almanac / Politikos Mokslų Almanachas is the property of Vytautas Magnus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Information Sciences / Informacijos Mokslai is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The objective of this paper is to analyse the notion of national security, to determine its threats and to investigate its prevention possibilities. National security policy could be focused on two directions: towards the internal policy of the state when it is targeted to reduce the vulnerability of a state or towards the foreign policy of the state when it is targeted to reduce external threats and have impact on its sources. In both cases in order to eliminate threats not only efforts are needed, but also state's material resources. It is important to note that even the richest countries have limited resources, which are needed to combat threats. The model to combat these threats depends mostly on political decisions. If the decision in determining a particular threat is not accurate it weakens national security. Moreover, a threat is not a constant phenomenon since it is subject to change. National security of Lithuania is the most important objective of our country's internal and foreign policy. National security could be achieved only while creating the environment for the country's democratic development, while preserving and defending the independence of Lithuania, its territorial integrity and constitutional order. To pursue the strengthening of national security in a country, there is the necessity of simultaneous participation of citizens in their differential integrity: ethnic groups, communities, and occupational groups, the highest ruling governmental and judicial agencies. When preparing short and long-term programs it is necessary to comply with the subjects mentioned above as well as to include the views and remarks of the academic society. Analysis of national security is a urgent topic, as every citizen of Lithuania is closely bound with and is dependant on the government of the country, into which one deposits one's assets and builds one's future plans. Every government seeking a higher level of security has to perform a thorough analysis of strengths and weaknesses. In order to successfully identify possible faults and issues around it, it is need to use contemporary methods; if experience in this field is lacking, it is advisable to ask for help from older countries with wider experience. The government's duty therefore is to take care of national, regional and international security, as it is the basis for formulating politics, seeking world peace and sociable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thirty years ago, in 1992, the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania (VLIK) announced that it had ceased its activities. This testified that this Lithuanian organization operating in the West had achieved its main goal – Lithuania’s liberation. It formed in 1943 in the Nazi-occupied land, when the idea of restoring an independent state began to be expressed. A year later, the organization, which had grown from anti-national to anti-Soviet, resumed its activities in Western Europe, and a decade later moved across the Atlantic, and for a long time it was burdened with the liberation of the Homeland. Fulfilling its promises, VLIK initially sought to form a Lithuanian government in the diaspora, then reconciled itself to the status of a political factor and became the leader of Lithuania’s liberation in the West. At the same time, the organization laid the ideological foundations for the Lithuanian diaspora and outlined the future perspective of Lithuania. At the end of its mission, VLIK became a significant donor in establishing the Institute of International Relations in Vilnius. The publication introduces the document certifying the latter fact – the statement of VU and VLIK and the protocol of the agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lituanistica is the property of Lithuanian Academy of Sciences Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyses the causes and circumstances of Lithuania's geopolitical orientation; attempts are also made to clarify the means by which Lithuania hoped to regain Vilnius as capital. Vilnius issue was the main problem of Lithuania's foreign policy in 1918-1940, which defined the state's geopolitical orientation. Till 1925, Lithuania declared its orientation towards the Entente and the Baltic states; however, later it turned to the former USSR and Germany, the countries which also had territorial claims on Poland. When in 1923 the Conference of Ambassadors decreed to attach Vilnius region to Poland, Lithuania started considering the possibilities to change its geopolitical orientation; and on June 12, 1925, the Cabinet of Ministers accepted the final decision to orient the country's geopolitical policy towards the USSR and Germany block rather than towards the Entente. The leaders of the Party of National Progress, who were in the opposition then and were influenced by the USSR Embassy, supported and encouraged this orientation; the ruling Christian Democrats, meanwhile, adopted a hesitant policy and made attempts to raise Vilnius issue at international institutions. Various organizations and their representatives came up with the plans how to regain Vilnius by diplomatic, political and military means. J. Purickis' suggestion was to stage a rebellion of national minorities - the Lithuanians, the Belarussians, the Ukrainians and the Germans - in Poland and in concert with exterior forces to regain Vilnius. Up to 1927 this plan was supported by the Special Department of Lithuania's National Guards; its activities were coordinated by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Vice-Minister of the Defence Ministry. Further historical events serve as a proof of Lithuania's changed geopolitical orientation; in 1939, Lithuania rejected Germany's proposal to regain Vilnius region and accepted this region from the USSR together with the USSR military garrisons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the strengthening of the russification campaign, the news about the Lithuanian national movement spread in Sweden. It was, however, fragmentary and not comprehensive. Juozas Gabrys, the founder of the "Union des Nationalités" and a controversial public figure was the first to establish tangible connections with prominent Swedish personalities. He became interested in the ideas and activities of Carl Lindhagen, a Swedish politician and pacifist, and involved him in the work of the "Union des Nationalités". Carl Lindhagen was a politician - individualist, regarded by many Swedes as an eccentric and utopist. He could have had some influence on the politics of Sweden, but on the whole he was not an influential or important figure in the real political decision making in Sweden. Nevertheless, it is impossible to discard Carl Lindhagen's contribution to the support for the Lithuanian propaganda campaign in Sweden. Carl Lindhagen helped to create the first Swedish association to maintain connections with Lithuania, among which was the first Swedish-Lithuanian Society. He initiated and supported actions to promote the Lithuanian national movement in Sweden in 1915-1918. These public support actions for the rights of different nations, among them Lithuanians, initiated by the Swedish enlightened and public figures, established and fortified Swedish - Lithuanian connections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Filosofija, Sociologija is the property of Lithuanian Academy of Sciences Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lituanistica is the property of Lithuanian Academy of Sciences Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Monetary Studies (Bank of Lithuania) is the property of Bank of Lithuania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For a long time in the Lithuanian historiography the question of Vilnius was highlighted as a local problem of Lithuanian - Polish relations. This was conditioned by a concrete political situation. In the historiography of the Second Republic of Lithuania this problem acquired a broader context. The events of 1919-1920 gave the problem of ViInius an international status during the period between the world wars. When the League of Nations intervened, the problem became not only of European but also of worldwide scale. Traditionally, in the Lithuanian historiography the question of Vilnius included chronological frame between October 8, 1920, when the treaty of Suwalki was breached, and March 19, 1938, when the Polish ultimatum was accepted. For some time this period was treated by historians as monolithic. However, during that period, despite constant confrontation, one can also see some brighter moments. There were more of these moments at the beginning of the 1930's when it became clear that the question of Vilnius lost its importance in the international community. The period between June 12, 1934 when S. Lozoraitis became Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Lithuania and July 1936, when his second meeting with his Polish counterpart failed, can be called a period of warmer relationships (détente) between Kaunas and Warsaw. In an attempt to analyze the problem of Lithuanian - Polish relationships more objectively, it was necessary to look for a new point of reference. It was found in the document signed by A. Smetona and K. Bizauskas on August 22, 1937, which quite unexpectedly revealed some new aspects of Lithuania's nationalist foreign policy. In this document the President of Lithuania appoints the advisor of Lithuania's Mission in Poland Antanas Trimakas to the post of General Consul in Vilnius with the area of jurisdiction including the counties of Vilnius and Bialystok. It is possible to state with reference to the norms of international law that by this act A. Smetona recognized Vilnius and Vilnius region as part of Poland. Therefore we should expand the chronological frame of Vilnius question from the breach of Suwalki treaty on October 8, 1920 until August 22, 1939. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the cooperation between Lithuania's railroaders and their foreign partners with the aim to organize international transportation and improve its management. The period under the investigation starts in 1919, when Lithuania's railroad government was formed and negotiations with foreign transport institutions started, and continues till 1939-1940, when Vilnius region transport system was integrated into international transportation system. The analyzed archival and published sources allow to claim that Lithuania's railroad system was integrated into the projects of Western European transit freight services on the basis of the experience accumulated in 1923 when railroad communications with Germany and the then Soviet Union were established. The regulations of Berne convention were also taken into consideration. The direct railroad system Paris-Vladivostok (through Siberia) started in 1926; to implement this system, it was necessary to combine elements of direct and transit communications. International freight services were operated in close cooperation with other Baltic countries' colleagues because the general communication strategy influenced the flow of passengers and goods as well as profits. Lithuania's and other Baltic states' international transportation possibilities expanded in 1939 when Lithuania took over Vilnius with its railway section. Lithuania's international railway communication system had considerable influence on the country's economy; in addition to other benefits, it connected Klaipėda's seaport with international overland transport system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Business: Theory & Practice is the property of Vilnius Gediminas Technical University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article aims to show political, economic and social development of Lithuania in the 20th century. At the beginning of this century, Lithuania was an agricultural country where technical progress was felt only in large farms and estates while small farmers used primitive tools and their productivity was low. The construction of railway lines from Petersburg to Warsaw via Vilnius and from Vilnius to Prussia via Kaunas stimulated smaller and bigger businesses which processed local and imported raw material, thus providing a wide Russian market with their production. The consequences of the First World War were disastrous for Lithuania's economy: its industry and agriculture were almost destroyed. When independence was restored in 1918, agriculture became a priority branch in Lithuania, thus stimulating the development of only this economic sector which was connected with processing of agricultural materials. Lithuania successfully established itself in foreign markets with its meat and milk produce as well as timber. No less disastrous was the Second World War when, again, all branches of industry were destroyed, and thousands of innocent Lithuanians were killed. After this war Lithuania's economy became an integral part of the Soviet Union's economy. Consequently, in the agricultural sector, private lands became a common property, a collective-farm system was established, and many stronger farmers were exiled to Siberia. More attention was paid to the development of energetic, metal processing, and chemical industries. Despite certain conspicuous achievements in these spheres, the Soviet economy was not effective because of a wide disproportion between production and market demands. Shortage of goods encouraged corruption and thefts in production, supply and trade sectors. After the restoration of independence in 1990, Lithuania's economy started functioning on the basis of principles of free market; consequently, some changes in the country's economy became noticeable, the major being the emphasis on the service sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to review the process of establishing a network of Lithuanian consulates in Denmark in 1921-1922; it also concentrates on the functioning and activities of this network in 1924-1928 and presents major factors which stimulated the establishment of Lithuania's consulates in Denmark in 1929-1930. The article also investigates the main directions of their activities in 1929-1936 and presents the undertakings of honorary consulates in cultural sphere in 1937-1940. The research was conducted on the basis of the materials of the Lithuanian State Archives (F. 383, 648, R-1019) and those of the Danish Royal Library Archives and manuscript department. The data from periodical press of 1921-1940, certain Danish and Lithuanian publications as well as Lithuanian historiography were also taken into consideration. The collected data allows to speak about intentions to establish honorary consulates in Aarhus, Odens and Aalborge with a purpose to inform (through consuls) the Danish provincial press about events in Lithuania, to strengthen Lithuanian and Danish trade relations, to constantly maintain ties with the Lithuanian settlement in Denmark, and to diminish the Polish influence and intrigues in this country. The analysis of the establishment and functioning of a network of Lithuanian consulates in Denmark reveals that the expansion of honorary consulates was hindered by a Lithuanian representative I. Šeinius and the development of career consulates - by the position of the Seimas members. On January 1st, 1924, the Lithuanian embassy in Copenhagen was closed; instead a career viceconsulate was established, and this step evoked dissatisfaction on the Danish side. Both honorary and career consuls took care of Lithuanians residing in Denmark (having come here tor cultural, academic or some other purposes), provided the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with necessary information and strengthened bilateral economic relations. Political, economic and legal factors influenced the development of Lithuanian honorary consulates of in Denmark in 1929-1930, and the major role of the consuls was to establish and consolidate bilateral cultural and trade relations. In 1932-1936 B. Nielsen became a mediator in the cooperation between Lithuanian and Danish scientists and artists. The review of the activities of Lithuanian honorary consulates in Copenhagen in 1937-1940 dives reasons to state that they actively participated in the work of the Danish-Lithuanian Association, organized the commemoration of Lithuania's Independence Day, concerts, received businessmen and other guests from Lithuania as well as promulgated Lithuanian culture and tourism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Technological & Economic Development of Economy is the property of Vilnius Gediminas Technical University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents a report of a conference held in Pskov, Russian Federation, on October 8-9, 2009, the theme of which was “Russia and Europe in 1939: The Soviet-German Non-Aggression Treaty--Forced Compromise or Long-Term Strategy.” Two historians from Vilnius Pedagogical University -- Professor Liudas Truska and Professor Juozas Skirius -- attended the conference, the first historians to represent that school in the ancient city of Pskov, thanks to the signing of an academic cooperation agreement in May 2009. [ABSTRACT FROM CONTRIBUTOR]