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Persuasion, disinformation, manipulation, censorship, which are elements of propaganda, can be regarded as central terms of the language of politics, especially during conflict situations and wars. The question of interest is in what ways the specific language techniques are used by the Russian Foreign Affairs Department for the purposes of propaganda in the context of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. The paper analyzes the official statements of Maria Zakharova, the Director of the Information and Press Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation that are available on the web page of the Embassy of Russia in Berlin. The following examinations are confronted with the well-documented nature of the persuasive language in Nazi propaganda before and during World War II. The aim of such analysis is to examine in what ways and to what extent the specific propaganda techniques they are used to justify the war that Russia has started by invading Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 began the modernisation of state security systems in the Baltic Sea region. A pioneer in the creation of comprehensive security was the Republic of Estonia, which began to implement the total defence strategy as early as 2008, after the political crisis caused by the Russian minority. The protests have disrupted the functioning of Estonian public institutions and the private sector, which are threatened by cyberattacks. The Russian Federation could use not only military but also hybrid means. Therefore, Estonia has decided to implement a completely new version of the total defence strategy. The paper seeks to assess the Estonian concept of holistic security, with particular emphasis on solutions for civil defence in crisis situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ethos (0860-8024) is the property of John Paul II Institute, Faculty of Philosophy, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Historiae Scientiarum is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to present the results of two questionnaires conducted among thirty-eight participants of a language course in medical Polish for people from Belarus, Russia and Ukraine. The first survey (conducted before the course started) covered the following issues: (1) the participants’ self-assessment of their knowledge of general as well as specialised (medical) Polish, (2) their expectations of the twenty-hour course they were to attend, (3) their linguistic awareness of the need to develop the four linguistic skills in specialised language classes. The second questionnaire focused on the evaluation of the effectiveness of the classes and participants’ own progress in learning Polish for professional purposes. The research was of a diagnostic and descriptive nature, and the findings signalled in this paper have given rise to broader reflections on the current state of research on the description of receptive and productive skills in teaching Polish as a foreign language for specific purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper accurately discusses Franciszek Malewski's biography (Filomat v Imperii. Dokumentalnaya povest o Frantishku Malevskom? A Philomath in the Empire. The Documentary Story of Franciszek Malewski?, 2019) by Alexandr Feduta, a Belarussian literary scholar who for many years has been publishing (in Russian, Belarussian, and Polish) materials referring to the history of the Philomaths exiled into the Russian Empire. Feduta scrupulously penetrated Russian, Lithuanian, and Polish archives, which allowed to picture the figure of Malewski--for most part omitted in Polish research--who, after leaving Mickiewicz, stayed in Russia and started moving up the ladder as an office worker. The biographer refrains from passing sentences, but rather displays the difficult choices of the Empire's citizens in the context of political and legal situation of the country, and also in comparison with the lives of other Poles living and working in Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to present the most characteristic elements of the contemporary Russian discourse on spells. The empirical material used here was based on magical handbooks and spell collections by Natalia Ivanova Stiepanova, who calls herself (coming from a well-known house of folk healers) the Healer from Siberia. The paper explains the genesis of Russian people's sensibility to all signs of esotericism and shows huge popularity of magical practices in contemporary Russia. The paper also highlights mutual relations between magic, science and religion taking place in these areas (nowadays and in the past). The analysis of the material has shown that Russians today are firmly convinced of the existence of charms (bad spells cast with glances or words) which may cause various misfortunes. It is equally popular among them to believe that with the help of appropriate - as suggested by Stiepanova - magical rituals, a bad spell can be undone (got rid of). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transition from totalitarian to post-totalitarian type of society requires profound changes not only within institutional frames but also in the mentality of a society. In the case of Russia it is not the matter of coming back to the civil society mechanisms but creating them from anew, as the kind of citizen – state relations had not been spread to the whole society before the Soviet Union times. Intelligentsia could be an agent of the changes towards post-totalitarian state and social order. In this paper questions about the intelligentsia’s status and role in the Russian society were posed. The idea of civil society coined in the times of the Decembrist was confronted with the mobilized type of governing. Intelligentsia, as perceived by the Russian society and experts on the one hand and its self portrait on the other hand were discussed. An important question concerned the role of the Russian political opposition as the intelligentsia’s ethos continuation. The conclusions were that the intelligentsia repeats the pattern which was first developed at the beginning of the 19th century: its idealistic members are ready to struggle for the common good but without common social support. The status of intelligentsia is perceived as high if about education and morality, but it diminishes when its leadership is concerned. In the Russian post-totalitarian society the state is still an agent to be followed. It takes Russians towards totalitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cracow Review of Economics & Management / Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie is the property of Cracow University of Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper presents the concept of fundamentally new direction in the field of narratological studies -- historical narratology. The author suggests turning to the research experience accumulated in Russian historical poetics by A. Veselovsky, P. Ricoeur's and W. Schmid works. Narratology is seen as a theory of forming, storing and transmitting the event experience of the presence of the human self in the world. In particular, the work deals with diegetic picture of the world, with the historical dynamics of the most important types of narrative intrigue, and with the ethos of narrative. The most important characteristics of narrative are integrated into the concept of narrative strategy of a particular discourse. The emergence, spread and coexistence of narrative strategies in the diachronic dimension of the culture of storytelling as a form of human communication is at the core of research interest in historical narratology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to survey what texts and authors representing Western translation studies have been translated into Russian over the last seven decades and to describe the dynamics of the emergence of these translations as well as possible agendas behind the choices. It also traces, on a partial corpus, to what extent Russian translation scholars tend to cite and quote Western ones. The findings lead to a tentative conclusion that so far TS knowledge has been transferred mainly by unfrequent references to original publications and by way of mediated accounts (reviews, textbook summaries), while translations of particular studies have only recently begun appearing on a wider scale, their impact as yet uncertain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sheds light on the perception of the Polish people, Polish politics, and their issues in Slovak journalism between 1830 and 1872. On the whole, the views were limited by the social opinions voiced by Slovak nationalists as well as by their interests and the general weakness of their National Movement. Slovak nationalists refused to accept political concepts that, on the one hand, supported the creation of nation states (by "large" nations such as Poland), and on the other hand, called for the assimilation of "small" nations living within them. This would spell the end of the Slavs and Romanians settled in Hungary, as Hungary would reform into one single national Hungarian state. Among all Austro-Slavs, the fear of "Magyarisation" contributed to the most in-tense and widespread Slavic solidarity and Russophilia in the Slovak-speaking environment. It also determined the difficult approach to the Polish issues. The Slovak nationalists sympathised with the Polish fate, however, at the same time, they had difficulties with accepting the Poland-Russia con-flict. That is why we can find quite varied opinions of Poles and Polish issues. Idealising the Poles, Polonophilia, sympathising with Poles as regards their problems, careful and neutral views of those problems, efforts to limit the Poland-Russia conflict, and critical views of Poles were all entwined. For example, pro-Polish sympathies dominated in the Slovak National Movement in the 1830s, whereas in the 1840s the sympathies shifted towards Russia, despite the fact that some nationalists supported the Poles and their Uprising in Halych. The real Slovak-Polish co-operation can be seen particularly during the revolution in 1848-1849. Out of the Slovak political ideology emerged the Pan-Slavic work Slovanstvo a svet budúcnosti [Slavdom and the world of the future] by E. Štúr, which combined the Slav perspective with the connections to Russia. The Polish issues were mainly present in the 1860s. During that time, the more conservative political wing, "Stará śkola" [The Old School], was looking for support in the imperial Vienna, showing strong Russophilism and critical attitude to the Polish uprising. In contrast, the more liberal political line, "Nová škola" [The New School], striving for co-operation with Hungarian political parties, showed understanding for the Polish aversion and was critical of the imperial Russia. After the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, the Slovak politics and culture considerably weakened. The interest in glossing over the problems of the northern neighbour also declined. The Polish issues re-entered Slovak journalism again after the 1890s in connection with analysing new geo-political affairs on the continent and polarisation of the European superpowers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Komunikaty Mazursko-Warminskie is the property of Komunikaty Mazursko-Warminskie and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The political and economic reforms in Russia since the beginning of the 1990s have made it possible to build a new economic system. Over more than 25 years, this system has evolved under the influence of, among others, economic and financial crises, which resulted in changes in the role of the state, ownership structure and the specificity of the corporate sector. The main goal of the paper is to identify the key elements and features of the economic system in Russia in the specified stages of its evolution and to indicate the perspectives of changes. To achieve this goal, an in-depth analysis was made of the literature and statistical data. The author puts forward the thesis that there are still some premises of the evolution of the economic system in Russia which resulted from the need for structural changes and the exhaustion of the current model of economic growth. However, in the immediate future, the economic system in Russia will not evolve significantly because of the economic stability and the lack of political will to make significant reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on the attitude of the British government towards the Katyn massacre of 1940 under Margaret Thatcher's leadership. The aim of the article is an in -depth analysis of this attitude and the identification of the factors shaping it. The comparison of Margaret Thatcher's governments' attitude to the massacre with the previous British policy, especially as to the question of the responsibility for the crime and the way the victims should be commemorated, accounts for an important element of the paper's conclusions. The article dissects political, legal, moral and symbolic dimensions of the issue in order to present the problem in a comprehensive way. For this purpose the historical background of "the fight for the truth about Katyn" was included as well. By showing the broader Cold War relations context, the article presents the key international aspect of the British policy towards the Katyn massacre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present contemporary characteristics of youth subcultures which result from the concept of postmodern era. With this end in view, in the introduction some selected research positions have been analysed for which the reference point is the theory of postmodernism and contemporary changes within the culture. In the first place, the characteristics of postmodern period have been put forward which help to describe macrosocial and microsocial structures such as fragmentation, a loss in continuity in terms of time and space, a negation of tradition and authority, the information chaos, a multitude of behaviour patterns as well as moral systems. The systematization of selective distinctive features of postmodernity made it possible to analyse changes within the contemporary cultural movements of the youth in the further part of this paper. To some very crucial characteristics of postsubculture belong: the precedence of personal identity of man over the collective one, political indifference, the heterogeneity of style, and the lack of being authentic and original. The essential part of this study is to depict the Russian cultural specificity in relation to contemporary movements of the young having a cultural nature. The main presupposition is to treat the Russian subcultures as borrowed patterns the West through the process of “culture staging”, for which the influence of the media and globalization is of great importance. On the other hand, changes in the contemporary environment of the young in Russia have been shown in such a way as to take into consideration the fact of dissimilarity arising from the eastern cultural impact and the domination of a monolithic culture in the period of the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the fact of the existence of the Russian “crisis awareness” in relation to social and political changes in the period of political system transformation has great weight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studies in Law & Economics / Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne is the property of Lodz Scientific Society / Lodzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studies in Law & Economics / Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne is the property of Lodz Scientific Society / Lodzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper concerns the issue of the dialog between the Russian Orthodoxy and the state based on the document The Basis of the Social Concept. The main idea is to present a vision of the relationship and cooperation between the Moscow Patriarchate and the state, which was contained in the social concept of the Russian Orthodox Church, as also the impact of this concept on the development of church‑state relations at the present stage. This issue became the subject of the interest both, researchers, representatives of the Moscow Patriarchate and public opinion as well. Thus, the analysis of this phenomenon is the matter of a great importance to the understanding the nature of the relations between the Orthodox Church and the state in Russia after 1991. The subject of considerations will be such issues like: attitudes to the state and government, the problem of the state system, Christian’s loyalty to the secular national power, concept of the secular state based on the social concept of the Orthodox Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studies in Politics & Society / Polityka & Społeczeństwo is the property of University of Rzeszow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Materiały Budowlane is the property of Wydawnictwo SIGMA-NOT and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The war initiated by the Russian Federation against Ukraine in 2022 can be seen as a drastic shock event with unpredictable long-term socio-political consequences at the national, regional and global levels. This study aims to identify the impact of war-related disturbances on the dynamics of social cleavages in Ukraine, in particular the possibility of deepening or diminishing such cleavages or promoting the occurrence of new ones. For decades, the internal partition of Ukraine into East and West has been attributed to national self-identification, linguistic and religious peculiarities and the geopolitical preferences of residents of different regions. Shortly before and after the outbreak of the Russian invasion, fundamental changes in Ukrainian society and domestic politics became evident, some of which can be interpreted as signs of the mitigation of social cleavages. Our findings revealed at least two significant shifts in these 'old', traditional cleavages: one occurred after the Revolution of Dignity and the annexation of Crimea by Russia in 2014, and the second one is emerging now, due to the full-scale war on Ukrainian territory against the Ukrainian people. More broadly, this research aims to assess the resilience of social cleavages in the face of a shock event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Turkey and Russia have developed relations at various levels. Trade was one of them, and Russia is one of Turkey’s leading suppliers. Trade in energy carriers occupies a central position in the exchange between the two countries. In addition to these long-term economic factors, a new series of common political interests have emerged in the past few years between Moscow and Ankara, and more specifically between their presidents. The Russian president played his cards wisely when Turkey felt insufficiently supported by the West in the face of international and domestic threats, paradoxically after the Turkish army shot down a Russian jet in 2015 and in the context of the failed coup in Turkey in 2016. The suspicion of both leaders towards the USA and the world of Western values brought them closer to each other, and the aforementioned events made the foundations of Turkish-Russian cooperation take on a personal character. Behaviorism in relations between the two capitals is best seen in the conflict in Syria, Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sprawy Miedzynarodowe / International Affairs is the property of Instytut Studiow Politycznych PAN and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wieś & Rolnictwo is the property of Instytut Rozwoju Wsi & Rolnictwa, Polska Akademia Nauk and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is a report on the international scholarly congress "Polska-Rosja. Trudne tematy. Trzy narracje: historia -- literatura -- film," which took place October 5-7, 2010, at the Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej in Kraków, Poland. The author summarizes the event's proceedings, beginning with the meeting's opening and plenary sessions. He identifies moderators, lecturers, and provides synopses for the major topics and papers presented at the three-day congress.

Copyright of Studia Wyborcze is the property of Lodz Scientific Society / Lodzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Borrell’s visit to Moscow was a substantial political failure of the EU’s diplomacy still it was not an accident neither a surprise. The EU’ policy towards Russia has been based on illusions and the European wishful thinking since the very beginning of the mutual relations that started in 1991-1993. The Borrell’s visit to Moscow rather showed the nature of the Russian attitude towards the EU than produced it. Russia prefers to act within the “great powers concerto” i.e. to deal with both – the leading EU member states (Germany, France) and the non-EU great powers (uk, usa) and not with the EU institutions and representatives who are not respected neither treated seriously in Moscow. There is a deep division within the EU between the Eastern flank member states whose perception of Russian threat is strong and well founded and the western and southern countries the political interests and priorities are focused on other problems. Russian capacity to corrupt the numerous prominent members of the European political class makes the EU policy vis a vis Russia even less coherent and realistic. The article shows the history of the EU-Russia relations in the last 30 years and proves the fiasco of the Borrell’s visit to Moscow was not just an accident still a logical consequence of the ill based EU policy towards Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeszyty Teoretyczne Rachunkowości is the property of Stowarzyszenie Ksiegowych w Polsce Rada Naukowa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since August 2020, the political situation in Belarus has become one of the key elements of Russia’s information warfare against the transatlantic community. The main target of Belarusian and Russian information and psychological operations is Poland, repeatedly accused of interfering in the internal affairs of Belarus, inspiring a colour revolution, waging a hybrid war, supporting separatism, historical revisionism, preparation of military intervention or organising an armed coup and assassination of Lukashenko. The main research problem of this article is the answer to the question: what disinformation activities are Belarus and Russia conducting against Poland in connection with the political situation in Belarus after the falsification of the results of the presidential elections of 9 August 2020. The author analyses, among others, why Poland has become the main target of Belarusian and Russian disinformation operations, what the goals are of these activities, on what issues the Belarusian and Russian information narrative towards Poland is focused, and what the effectiveness is of these influence operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of the state of research on contemporary Polish-Russian relations leads to the conclusion that this topic has been undertaken by the representatives of various fields of social sciences in Poland and Russia, as well as in the West for over last three decades. At the same time, no publications describe it in a comprehensive and up-to-date manner. This is due to the complex nature of the mutual relations and their high dynamics, as well as the selective approach of researchers. Currently, most of the works are endogenous: Polish authors write for Polish readers, and Russian researchers – for the Russian audience. Paradoxically, the most popular works devoted to Poland and Russia – although it is difficult to judge a priori whether or not they are the best – have been published in Western countries. Moreover, most of the texts devoted to Polish-Russian relations, especially in the political sphere, are devoid of theoretical apparatus. Certain idées fixes present in the literature, such as the imperialist nature of contemporary Russian policy, the resulting threats to Poland and Polish Russophobia deserve an in-depth analysis. Researchers should also pay more attention to some issues that are currently mainly dealt with by experts and journalists – in particular, the Russian hybrid war and whether Poland is or can be its target, as well as possible Russian interference in political life in Poland since 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyse the Russian concept of disinformation and its effectiveness. It highlights the goals and instruments of Russian disinformation and outline Russia’s methods of manipulating the narrative from the beginning of the war in Ukraine and during the covid-19 pandemic. Russia uses disinformation to weaken democratic institutions around the world and take advantage of international crises for its own benefit. According to the European Commission, Russia differs from other countries that disseminate disinformation, such as China, Iran, and North Korea. Its actions are long-term, systematic, and employ an extensive range of instruments to spread disinformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of Turkish-Russian cooperative rivalry – an ambiguous relationship fraught with strategic competition on the one hand, and driven by cooperation in key areas (energy, defence) on the other, the article surveys the growing interdependencies between Turkey and Ukraine and seeks to answer the question whether closer bonds – political and military – between these two countries could be seen as a strategy of soft balancing against Russia. On a broader level, the article speculates on the complex nature of Turkey-Russia relations, which have become increasingly volatile, transactional, opportunistic and compartmentalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Central European Political Studies / Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the article is to analyse Poland’s energy security in the context of Russia’s neo-imperial policy, treating energy carriers as an instrument of infl uence and dependence of states, and to rebuild its international position. In line with the geopolitical approach, limiting the energy dependence of Central and Eastern Europe on Russia has not only a purely economic dimension, but concerns the geostrategic future of the European continent and the type of international order to be developed in Europe and in the transatlantic area. Poland’s gas strategy is a case study. Poland decided to finish the contract for the purchase of natural gas from Russia by December 31, 2022. Poland, striving to meet the growing needs for natural gas, undertakes actions aimed at diversifying sources and directions of supplies. Particular emphasis is placed on the concept of Poland as a gas hub developed within the framework of the Three Seas Initiative and a desire to prevent Russia and Germany from building the Nord Stream ii pipeline, a project, which is in Poland’s opinion, contradictory with the aim to ensure Europe’s energy security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vistula Scientific Quarterly / Kwartalnik Naukowy Uczelni Vistula is the property of Vistula University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite expectations, 2019 did not bring a significant breakthrough in the existing model of Russian-Belarusian relations. The extreme scenario - Russia's seizure of Belarus in the course of the process of 'deeper integration' is highly improbable. This is primarily because the Kremlin is not significantly determined to change the existing legal and international status of Belarus. Moreover, Belarus is determined to defend the bilateral relations with Russia formed in the mid-1990s and does not accept the Kremlin's proposals regarding 'deeper integration', which mean limiting its sovereignty. Belarus is determined to defend itself against Russia's demands, which paradoxically increases the level of social legitimacy of Lukashenko's authoritarian rule. Russia has a wide set of negative tools to influence Minsk (energy blackmail, destabilisation of the political and socio-economic situation), but it has no positive tools. There is also a noticeable lack of internal coherence in the Russian power camp with respect to the future of Belarus. Russia is interested in changing the current model of the bilateral relations in terms of limiting financial losses resulting from the generous subsidy of the Belarusian economy and Minsk's disregard for existing obligations in the area of customs and taxation. However, Moscow intends to achieve this goal neither by seizing Belarus nor by destabilising the Belarusian political regime. The issue of 'deeper integration' of both countries was, from the very beginning, clearly related to other problems that cast a shadow on Russian-Belarusian relations. Therefore, it should be assumed that Russia's intention was to use a 'tax maneuver' to force Belarus to negotiate in the sphere of finance, economy and compliance with Russian customs and tax standards. The most likely scenario for the development of Russian-Belarusian relations assumes maintaining the existing model of relations but, from now on, Belarus will be deprived of a significant part of the 'integration rent'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The breach of commitments happen in international relations, sometimes followed by national narratives of betrayal, created and used as tools of foreign policy and domestic legitimisation. In this kind of narratives, the context, truth, disinformation, emotions and deliberate intents are of equal value for their content. This is how the modern myth of 'Western betrayal' - developed by Moscow after the end of the Cold War on the susceptible grounds of Russian and Soviet political tradition - should be understood. It has been the most persistent component of Russian information warfare against NATO and the key argument explaining its foreign policy actions. They are interpreted abroad as aggression, violation of international law or undermining the principles of international order, while domestically being portrayed as driven by purely defensive logic of the state surrounded by enemies responsible for the refusal to recognise Russia's legitimate rights. This narrative also serves to consolidate Russian so ciety around the state's leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Research Papers of the Wroclaw University of Economics / Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wroclawiu is the property of Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny we Wroclawiu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the article is to analyse the phenomenon of security integration of Central Asian states within regional international organisations created around Russia and China. It enabled the authoritarian leaders to lower the cost of maintaining the non-democratic systems. The tactical strategies invented in one country, institutional and legal solutions and mythological constructs were also used by other participants. Moreover, they provided international infrastructure that not only gave external legitimacy to authoritarian regimes, but also served to weaken civil society and eliminate all forms of political competition. The article attempts to answer the questions of how threats were defined within regional integration structures and how international infrastructure was built to combat regional threats such as extremism, terrorism and separatism. Furthermore, preventive strategies at the institutional and legal levels are considered. Finally, the article analyses selected aspects of the so-called cultural prevention, which was intended to combat security threats and ensure regional stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to show the importance of the Nord Stream 2 project for Russia's external energy policy, for Gazprom's strategy and other Russian economic entities. The analysis of the potential consequences of the implementation of this project for Russia and the Russian entities involved in it is based on theoretical assumptions of neoclassical realism. For Moscow, the construction of new gas pipelines is to enable the resignation from dependence on gas transit through Ukraine. Nord Stream 2 is also an important political tool for Russia in its relations with the European Union. It allows Moscow, on the one hand, to strengthen political influence in selected countries of the Union (mainly in Germany, but also in France and the Netherlands), and on the other to strengthen the divisions between EU Member States (some EU states are opposed to implementing new infrastructure projects with Russia). For Gazprom, the new gas pipeline increases the possibilities of flexible response to changes taking place on the European market. Finally, the implementation of costly infrastructure projects is extremely important for economic interests of Russian construction companies, which, thanks to state procurement, gain significant financial profits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nord Stream 2 (NS2) is one of the most controversial international projects in the gas industry. The construction of the gas pipeline began in the period of serious tensions between Russia and the West. Gazprom's European partners ignore the legitimate concerns of their allies regarding the implications of the investment for politics and security. The dispute is somewhat reminiscent of the Cold War period when Germany and Austria established gas cooperation with the USSR. The article presents the current political context of the gas relations of the European countries and the USSR/Russia and the implications of building NS2 for politics and security in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes a dispute over contracts for supplies and transmission of natural gas through Ukraine from March 2018. The concept of energy Prometheism in relation to bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine and the historical context of the crisis are also presented. The author analyses the consequences of the crisis for Ukraine and predicts further development of the situation. He also assesses the impact of the European Union's involvement in the dispute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NATO membership has been widely debated in Finland and Sweden, so the North Atlantic Alliance might soon be confronted with an official membership application from one or even both countries. Hence the article examines NATO enlargement northwards in Europe and its consequences from the international perspective, focusing on key stakeholders' potential reactions. While NATO is likely to welcome the new members, Russia’s hostile response is analysed with a view to outlining the scope of its potential reaction rather than predicting specific measures that might be taken by Moscow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a summary of the proceedings and 32 papers presented at the academic conference, "Polish Physicians in Siberia From the 18th to the 20th Centuries," held at the Institute of Workplace Medicine in Łódź. It was organized by the Chair and Workgroup of the History of Medicine and Pharmacy of the Łódź Medical University, the Łódź chapter of the Polish Society of the History of Medicine and Pharmacy, and the Study Commission on the History of Siberia of the Committee of the History of Science and Technology of the Polish Academy of the Sciences in Warsaw.

Russian‑Sino relationships are constantly improving which lead a significant amount of scholars to focus on their cultural similarities. This is true particularly to Russian academicians who try to point out civilizational and cultural closeness between Russia and China as a counterweight to the Western model. Indeed, there are some similarities, like predominance of collectivism over individualism and the need for a strong leadership. Nevertheless, if we take the risk of venturing into deeper space of cultural background and take into account not only political issues but also Russia’s and China’s identity and consciousness, then striking differences appear. On this level we can clearly see that similarities between Russia and China are superficial and they exist only on the surface. On the deeper, cultural level, however, those two “civilizations that became countries” have very little in common. They are – as we said – different civilizations incomparable to each other due to several historical, cultural and social reasons. This thesis leads to a conclusion that a successful cooperation and interaction between Russia and China is possible only on political, tactical issues, but there could be no real “melting pot” between them. This does not mean they are bound to conflict, but it clearly shows the artificiality of their “everlasting friendship”. Political conjunctures are bound to change whereas civilizational factors lasts longer and this explains why Russia and China will never become as close as the try to show. For similarities between them are of tactical, political importance, whereas differences are of strategic, ontological nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Research Papers of the Wroclaw University of Economics / Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wroclawiu is the property of Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny we Wroclawiu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Scientific Papers of Silesian University of Technology. Organization & Management / Zeszyty Naukowe Politechniki Slaskiej. Seria Organizacji i Zarzadzanie is the property of Silesian Technical University, Organisation & Management Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)