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Copyright of Studia Iberystyczne is the property of Ksiegarnia Akademicka Sp. zo.o and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Iberystyczne is the property of Ksiegarnia Akademicka Sp. zo.o and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Separatist aspirations in Europe are now a captivating issue. Regions like Scotland and Catalonia deserve special attention. The aim of the article is to show differences in the perception of both cases, due to their frequent comparing in journalistic papers. The study consists of two parts that concern Scotland and Catalonia. In each of them the institutional and legal positions of the regions were taken into the consideration. In addition, the course of events in Scotland and Catalonia in 2014 and 2017 was considered in the context of the independence referendums carried out in these regions. The summary of this article consists of comparison of the factors which show that there are no grounds for adapting analogy between Scotland and Catalonia. Factors that have been taken into account are: the legal order and the regulations used to define the legal status of the regions, and also the relations between central and subnational (regional) levels in Scotland and Catalonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper discusses the phenomenon of "decentralization" of literature and literary culture in Poland after 1989. The author focuses his attention on regional cultural magazines, literature in selected regions as well as on regionalism in literary studies. He analyzes their relationship with the activation and empowerment of local intellectual and literary communities, the transformation of their social identity and the revision of history and collective memory. Literature and literary studies of the regions, according to the author, contributed to the transformation of Polish culture, creating in it a space for the voice of minorities, migrants, expellees and inhabitants of the borderlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to answer the question about the conditions for the implementation of regionalist ideas within the Jewish community across Polish territories, especially in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The author identifies internal variations within this community, delineating diverse stances towards local character and varied circumstances surrounding the practice of regionalist endeavours. The text presents statements (declarations) made by Diaspora representatives, testifying to their attachment to the land (place) of their birth, as well as activities that can be regarded as an emanation of such a relationship. Furthermore, the profiles of several enthusiasts with Jewish roots, pursuing their regional interests in various places in the Republic of Poland and at different moments in its history, are presented. The categories of nostalgia, sentiment, establishing roots, and the concept of a “little homeland” are also highlighted.

Cultural heritage, whether tangible or intangible, occupies a superior position in every social group. This legacy is not only comprised of physical and spiritual artefacts but also attitudes towards them or the ability to live through artefact-related experiences. The broad spectrum of phenomena covered by the term 'heritage- makes it examinable through many aspects - historical, social, or psychological. Tracking the continuity of individual phenomena makes it possible to build a narrative that constitutes a tale about people and their history. What is a particularly intriguing area for this type of research is the borderland, usually marked by ethnic diversity and complex political history. The upper part of Polish Orawa is one of the least studied regions. The wooden church in Orawka, founded in the second half of the 17th century, is the oldest preserved manifestation of the cultural heritage there. Owing to this building, along with its impressive painting decoration and fittings, it is possible to paint the picture of the community which has been gathered around it for almost four centuries. The paper aims not only to introduce the value of this unique temple but also to answer the questions about the factors which influenced the shape of the region-s heritage and how this heritage is nurtured today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to explain the attitude of the Scottish National Party (SNP) towards European integration, based on a study of its activity in two campaigns - before the independence referendum in Scotland in 2014 and the referendum on continued membership of the United Kingdom in the European Union (EU) in 2016. Reciprocal links between the two events are perceptible even to a passing observer of the British Isle’s political life. The question of the EU membership was one of the most important topics in the independence referendum's campaign, and the result of the European referendum has been widely interpreted in the context of the second independence referendum. By analyzing and comparing the referendum's campaigns in the 2014 and 2016 and the period immediately after the announcement of the results of a European referendum, it can be seen that SNP presented the pro‑European stance in each of them, but using different sets of arguments. The concept of paradox, used in paper's title, is a summary of a number of observations regarding the SNP's complex relationship with the project of European integration. Although the aim of the party is to regain independence, the limitations of sovereignty, which according to many are associated with membership in the EU, do not raise critical assessment. The support for the European integration continues unabated despite the dominance of negative attitudes towards the Scottish independence movement among the European elites. Similarly, the party seems not to notice the level of euroscepticism among its electorate. And finally, what is the most interesting - on the one hand, the possibility of another independence referendum has not resulted in a change of the attitude towards Brexit, on the other hand in the same campaign it could be seen, that for SNP maintaining public support and a dominant position in relations with other parties in Scotland was more important that preventing Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Yearbook of European Integration / Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Respectus Philologicus is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on the material collected from printed works in Słownik polszczyzny XVI wieku ('Dictionary of 16th c. Polish'), and the newest research methods in historical linguistics, the paper attempts to answer what the status was of word units which derive from Old Polish and are used as arguments in the discussion on the genesis of the literary language in the Middle Polish era. That is to say, to what degree, if any, the regional word properties adduced in the discussion, were true differential regionalisms, and to what degree, by increasing their territorial reach, they became in the beginnings of the Middle Polish era regional properties only due to their frequency of use. Also, it appears that even a verification limited to 16th c. material can prove useful for acedemic teaching, where the question of the origin of literary Polish is one of the most important ones, and which, in connection with the advance in the field of historical regional differentiation of Polish, is now taught in a somewhat archaic way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

„Misleading analogy”: About Differences Between Referendum in Scotland and Catalonia Separatist aspirations in Europe are now a captivating issue. Regions like Scotland and Catalonia deserve special attention. The aim of the article is to show differences in the perception of both cases, due to their frequent comparing in journalistic papers. The study consists of two parts that concern Scotland and Catalonia. In each of them the institutional and legal positions of the regions were taken into the consideration. In addition, the course of events in Scotland and Catalonia in 2014 and 2017 was considered in the context of the independence referendums carried out in these regions. The summary of this article consists of comparison of the factors which show that there are no grounds for adapting analogy between Scotland and Catalonia. Factors that have been taken into account are: the legal order and the regulations used to define the legal status of the regions, and also the relations between central and subnational (regional) levels in Scotland and Catalonia.

This article aims to explain the phenomena of incredibly broad consensus among the Scottish political elites around European integration. All relevant political forces (present in the 2016-2021 term in the Scottish Parliament) have unequivocally supported further membership. European integration and the EU are specifically defined in public debate to carry out certain functions from the perspective of the Scottish political elite. These interpretations in this text are divided into three categories, serving three basic functions: facilitation of the process of increasing the competences of Scottish institutions (through independence or decentralisation), support for social development based on left-wing values and strengthening the distinctiveness of Scotland's national identity. They were distinguished through in-depth analysis of scientific literature, documents of public institutions and political parties and statements of Scottish politicians. Author concludes that the distinction between the three basic functions of European integration from the perspective of the Scottish political elite is justified, although it is not always possible to draw a precise line between them. It is also easy to see that there are interrelationships between the different elements of these functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the view is proposed that human culture appears fundamental in resolving the problem of ‘the human condition’. Its holistic nature comprises all tangible and intangible aspects, including artefacts, language and communication. It is the culture-language complex which is responsible for the generation of both collective and individual human identity via its locality expressed in a plethora of tangibleintangible manifestations. The regionalism of this complex ought to result in special care of both institutions and individuals who, by demonstrating active involvement on a local scale, are co-responsible for the maintenance of local cultural-linguistic identity. Its vitality is, in turn, more than significant for the maintenance of identity on a larger (e.g. national, global) scale. The aforementioned aspects of regionalism are discussed here on the basis of a review of the content of an encyclopedic outline of Kashubian culture (Bedeker) authored by Tadeusz Bolduan.

One of the definitions states that regionalism means a common policy or project aimed at increasing informal links and economic, political and social transactions which strengthen integration processes, intensify intergovernmental cooperation and create regional identity among the community. According to the above, it was assumed that firstly, states in a group are stronger and more effective and secondly, that regionalism and regionalization may be regarded as a way to solve some regional problems and to contribute to the development of individual states. This narrative became especially attractive for underdeveloped and dysfunctional regions as it offered an opportunity for changes. As a result, a quantitative increase in regional initiatives started. The article is dedicated to the integration processes in the East Africa region. The main aim of the paper is to examine the situation in East Africa, regarding the role that the East African Community has played in this area. Moreover, an attempt has been made to analyze the integration model adopted by the organization and find out if the EAC is able to solve the main regional problems or rather to propose a failed solution and maintain dysfunctional patterns in the organization.

This article discusses the creation of contemporary regional borders in the Western and Northern Lands, which were incorporated into Poland after the Second World War. Using the example of Żuławy and Powiśle, the author presents an anthropological analysis of the social, cultural, and administrative developments in the region, as well as the effect of those changes on the perception of these areas by their current inhabitants. Hence, she describes the strategies used to legitimise the borders of Żuławy and Powiśle by the local communities and institutions. The author discusses different approaches to the notion of regional borders, and their relation to historical, cultural, geographic and administrative borders. She further analyses the emergence of regional borderlands, centres, and peripheries. Data regarding the borders of Żuławy and Powiśle has been collected using mixed methods research. Both qualitative research methods (conceptual maps, targeted in‑depth interviews conducted among leaders and representatives of institutions) and quantitative research methods (questionnaires conducted opposition, i.e. the factor that influences its power of action. This paper presents these problems together with certain methods of solving them used in the studies conducted. It was concluded that studies in the subject of opposition require various methods and different research perspectives, including behaviourism and interpretationism.