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Faced with State inefficiency in housing provision, the occupation of the Cambridge Hotel, located on the outskirts of São Paulo’s city center, was used as a case study to identify possibilities in the struggle for social housing. The building, initially a hotel built in the 1950s, closed in 2002, was expropriated in 2011, and occupied by the Downtown Homeless Movement (Movimento Sem Teto do Centro) in 2012. The movement, after social tensions and participation in participatory councils, obtained the donation of the property and its license in a federal requalification program. Through qualitative analysis of the housing deficit in Brazil, characterized by the excessive burden of rents and the precariousness of real estate, in contrast to housing policies focused on the production of units through development programs in peripheral locations, it is understood that the analysis of the determining factors for the case study’s feasibility can contribute to the discussion of government policies and actions. The methodology, based on the procedural field, observational methods, and literature review in the logical field, was structured in dialectical and inductive methods for the research, systematization, and critical analysis of bibliographic and documentary references and, in empirical processes, in the qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews and onsite visits. It was concluded that the power of dialogue and formation of the movement’s networks and its strategy, based on surrounding itself with actors that solidify its struggle, contributed to the viability of the Cambridge Hotel as a residential property. Based on the data analyzed, it is also argued that the participation of municipalities is undeniable in enabling the provision of housing in central areas. However, considering the hegemonic bias identified, the political action of social movements and the participation of academia in its instrumentalization are essential to strengthen the Capital-State relationship and enable the collation of territorial policies that the right to the city contemplates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I discuss ways of narrating a territory from the voices of the political-cultural collective Comunidade Cultural Quilombaque with the aim of analyzing how a counter-narrative disputes the meanings of the territory with the dominant narrative. I combine the literature on counter-narratives, which focuses on the construction of storylines that oppose dominant forms, and on public action, which is central to emphasizing the role of individuals, groups and movements in the construction of what is understood as public, to carry out the task of interpreting the ways in which actors mobilize to counter their narrative to the dominant discourse on the peripheral territory. I used in-depth interviews with the collective's leaders and the analysis of secondary material, which allowed me to read the ways in which the movement narrates itself. It is from another way of narrating their territory that they manage to bring out their potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of GeSec: Revista de Gestao e Secretariado is the property of Sindicato das Secretarias e Secretarios do Estado de Sao Paulo (SINSESP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Comportamentalia is the property of Instituto de Psicologia y Educacion de la Universidad Veracruzana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the following article we analyze the relationship between different governance models and democratisation. To do so, we first address the more structural dimension of the issue. We observe that there is a structural relationship between governance and neoliberal governmentality; however, we find models such as those proposed by Sonia Bussu and Adrián Bua that offer us instruments to think of alternative ways of approaching the issue. Furthermore, we analyze their theoretical framework in relation to consolidated proposals such as Charles Tilly's theory of democracy. Finally, we apply the theoretical concepts to the case of Hernani Burujabe, an innovative case of democracy-driven governance.

An interview with Wayne Au (University of Washington Bothell). The interview was organized and conducted by Felipe Ziotti Narita.

Following the April 25th 1974 revolution, a village in the municipality of Belmonte (Portugal) became the scene of a six-year conflict between a group of small-holder landowners joined by part of the community and a mining company. This article, result of a historical-anthropological study based on ethnographic work and archival research, revisits this socio-environmental conflict, examining the process of local collective mobilisation and the interactions between local and external actors. The motives behind collective mobilization against mining are examined in the context of the post-25th of April structural political transformation. The analysis explores how the post-revolutionary context and the memories of past environmental destruction fueled the villagers' repertoires and vocabularies of contention. Observing the Gaia conflict through the lens of the Revolution allows us to look at the revolutionary process from a micro-sociological perspective, showing the processes of political transformation after the 25th of April and the role of popular participation in the democratization of the country, as well as the institutional disputes over State control and the struggles around the implementation of different development models and policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Organic production has an important challenge in the supply of inputs. Bio-inputs for biological control, through reference specifications, are presented as promising solutions. Therefore, this article analyzes the participation of bioinputs for biological control in Brazilian organic agriculture. To this end, it characterized the scenario of organic agriculture and biological control and then carried out, in two stages of research, an analysis of the opinions of experts in organic production. The results were positioned in the expansion of organic production and market, as well as biological control, both activities permeated by public policies. They also pointed out bioinputs as technologies that are little known and little used by organic producers, mainly small and medium-sized ones, a situation also observed for the instruments provided for in the reference specifications. Finally, the results indicated that overcoming this scenario lies in the integration between the policies being implemented, social movements and business actions, associated with the promotion of research and rural extension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we present a categorization of autonomies implemented by indigenous and peasant movements in Latin America into three types: a) juridical versus de facto autonomies; b) explicit versus implicit autonomies; and c) (mono)ethnic versus popular or class-based autonomies. We argue that the debate concerning these different conceptions is of strategic importance both in the dialogue between indigenous and peasant struggles for the defense of territories, and in the question of peasant autonomy, understood as a strategy of struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the socio-political developments in Greece and Spain in the wake of the grassroots anti-austerity campaign from 2011 on, which have unfolded towards national parliaments and local spaces. It does so by analysing the institutionalisation of the populist radical Left as compared with the local-oriented agency of social movements in these two countries. It argues that these alternative approaches to social change and emancipation illustrate the contending paradigms of contemporary political thought reflecting upon collective movements, political action, and social transformation: the vertical politics of hegemony and the horizontal politics of the multitude. It firstly introduces these contending theoretical paradigms and then analyses the political trajectory of Podemos and SYRIZA from the squares to national parliaments vis-à-vis the radical agency of social movements transforming and generating socio-spatial entanglements at the local level. Lastly, the article puts forward theoretical possibilities for an alternative conceptualisation of grassroots radical agency and democratic politics in present times, seeking to reconcile the absolute democratic politics of the multitude with the broad counter-hegemonic revolutionary project.

Through the increased visibility of indigenous peoples on social media networks, a reflection of the instrumentalization of social movements for communication, the article reports on a quantitative and qualitative research targeted at indigenous popular communicators. Mapping conditioned by territorial ties to the Legal Amazon identifies 398 active profiles on Facebook, Instagram and Youtube, as well as pages with greater impact on each platform. The examination of activists' protagonism, through semi-structured interviews, also motivates an investigation into the uses and limitations of indigenous popular communication in a context of new mediations, where communication is acknowledged as a human right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the communication strategies of the Movement of Those Affected by the Alcântara Space Base in Maranhão, Brazil, through a case study that uses semi-structured interviews and documentary research. It mobilizes concepts of social movements, the Black movement, and quilombola. It addresses the specificities of ethnic territory and discusses the role of communication in strengthening citizenship and the Black press as a means of counterhegemony. The analysis shows that, despite difficulties, MABE confronts dominant narratives and seeks to transform power relations through autonomous and adaptive communication, inseparable from its militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an exploratory study, this article aims to present and analyze the editorial characteristics, as well as identify the main themes addressed by the newspaper Brasil de Fato, a printed publication that had national circulation between 2003 and 2015. Considered one of the main experiences in the field of popular communication at the beginning of the century XXI, due to its critical, combative and left-wing perspective, the aforementioned newspaper offered a decisive contribution to the dissemination and strengthening of social struggles in Brazil, dealing, among other topics, with the agendas, challenges and achievements of social movements and progressive governments in several Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is the result of research carried out in rural education and pedagogy of alternation, in close articulation with social movements, in a historical and emancipatory perspective, developed in the PPGEA - Postgraduate Program in Agricultural Education, of UFRRJ - Universidade Federal Rural from Rio de Janeiro. Our main objective was to understand the construction process of the experiences of this Pedagogy of Alternation at the Escola Municipal de Agroecologia Vale do Tinguá, Nova Iguaçu, Rio de Janeiro, and its interfaces with human relations. The documental research was developed in bibliographic collections and interviews with the educators that work in the School. Among the sources of investigation, we used legislation, ordinances, decrees and theoretical references on Pedagogy of Alternation and rural education in social movements, in particular, Begnami (2004); Gimonet (2007); Freire (2002); Molina (2006) e Caldart (2012). The results show that rural education, in addition to constituting an immeasurable universe of wisdom in the area of Human and Social Sciences, contributes to the resistance of the oppressed class, considering that the traditional and plural knowledge of rural peoples were, for some reason, silenced, buried and forgotten, to the detriment of the interests of oppressive hegemonic capital. It is up to educators, students and social movements, in favor of the oppressed, to develop research that collaborates with the empowerment of the peasant working class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text is the result of bibliographical and exploratory research carried out in 2021. The proposed theme is the reflection on the Student Movement as part of the training of the interviewed subjects. The research carried out considered the bibliography of social movements as a theoretical basis, the history of the student movement in Brazil, pointing out articulations with other countries, and the survey, via form, of memories of former students of the Federal University of Mato Grosso do Sul (UFMS ), about experiences lived in the student movement. As a result, the analysis of the content and criticism of the testimonies allow us to point out continuities and changes in the repertoires of student struggles, the persistent demands, as well as inferring about the educational dimension of the student movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Tellus is the property of Revista Tellus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Linguagens, Educação e Sociedade (LES) is the property of Revista Linguagens, Educacao e Sociedade (LES) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract Alain Touraine’s theory on social movements (SMs) characterizes them as having their own collective identity, a defined opponent, and a dispute between these two opponents. This paper considers that Touraine’s theory on SMs does not contemplate their main motto: Emancipation. It is believed that Boaventura de Sousa Santos’ ideas can contribute to identifying SMs with emancipatory potential. To make these concepts concrete, examples of SMs are presented in Brazil and worldwide and analyzed in light of the two cited theories.