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Copyright of Clinical Orthodontics is the property of Dental Press International and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pixel-Bit, Revista de Medios y Educacion is the property of Pixel-Bit, Revista de Medios y Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social movements work in various overlapping dynamics: in the short term, trying to mobilize the largest number of sympathizers in their actions and in the long term, in a battle to change meanings and cognitive frameworks in a society. This article investigates how the Platform for Those Affected by Mortgages (PAH) uses Twitter in the two spheres above mentioned. The literature referring to collective mobilization explains activism in two complementary logics. A first one, rational, where participants only think about a concrete benefit, and a second, focusing on challenging established beliefs. As complex societies, the media and, more recently, social networks have gained in importance as a space where the legitimacy of these claims are discussed. In this analysis, frame theory has been applied to tweets referring to evictions published at the official account @LA_PAH. Twitter, unlike other social networks, allows quick mobilization to gather activists and stop evictions, a valuable and positive asset. However, it ends up giving a limited image, focused on avoiding evictions, instead of a message to establish housing access as a good that must be guaranteed, outside the market. The extreme cases, those about families including children and elderly, predominate in the posts. This visibility certainly generates empathy but leads to the false feeling that only the most vulnerable citizens are affected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Interface - Comunicação, Saúde, Educação is the property of Fundacao UNI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pedagogía y Saberes is the property of Universidad Pedaggica Nacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudos Ibero-Americanos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Why are space and territory important to social movements and how do they produce them? Despite the always apparent centrality of space and territory, mediated and appropriated by social movements around the world (for example: camps, protests, land occupations, indigenous resistance, occupations of land and buildings in urban areas, neighborhood organization and struggles for environmental issues, for education, health, food and other public policies, women's activism, LGBTQIA+, feminists, students, etc.), there has been a surprising lack of attention to this issue by scholars from various fields of knowledge, for example, English-speaking geographers. This article advances the reflection on the actions of socio-territorial movements as an analytical category whose central objective is to analyze the mediation of space and appropriation of territory. We contrasted the concepts of socio-territorial movement, social movement and sociospatial movement in four axes of analysis. First, how space and territory are produced as a central strategy for the achievement of a movement's objectives. Second, space and territory produce the identities of movements, in their actions, generating new political subjectivities. Third, space and territory are places of political socialization that produce new values and change circumstances. Fourth, through processes of territorialization, deterritorialization and reterritorialization, movements can create new institutions. These axes are subsequently elaborated through the comparative analysis of two case studies: the Movement of Landless Rural Workers, a peasant movement organized in all regions of Brazil, and the Tupac Amaru Neighborhood Organization, an urban movement in northwestern Argentina. The comparison is made as an expansive way of analysis to open up the concept of socio-territorial movement and indicate potential lines of investigation for studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to reflect on the importance of the National School Florestan Fernandes (ENFF) as a territory of immaterial resistance of socio-territorial movements, especially peasants in Latin America. The research at ENFF was developed from participant observation and interviews, through a semi-structured questionnaire, with coordinators, leaders of social movements and school militants-students in the period of the two field surveys: July 2010 and 2011. The ENFF Its main objective is the formation of critical awareness aiming at building a society with social equality and environmental sustainability. It is located in the municipality of Guararema, SP. It was built in a joint effort with the voluntary work of militants from all over the country. It operates under a self-management regime maintained by social movement activists and by the Association of Friends of the Florestan Fernandes National School. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article maps the main historical traditions and contemporary debates in the field of alternative and community communication in the European and US contexts, and compares these research frameworks with Latin American theory with the aim of finding similarities and differences. Based on comparative research and critical literature review, this work raises the need for building bridges between European research and the long tradition of Latin American studies in order to strengthen an interdisciplinary and interregional dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The second decade of this century is being marked by the rise of conservative discourses and political perspectives that seek to erase achievements and popular struggles that marked victories of groups and social movements of political minorities that have reflected in agendas in the curriculum fields of education. In this perspective, the aim of this article is to reflect some axes triggered by the "moral panic" in teachers who performed formations in gender, sexuality and ethnic-racial relations offered by the Federal University of Rio Grande, from 2007 to 2016, taking into account the decolonial multiculturalist provocations. Therefore, we held four rounds of conversations in which about 24 teachers of Basic Education from the Mesoregion of southeastern Rio Grande do Sul were divided. In their narratives, the teachers presented the school as a universe of multiple cultures based on differences that could not be hierarchized, what evidences the appreciation and recognition of the political-identity multiplicity that makes up schools. The psychosocial and political damage that conservative advertisements have been producing in their pedagogical practices, however, was latent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements in Latin America, as in different parts of the world, have adopted dissimilar methods. Since cultural, religious, political and social norms /motivations differ, the method of combating inequality and struggle shows differences. Although their struggles, methods, demands and conditions in which they were born are different, it is possible to say that the common point shared by these movements is "fighting capitalism and opposition to imperialism". None social movement in Latin America has succeed to create a public opinion and as much attention as The Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) in Brazil in terms of their method and public reaction. The movement, which is known well-organized, powerful and most active organization in Brazil and Latin America; is one of the most successful organizations in the fight against inequality in terms of method, content and dissemination. This arises from strong ideological formation and the organizational structure of the movement. This article focuses on the MST (also known as the Landless Movement), which adopts a method that has never been tried in the fight against inequality and has achieved very successful results. This paper aimed to examine which philosophical and ideological roots the actions (occupations) are based on and how it legitimizes these actions, apart from the work systematics that the organization has tempered in combating inequality and the examination of the factors that ensure its success. The article is based on three basic arguments. First of all, apart from many different aspects of the MST, the most important features that differs the movement from other social movements is that it has undertaken the mission of creating a "new person" except for aiming to transform economic and social relations. Secondly, the most important reason for MST's success comes from its decentralized structure and the ability of the occupants to take initiative. Finally, the movement's strongest motivation to achieve results in the fight against inequality is that it has created a "de facto situation" and that it has the power of "mobilizing large masses of people". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article interrogates the discourses of identities in resistance to the industrialization process in the Chiloé archipelago, focusing on the valuations of the social mobilizations of Mayo Chilote. Through a qualitative and exploratory research methodology, a content analysis was performed, in which the discursive particularities were identified to generate an analysis that characterized the discourses in a deep and comprehensive manner. The valuations of the social movement are analyzed considering it as the image of a discursive grammar from active subjects of said movement and the projection potential of those resistance identities as a possible local society project. The article concludes that, there are clear tensions in local identities, focusing the results on the particularities of the identities of resistance that limit their possibilities of projection due to a self-recognition that has not yet been consolidated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work seeks to contribute to the anthropological knowledge of the ways in which people organize collectively and produce dignified lives in a contemporary context of the crisis of capitalism, the decline of the welfare state, and a gradual deterioration of the value of imagination concerning alternative political projects. Through my ethnography amongst activists whose aim is to install the right to decide on the political status of the Basque people, I examine their daily actions, wondering what happens when people reflect and creatively produce values that inform the social production of citizen rights, calling into question the inevitable lethality of the link between State- Nation and Capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socioloski Pregled is the property of Srpsko Sociolosko Drustvo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article uses a case study to analyze the actions of ruling classes and social movement organizations in urban politics. The study observes these groups' disputes and interactions with the state, and how different strategies, actions, and political projects of the subaltern classes have influenced the orientation of urban development. In a broad time-scale approach, the article discusses relations of hegemony, the process of institutionalization of movements, disputes in society and within the state, and the heterogeneity of the political projects that guide the subaltern classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Ciência & Saúde Coletiva is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Pos-Graduacao em Saude Coletiva and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais is the property of Associacao Nacional de Pos-Graduacao e Pesquisa em Planejamento Urbano e Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While research on episodes of transnational activism has advanced substantially in recent years, our knowledge about how long-term trajectories of cross-border activism affect the formation of national social movements and their capacity to influence domestic institutional change is still limited. This paper addresses this gap by analyzing transnational mobilization around the political and economic rights of indigenous groups in Brazil. We show that early pathways of transnational mobilization generated a set of ideational, organizational and institutional outcomes that enabled previously marginalized actors to shape the directions of institutional change within the country at the time of the Brazilian democratic transition. We identify three initially uncoordinated trajectories of transnational mobilization taking place in the late 1960s and 1970s and show how they converged over time through two social mechanisms - institutional cross-referencing and social networking - to form an increasingly tightly knit inter-sectoral social movement that was capable of influencing institution-building during the period of the National Constitutional Assembly (1987-1988). We conclude with a discussion of the linkages between transnational activism and national social movement formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pedagogía Social is the property of Pedagogia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)