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In a democratic country like Malaysia, the media plays a vital role in shaping the structure of political knowledge and encouraging political participation among new young voters. Lack of empirical study on structure of political knowledge among new young voters in Malaysia conducted even the topic of political participation readiness gain popular in political forums. The objective of this study are to analyse the level of political knowledge structure from 1) democratic information dimension, 2) election information dimension, and 3) political party information dimension among new young voters in Malaysia. This study uses a quantitative approach with a survey method on 547 respondents aged 18-26 throughout Malaysia from the North, East, West, South, and Borneo Zones. The findings reported that new young voters in Malaysia have a high level of political knowledge on democratic information and election information. However, for political party information at a moderate level. This study suggests that the SPR organize an outreach program in collaboration with the Ministry of Youth and Sports, the Ministry of Education Malaysia, and the Ministry of Higher Education in promoting voting awareness campaigns purposely to increase engagement of new young voters with government entities. Uploading photos, creating content on social media, and tagging the government entities. By using 'prompt' strategy and algorithm tools, it helps new young voters in Malaysia who are less interested in politics gain exposure to political information through government policy information and finally, shape their structure of political knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explains the role of "tungkus asi" in strengthening the ruling party's political power during the 2021 Sarawak State Election (SSE21) in Batang Ai. "Tungkus asi" is one of the local variations of patronage politics practised by the Iban at the grassroots level. During the 2016 Sarawak State Election "tungkus asi" played a role in the electoral victory of the candidate from Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS). In the SSE21, "tungkus asi" once again propelled the candidate from GPS to victory and thus strengthening the ruling party's position in Batang Ai. This article looks at how "tungkus asi" was practised and its influence on the electoral support of the Iban towards the candidates. This article was based on a study conducted in Batang Ai which involved observation and interviews with the voters and "tuai rumah". The study found that "tungkus asi" continued to play a prominent role in galvanising support from the voters. "Tungkus asi" remains relevant in the modern political era as it has become part and parcel of the political process and election among the Iban at the grassroots level. "Tungkus asi" not only consolidates GPS political power, but its practice also helps researchers and observers alike to understand the politics of patronage within the Iban voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voters outside of Kelantan tends to vote for PAS compared to other political parties, even though they live in the Klang Valley. Fundamentally, the people in Klang Valley in the majority do not support PAS as the people in Kelantan. Therefore, this paper aims to discuss the forms of political culture of voters outside of Kelantan which reside around Klang Valley. This research involved 403 Malay voters outside of Kelantan, aged 21 years old and above that reside at Klang Valley but still cast their vote at Kelantan. This research implemented the quantitative approach through the survey method which utilised the feedback forms. The respondents in this research were chosen through purposeful sampling method and snowball sampling method. The data for this research were analysed descriptively and through ANOVA test. The result of this research found that the political culture of voter outside of Kelantan is in the form of subjectivity. This subjective political culture refers to society accepting one sided output only without questioning what, why and how that matters happen. This shows that individual relationship with the political system is passive and behave obediently. This type of society does not questions much and accept the explanation from certain parties without investigating the authenticity of the information involved in the explanation. This type of society is usually hardcore supporters of a political party. The implication of this form of political culture cause the voters to become recklessly obedient, compliant and unable to make decisions rationally until they are considered to be in a captive state of mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the tendency of new voters to vote for the first time in the 15th General Election (GE15). Based on the statistics released by the Election Commission (SPR), the number of new voters who voted for the first time is around 6.2 million, of which 1.3 million are between 18 and 20 years old. Since they are a group of first-time voters, the tendency of their political support could be unclearer. Many parties wonder where their political support is headed, especially in the manycornered competition involving extensive political cooperation such as Perikatan Nasional, Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional, and Gerakan Tanah Air. Accordingly, this paper aims to examine the tendency of new voters during the last GE15 campaign period through an online survey. The survey was conducted openly with the target of eligible voters, and 1438 respondents have given feedback. The study results show that 91 percent of the total number of respondents will go out to vote, and they tend to choose elected representatives who have integrity and are free of corruption, do not break promises, and are highly educated. Most of the group of respondents also tend to support national political trends. From that, new voters who vote for the first time have a good intensity of political literacy. Therefore, they become the determinants of changes in the current political support unrelated to political patronage elements like previous generations. They can also be catalysts for change in society in general and the country's leadership in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the first time in history, UMNO/BN fell in the 14th General Election (GE14). Many seats fail to be maintained including areas with many Malay voters. This raises the question, have Malay voters no longer favouring a Malay -based party like UMNO? This study aims to look at the factors that motivate Malay voters to make changes in GE-14. The study was conducted qualitatively through interviews involving respondents who are political stakeholders and also national political experts. In general, respondents are of the view that the average Malay voter still votes for Malay-based parties due to party identification and sociological factors. However, the issues that arose in the GE-14 fit the theory of rational choice when it also affected a number of Malay voters. In conclusion, the ethnic-based political approach is still relevant as a method of gaining ethnic Malay votes, but other factors must also be taken into account in order to get optimal support. Further research also needs to be done especially on voters themselves in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voters are an important component of the election. Voters will vote in an election based on their party's sentiments or leader's personality. Therefore, it is the purpose of this study to study the influence of party sentiment and personality of leadership of voters political choice in the Chempaka constituency, Kelantan. In order to achieve the objectives of the study, two research methods were used, namely, a questionnaire on 377 respondents based on the geographical location of urban and rural areas in the study area; and references to related secondary sources. Subsequently, data from the questionnaires were analyzed using the SPSS software and presented in the form of tables and the writing of the results of this study was confirmed with relevant secondary sources. The findings show that respondents in the study area wanted political criteria that have the people who prioritize the people, able to generate people's development and eradicate poverty and fairness to all parties. The personality characteristics of the leaders desired by the respondents in the study area are to be honest and trustworthy of the responsibilities, net of corruption and leaders who prioritize the welfare of the people. Hence, this research findings can be used as a general reference guide or guide to all parties, especially political parties and the government to examine issues and problems in the study area so that the parties involved are more sensitive in meeting the needs and needs of the community as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Johor is known for its UMNO-born state on May 11, 1946, which has been the stronghold of UMNO in Malaysia since the first General Election (GE-1). The UMNO-led BN won GE-1 to GE-13 in the state for the state assembly by winning more than 2/3 seats. But in the 14th general election, Johor for the first time fell to the opposition party Pakatan Harapan (PH), which used the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) logo by winning 36 state seats compared to the BN (19 seats) and PAS only 1 seat. Johor politics changed again on February 26, 2020 when the PPBM (BERSATU) stepped out of the PH and formed the Perikatan Nasional (PN) along with Muafakat Nasional (MN) and a Indipendent people representative. This political dynamic is an interesting arrangement involving political strategy and art in order to gain political power either constitutional or have an interest. It is, therefore, the purpose of writing this article to analyze election politics in the GE-14 and post-GE-14. Based on the analysis of the 2018 GE results, field observations and secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the findings show that the victory of the BN and the defeat of the BN in the GE-14 and the post-PN PN PN victory in Johor prove that nothing is impossible who remains in politics. Indeed, political science is full of dynamics and artistry. The stronger national issues influenced the political decisions of the people of Johor, and the state and local leaders of Johor also took their turn. PH victory in GE-14 fueled by support from China and India in addition to young Malay voters and most of the First Time Voters are influenced by social media. The implication of this article is that the victorious party must exercise the responsibility of a just and trustworthy government for the good of the people while the deceased must play a role as the builder in ensuring the physical and spiritual development of the people of Johor in the eyes of all politicians in the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the by-election for Negeri Sembilan State Legislative Assembly seat of Rantau which was held on 13 April 2019. Rantau by-election was won by BN Candidate defeating PH candidate with a big majority. Thus, the article explains several factors that have prompted the victory of BN at Rantau, such as the credibility of candidate, Malay-Islam sentiment, non-Malay support, PH's GE14 manifesto promises and the young voters' support. Apart from that, the article also discusses some of the factors that prevented PH from winning the state seat of Rantau such as people's frustrations on PH, UMNO-PAS cooperation, Malay-Islam sentiment by UMNO, political campaigning culture, cooperation within the PH coalition component parties and the freedom of the media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Felda settlements have always been Barisan Nasional's (BN) fixed deposits, but that was prior to the 14th General Election (GE-14). It was mainly due to the settlers' undivided loyalty to the ruling party in view of its massive contributions in the development of the settlements. In addition, the Malays, a majority ethnic of Felda settlements casted their votes based on sociological approach, ie. votedaccording to social or ethnic group. Unexpectedly, in the GE-14, BN failed to retain its strongholds as numerous Felda constituencies fell to the opposition Pakatan Harapan (PH).The latest Malaysian political tsunamy occurred due to numerous unresolved Felda-related issues. It showcased a major shift in the electorates' voting behaviour from ethnicbased to rational choice. This study was conducted through a qualitative approach using secondary sources from SPR reports, books, journals, articles, websites, online newspapers and other materials as research data. These data are then analyzed qualitatively. This article discusses the change in regards of three matters. First, identifying the settlers' voting behaviour prior to the election. Secondly, analyzing contested parties' electoral performance in the Felda settlements. Thirdly, assessing change factors, or causes of BN's loss of its fixed deposits to the oppositions. The findings reveal thatvoters in Felda settlements were no longer voting based on loyalty to a party orany ethnic group, but based on rational choice. The electoral decision was based on an array of issues like 1MDB, FGV, and Felda scandals. Theissues plusa role of new media in spreading information and sentiment aggravated the desire to change amongst Felda settlers. In the final analysis, this paper argues the voters in Felda settlements voted on rational choice basis, and the altered voting behaviour contributed to the BN's failure in retainingits powerin the GE-14. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

General Elections (GE) to the 13th (2013) is the most intense election in the history of elections in Malaysia that are characterized by political scientists as 'the mother of the election' in Malaysia. This is because for the first time in the history of the opposition have almost equal chances to win the election. Thus, this article will look at and analyze the voting trends that occur with the use of aggregate data of 2013 GE. The of parliamentary election results showed a reduction in the number of parliamentary seats won by Barisan Nasional when it won only 133 seats (60 per cent) compared to the 140 seats in GE 2008. It also intends Barisan Nasional failed to regain the two-thirds majority mandate seats of the total 222 parliamentary seats as 'political tsunami' in election 2008. But the pull of the popular vote in favor of Pakatan Rakyat when acquiring 51 per cent compared to Barisan Nasional only obtained 47 percent. Such a result shows democracy is still practiced in the country. Thus, BN as the central government needs to do something, perhaps reform the political strategies and their leaders to recapture the hearts of voters who do not support them in order to get a stronger mandate that a majority of 2/3 of parliamentary seats next recapture 'rich state' which Selangor and Penang in the next general election. For the opposition parties, the democratic space available should be used in addition to being able to play the role of 'checks and balances' for the benefit of the people in this country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Those voters is one of the important components in the elections. Understanding behavior and voting patterns by voters will help the parties contesting and win the election. Various factors associated how this pattern occurs such as geography, sociology, psychology, ethnic, class and so on. In general, there are three approaches to model/theory of voter behavior that has made researchers in the West as sociological model, party identification theory and rational choice theory. Thus, this article aims to examine the influence voter behavior approach to the selection of political parties in the Legislative State Assembly (N22) Jelawat, Bachok, Kelantan. Several methods have been used to study the literature research, and questionnaires to 200 respondents in three polling districts selected based on the geographic location of the municipality such as urban, semi-urban and rural areas in Jelawat N22. The study found that voter behavior theory most preferably at study area are rational choice theory that voters will give their votes to the party or the candidate most likely to satisfy their demands with guided information and knowledge to something that option. The majority of respondents support the BN in the 13th general election and will continue to support the BN in the coming 14th general election. Respondents also noted the opportunity to capture Kelantan BN in the coming election are slim majority stated otherwise uncertain. Thus, these findings could be used as a general reference materials or guidance to all parties whether the political party or government to examine the issues and problems that occur in the study area in order for the parties involved to be more sensitive to the demands and needs of society better. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the voting trend of the Indians and the vote split between the Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) in the 13th General Election (GE13). The voting trend of the Indians is influenced by their social location, class structure and the increased number of new voters. In areas which have 10% or more Indian voters for parliamentary seats, PR candidates fared better than candidates from the BN. A greater number of Indian voters had therefore voted for PR candidates. Various factors determined the vote split by Indian voters in the GE13. This article explains some of the factors that have prompted the Indians to vote for the PR; such as the marginalisation of the Indians in national development, implications of Hindu Rights Action Force's (HINDRAF) struggle, the Zulkifli Noordin issue, lack of Indian representation in government, Malaysian Indian Congress's (MIC) strategy during the election campaign, the struggle of Gabungan Pilihan Raya Bersih dan Adil (BERSIH), role of social media and the confidence that people have for the PR. Nevertheless, Indian support to BN in this election rose compared to the GE12. The assistance and services provided by the government to the Indians through the Program Transformasi Nasional gives them the confidence in supporting the BN government. Other factors such as the government's effort to overcome Indians' documentation problems, disunity among HINDRAF leaders and Parti Islam Se-Malaysia's (PAS) suggestion to practise hudud law upon a triumph of the PR, also enhanced Indians' support towards BN. Whether Indian voters will continue to return to their status as the "fixed deposit" of BN as before or shift to the PR in the future depends on the BN's effort to fulfill the needs and hopes of this community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]