Search

Straipsnyje apžvelgiamas Šiaulių miesto pasaulietinės orientacijos inteligentijos vaidmuo lietuvių tautinio judėjimo plėtotėje 1896-1914 metais. Pristatoma Šiaulių miesto pasaulietinės inteligentijos charakteristika, aprašomi jos veikimo būdai irveiklos intensyvumas platinant nelegalią spaudą, o nuo 1906 m. ją legaliai leidžiant. Atskirai pristatomi konkretūs asmenys, kurie buvo tokios veiklos avangarde. Apibendrinamose darbo pastabose konstatuojama: a) tai, kad per visą lietuviškos spaudos lotyniškais rašmenimis draudimo laikotarpį Šiauliai ir Šiaulių apskritis buvo tarp aktyviausių etnografinės Lietuvos miestų ir apskričių organizuojant spaudos platinimą ir kovojant už spaudos draudimo panaikinimą, lėmė Šiaulių gimnazijos kaip lietuviškos inteligentijos ugdymo ir telkimosi centras; b) tai, kad Šiauliai XIX a. pabaigoje - XX a. pradžioje labiau nei kaimyniniai miestai (Panevėžys, Raseiniai, Telšiai) buvo paveikti industrializacijos proceso, suponavo liberalių idėjų, iškeliančių demokratinių principų reikšmę, prielaidas bei socialdemokratinės orientacijos, keliančios socialinio teisingumo svarbą, idėjinių pažiūrų inteligentijos susitelkimą; c) Šiaulių inteligentijos veiklos, nukreiptos j lietuviškos spaudos organizavimą bei leidybą, faktai patvirtina nacionalizmo teoretiko Miroslavo Hrocho tezę: "kiekviename tautiniame sąjūdyje, ypač agitaciniame jo raidos tarpsnyje, svarbų, vadovaujantį vaidmenį vaidino inteligentija - aukštesnį nei vidurinį išsilavinimą įgiję žmonės, gyvenantys iš protinio darbo"; d) straipsnyje pristatyti ir aptarti faktai apie Šiaulių inteligentijos veiklą organizuojant, platinant ir leidžiant spaudą leidžia formuluoti tezę, kad Šiauliai XIX a. pabaigoje - XX a. pradžioje buvo vienas iš svarbiausių modernios lietuvių tautos formavimosi centrų. Toks teiginys grindžiamas amerikiečių politologo Karlo W. Deutsche modernios tautos kaip komplementarių komunikavimo įpročių arba kaip politiškai organizuotos, autonomiškos žmonių, gebančių sėkmingiau komunikuoti ir bendradarbiauti tarp savęs, negu su "išore", bendrijos apibrėžimu. This article reveals the role of the secular intelligentsia from the city of Šiauliai in the development of the Lithuanian national movement in 1896-1914. It presents the characteristics of the secular intelligentsia in Šiauliai, describing their activities and their intensity in distributing the illegal press, and when it was legalised from 1906. Specific figures who were at the forefront of this type of activity are presented separately. The summarising comments state that: a) the fact that Šiauliai and the Šiauliai District were among the most active cities and districts of ethnographic Lithuania in organising the distribution of the press throughout the whole period of prohibition of any press in the Lithuanian script, and eventually the abolition of the press ban, was due to the existence of the Šiauliai Gymnasium as a centre for gathering and educating the Lithuanian intelligentsia; b) Šiauliai was a city that was affected more by industrialisation in the late 19th-early 20th centuries than its neighbours (Panevėžys, Raseiniai,Telšiai), which prompted the conditions for the concentration of a liberally-minded intelligentsia there, who raised the significance of democratic principles, a social democratic orientation and the importance of social justice; c) facts and activities of the Šiauliai intelligentsia that were directed at the organisation and publication of the Lithuanian press confirm the thesis of nationalism theoretician Miroslav Hroch that: "[...] in each national movement, especially during the agitation stage o f their development, an important and leading role is played by the intelligentsia - people with a higher education who make a living from engaging in intellectual work"; d) facts, presented and discussed in this article about the activities of the Šiauliai intelligentsia in organising, distributing and publishing the press, allow us to formulate the thesis where Šiauliai can be considered as one of the most important centres of the formation of the modern Lithuanian nation at the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries. This claim is based on the definition by American political scientist Karl W. Deutsch about the modern nation as a community exhibiting complementary communicative habits, or as a politically organised, autonomous group of people able to communicate and cooperate amongst themselves better than with the "exterior".

Nacionalinio tapatumo išlaikymo ar stiprinimo, etnokultūrinių bendruomenių ir nacionalinės valstybės santykių problemos pastaruoju metu vis labiau svarstomos įvairiais politiniais lygmenimis, jos gvildenamos kultūriniuose ir akademiniuose sluoksniuose, nepaprastai sparčiai daugėja ir su šiais klausimais susijusių mokslinių tyrimų, kuriuos skatina noras aiškiau suvokti ES raidos prieštaringumus ir jų aplinkoje vykstančią nacionalinių tapatumų sąveiką bei kaitą, maišantis tautoms imigracijos ir emigracijos srautuose, plintant diasporizacijai ir getoizacijai. Nacionalinio tapatumo išsaugojimo ar įtvirtinimo klausimai apima ir etnokultūrinių, etnoreliginių bei tautinių bendruomenių santykių, kitaip tariant, jų sugyvenimo problemas, nes nacionaliniai tapatumai įsitvirtina ir skleidžiasi sąveikoje su kitu - kitais nacionaliniais ir tautiniais tapatumais, kitomis etninėmis bendruomenėmis. Kuriantis nacionalinėms valstybėms santykiai su kitu tapo svarbiu vidaus ir užsienio politikos veiksniu. Visoms nacionalinėms valstybėms būdingos savos tų santykių istorijos, kurios išlieka kultūrinėje atmintyje kartu su joje įsitvirtinusiais įvairiais vidinio ir išorinio kito vaizdiniais. Atsižvelgdami į ES aplinkoje ryškėjantį valstybių ir tautų sąveikų pobūdį, tų sąveikų konceptualizavimo tendencijas, taip pat įsigalėjusią multikultūralizmo politiką, aptarsime lietuvių tautos virtimo nacija, nacionalinio tapatumo susiklostymo ir jo sąveikos su vietinėmis etnokultūrinėmis bendruomenėmis ypatumus, taip pat esminius lietuviškojo nacionalizmo bruožus. [...] The task of maintaining and strengthening national identity, the manifold problems of mutual interdependencies between ethnocultural and ethno-religious communities, on the one hand, and the nation state, on the other hand, the unrestful times ushered in by the social and economic challenges of globalization and European integration have increasingly become topics of heated debates in political, cultural, and academic circles all across Europe. The number of publications on nationalism and related issues is growing exponentially, driven by the desire to better understand the development of the European Union with its internal contradictions of trying to accommodate the ongoing interactions of national identities, national cultures, and national collective memories, on the one hand, and the increasing intermingling of peoples along with the spread of diasporization and ghettoization, on the other hand. The issues of the preservation and cultivation of national identity address the ways in which a nation state relates to its internal and external ethnocultural and ethno-religious communities upon entering a new political and ideological milieu. In other words, the issues of national identity point to the problem of coexistence as national identity is consolidating and unfolding itself through complex interactions with various internal and external Others, that is to say, other national and ethnic identities. At the time of the creation of modern European nation states, relationships with the Other constituted a major factor in both domestic and foreign policies. Nation states are characterized by the history of these relationships that endure in collective memory in the shape of multifaceted images of internal and external Others. The author of the article examines Lithuanian national identity as it emerged in the years of creating the Lithuanian nation state and pursuing the state policy of national consolidation. The main features of Lithuanian nationalism are analyzed by exploring the function of the state cultural system for maintaining various social identities. Special attention is paid to the manifold relationships of states, nations, and ethnocultural communities in the European Union, the trends of conceptualizing these relationships, as well as the spread of multiculturalism in EU policy-making. Although the primary object of the investigation is the development of Lithuanian national identity in the years before the restoration of Lithuania's independence from the Soviet Union, the historical past is analyzed from the present-day perspective of state sovereignty and independence.

Straipsnio objektas – instituciškai (žiniasklaidos) konstruojamas dominuojantis priklausymo nacijai ir valstybei diskursas. Straipsnio tikslas – panagrinėti žiniasklaidoje išryškėjusias etniškumo, nacionalumo, priklausymo valstybei ir teritorijai sampratas 1988–1991 m. periodikoje. Metodas – kokybinė teksto analizė. Išvados: straipsnyje parodomos skirtingai konstruojamos priklausymo nacijai, valstybei ir tautai sampratos. Šie skirtumai dažniausiai išreiškia dviejų nagrinėjamų grupių – „išeivijos“ ir Lietuvos lenkų – laikysenas atsikuriančios Lietuvos valstybės atžvilgiu bei valstybės požiūrį į šias grupes minėtu laikotarpiu. The article focuses on the concepts of ethnicity, nationhood, and belonging to the state constructed in the Lithuanian national press in 1988–1991. A close analysis of the dominating discourse in the Lithuanian press in 1988–1991 revealed that there were two groups of people who were actively involved in defining national belonging. The first one was Lithuanians in exile (political exiles who left Lithuania before the Soviet occupation) and the Lithuanian Poles (from the Vilnius region). Other groups were not as prominent. Lithuanians in exile constructed their (non)belonging to the nation based on concepts of a non territorial or a de-territorialised nation emphasising their national belonging based on the origin. Thus, Lithuanians in exile dismissed territory as a central element constituting the nation and concentrated instead on criteria such as the language, common aspects of selfidentity and the Lithuanian origin which they saw as the criteria according to which the nation scattered around the world would reunite. Such a non-territorial nation (Lithuanians in exile) argued for their national and state belonging despite the fact that they (the exiles) did not live in Lithuania and sought Lithuanian citizenship as it was their country of origin. Conversely, the Lithuanian Poles argued their national belonging using territorial arguments of both the nation and the origin. They considered themselves the autochthons of the land and argued their belonging to the nation(s) using their location as on the margins of the state, where national identity was largely constructed through state influence (at present and in the past) as well as their ethnicity that brought together the people and the territory. This suggests that although in the dominant discourse Lithuanian Poles did associated themselves with their residential territory, the changing borders altered their perception of national belonging.

Straipsnyje aptariama, kokios aplinkybės lėmė, kad buvo sukurta Lietuvių verslininkų sąjunga, gyvavusi 1930–1940 m. Svarbiausia iš jų yra ta, kad prekyboje ir pramonėje dominavo kitataučiai. Verslininkų sąjunga iškėlė sau tikslą skatinti lietuvius eiti į verslus, kad taip formuotųsi vidurinysis visuomenės sluoksnis (lietuviškoji buržuazija). Tik tada bus iškovota ir ekonominė nepriklausomybė, o jai esant labiau sutvirtės politinės nepriklausomybės pagrindas ir susicementuos tauta. Straipsnyje laikomasi nuomonės, kad XX a. pradžioje lietuvių liaudis jau buvo tapusi tauta, bet tautos virsmo nacija procesas tebesitęsė ir trečiajame, ir ketvirtajame dešimtmetyje. At the turn of the 20th century, national, political and civil self-consciousness of the Lithuanian population had already reached a high level. This was proved by the Great Seimas of Vilnius, which met from 4 to 5 December 1905. As they assembled in the Seimas, peasants and representatives of other walks of life of the Lithuanian community required that the Lithuanian language should be legalised in the education system and public life, and, most importantly, that Lithuania should be granted political autonomy with clearly defined state borders. This meant that the people of Lithuania had already become a nation by that time, however, they still had to mature as a modern nation, i.e., they had to have their own state with Lithuanians predominating not only in agriculture but in all fields of life including business (trade, industry and crafts). Even in the twenties of the 20th century, business was dominated by Jews – the representatives of the largest national minority in Lithuania. Building of the civil democratic system, initiated by the proclamation of independence, was interrupted by the coup d’etat of 17 December 1926, after which a different model of a national state was chosen. That meant that, among other things, Lithuanians were to predominate also in businesses, in urban population and in other fields. Therefore, the creation of an organisation, which would encourage Lithuanians to undertake businesses, became a must. Such an organisation was the Lithuanian Businessmen Union, which existed from 1930 to 1940. It had its branches in the provinces and published its own newspaper. The main proclaimed objective of the Lithuanian Businessmen Union was to create the middle class of the Lithuanian society – Lithuanian bourgeois – by encouraging and inviting Lithuanians to undertake businesses. That would determine domination of Lithuanians over towns and other fields of life and acceleration of the development of the national culture a certain stagnation of which was determined by a small number of the well-off Lithuanians what in turn seriously limited demand for Lithuanian books and periodical publications as well as the usage of other cultural values. Ideologists of the Union were of the opinion that the formation of the middle class of the Lithuanian society would strengthen grounds of political independence. Therefore aspiration of the Union to form the class of Lithuanian bourgeois had to be supported by the nation and the state; at the same time it had to be recognised by the citizens of Lithuania of other nationalities. According to the Lithuanian Businessmen Union – at least during the first five years of its activity – the only way to fulfil that aspiration was that Lithuanians, when undertaking business, should rely on their diligence and be ready for an honest competition with Jews, who had already hold strong positions in businesses, i.e. they should not expect the Government to grant them any exceptional privileges. However, an opinion that the Government had to guarantee equal opportunities to all competitors was getting increasingly popular, without clarifying what it meant though. Moreover, right from the start the Union declared that the budding Lithuanian businessmen, traders in the first place, must be supported by the whole society: a Lithuanian should go shopping only to the shop of another Lithuanian. In other words they came up with a slogan "a Lithuanian goes to a Lithuanian". Jews considered it discrimination and anti-Semitism. Moreover, a certain friction and misunderstanding between them and representatives of Lithuanian nation was strengthen by the fact that Jews adhered to the principles common to a democratic society, meanwhile, Lithuanians reoriented themselves to a different model of development – that of the national state.

In this article the author discusses the inner link between Sri Aurobindo’s poetry, poetical criticism and his social and political work, which consists of a large project of the cultural Renaissance in India (Bengal in particular). In it the special feature of Indian mentality has been shown, its predisposition to assimilate foreign cultural tendencies and to put them on a basis of spirituality. According to Sri Aurobindo, spirituality is a very important link, which unites inner and outer human cosmos. As a main character in his poems and nation alistic ideology, woman or Goddess appears with tremendous s'akti power. This power works trough people, who serve their native country as to the Divine Mother. The principle of spirituality is manifold and permeates every sphere of human life. The author studies one verse „Lila“ and shows the symbolic, i. e. spiritual meaning of the terms used in it. She discusses place of love, aesthetic enjoyment and bliss in Sri Aurobindo’š poetics and worldview as well. The investigation shows that future poetry and life of the Hindus, according to Sri Aurobindo, must grow hand in hand with the inner spiritual growth towards full realization of the true Reality, identifying it with the soul of people and at the same time with the Self of the nation. Both should be developed in a long course of evolution.

1.MASTER THESIS: “Ethnic policy and its factors“ 2.AUTHOR: Kęstutis Trakšelys 3.OBJECTIVE: Analyse ethnic policy’s phenomenons and factors which influence its purposefulness and independence. 4. Nowadays in our modern life ethnic policy has became very urgent. Various worldwide processes and relationships are global. Integration into EU causes ethnic policy. As a result, each country tries to save its ethnic identity and traditions. Ethnic policy could not be separated from the nation. But we have to find the differences between the ethnic policy and ethnic politics, which is better known as state’s political policy to ethnic groups in its territory. Ethnic policy is an interaction of ethnic groups in political system. Lithuanian nation is our state’s foundation, therefore national authority must prosecute such internal and foreign politics that our nation’s interests should be represented. Politics of our nation depends on citizens’ political mentality and preference. In the future it will be obviously if Lithuania maintains national traditions and can resist to the influence of the other powerful countries. Now we can see the consequences, lots of people emigrate, youth is becoming cosmopolitan, less of them relate themselves with Lithuania. Nation, Its state is an entity, as well. Its a very complicated, social entity. The state, which prosecutes proper ethnic policy and resists the interests of the nation, fosters its... [to full text]

Tęstiniame straipsnyje aptariama ir konceptualiai įvertinama vieno iš žymiausių tarpukario nepriklausomos Lietuvos mąstytojų – Antano Maceinos (1908-1987) filosofinės pedagoginės pažiūros. Šiame straipsnyje A. Maceina, kaip ir jo mokytojas – S. Šalkauskis, laikomas vienu iš lietuviškosios filosofinės pedagogikos kūrėjų ir iniciatorių, teigusių, jog pilietinis, tautinis ir dorovinis asmenybės ugdymas reiškia visų šių trijų sąvokų konceptualinę jungtį Kitaip tariant, tautos ir tautiškumo ugdymas šio mąstytojo, kaip ir jo mokytojo, filosofiniame palikime yra apibrėžiamas ir vertinamas kaip visuminis pedagoginis, pasaulėžiūrinis ir dorovinis procesas, vykdomas šeimos, mokyklos, visuomenės ir valstybės ir tik tokiu atveju galįs būti sėkmingas. Pastaroji idėja sudaro S. Šalkauskio ir jo mokinio A.Maceinos kurtosios ir atstovautosios filosofinės pedagogikos konceptualinį pagrindą bei jos faktiškąjį turinį. Šis A. Maceinos palikimas laikytinas ne tiktai didele mokslinės pedagogikos naujove, originalumu nenusileidžiančia daugeliui kitų pedagoginių ugdymo koncepcijų, bet ir jas pranokstančia. Ypač tai pasakytina apie mūsų laikus, kai nepaisant visų dedamų pastangų pedagoginis ir pasaulėžiūrinis jaunosios kartos ugdymas toli gražu neprilygsta tiems rezultatams bei užmojams, kurių dvidešimt pirmojo amžiaus demokratinės pasaulio visuomenės – ir ne tik Lietuvoje! – tikisi ir laukia. The continuation article discusses and conceptually assesses the philosophical and pedagogical attitudes of one of the most famous interwar Lithuania’s thinkers – Antanas Maceina (1908-1987). In this article A. Maceina, like his teacher – S. Šalkauskis, is considered one of the developers and the initiators of the Lithuanian philosophical pedagogy who maintained that the civil, national and moral education of an individual means a conceptual interconnection of all these three categories. In other words, education of nation and nationality in the philosophical legacy of this thinker and of his teacher is determined and evaluated as an integral pedagogical, attitudinal and moral process that is guided by family, school, society and the state, and it can be successful only in this only case. The latter idea is a conceptual basis and the actual contents of the philosophical pedagogy developed and represented by S. Šalkauskis and his student A.Maceina. This legacy of A. Maceina is considered not only a significant novelty or scientific pedagogy, not only as original as numerous other pedagogical education concepts but also surpassing them. It is especially applicable for our times when irrespective of all efforts, the pedagogical and attitudinal development of the young generation is far from the results and dimensions expected and awaited by the democratic world societies of the 21st century – and not only in Lithuania!