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This paper aims to investigate the ideological mutations that occur by turning the written text into an adaptation, using the protagonists that play the role of the marginal, both in the novel and in the movie, facilitating the breakthrough in the peripheral universe. Transmedia reveals the construction of the same fictional word, but the shift lies in the swinging between ideological isms: progressivism and conservatism, capitalism and anti-capitalism. This study is focused on recent literature and its adaptations. Characters have got the same name, they live in similar universes, but the main aim of this paper is to identify the shifts that result from turning the written message into a visual one. The same “story” can take a different ideological turn, therefore, both creations must be taken into consideration, in order to comprehend the global message. The ”double-creations” chosen to illustrate this point are: Love Sick by Cecilia Ștefănescu, motivating this choice by the progressivism of the adaptation in contrast to the conservatism of the novel, concentrating on the queer component; I am an old communist hag! by Dan Lungu where the focus falls on the anti-capitalist view, whereas the novel concentrates on an anti-communism ideology; Soldiers by Adrian Schiop, a case where the movie diminishes the focus on the progressivism, shifting the prespective on the universal love story between Adi and Alberto. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to achieve their functional purpose – that of organizing the urban landscape and helping locating people and geographical objectives through an efficient addressing system – street names are bound to remain stable spatial landmarks. On the other hand, street names are also semiotic devices of signifying space with the political and commemorative agenda of the ruling power. This latter characteristic renders them vulnerable to successive renaming following important power-shifts and especially regime changes. What happens when the ideological imperative of politicizing the street nomenclature undermines its functional requirement of providing spatial orientation through extensive renaming? Such a tensional situation is examined in the case of postwar Sibiu between 1945 and 1948, when the city endured a thorough redefinition of its toponymy under the political regime of communist “popular democracy” in Romania. The paper quantifies the scope of toponymic revision and then evaluates the content of these street name changes in terms of three major concepts: class, ethnicity, and gender. Grounded on the results of this analysis, the paper advances the notion of “mercurial street names”. It concludes by arguing that such a concept should complement the existing metaphoricity underpinning the scholarship in place-name studies, which draw on “text”, “discourse”, and “palimpsest” to conceive of the processes of street (re)naming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses aspects of literature works as presented in article published in the periocal "Flacăra" (July - December 1979)1, one of the propagandistic instrument of the Romanian Communist Party. The Flacăra newspaper includes a series of articles that highlight the folding of certain authors and their vision regarding the dogma of the communist regime, the periodical representing a strong factor of influence among the general public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes a case for analyzing the way in which the novel of Communism is approached by Mihai Iovănel in his History of Contemporary Romanian Literature: 1990-2020. This is a topic that was intensely discussed by Romanian literary criticism in Post-communism and represents the weakness of Romanian literature, either by it not being able to give a sufficiently convincing novel, or by not being able to agree upon how this novel should look. Accordingly, the critics had difficulties in labeling any novel that had been published after ‘89s as “the novel of communism.” The first part of the article is a panning of recent discussions about this term in relation to the analysis made by Iovănel in his History. The second part aims to trace out a network of this type of novel in the literatures of Central and Eastern Europe and to try to identify its particularities through a comparative analysis. The last part consists of a study case of the novels Acasă, pe câmpia Armaghedonului [At home, on the Field of Armageddon] by Marta Petreu and Bureți de Fag [Oyster Mushrooms] by Mihai Duțescu. The latter has been published after the History and both novels are analyzed from the perspective of the novel of communism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paperwork analyses motherhood as literary theme in Ioana Nicolaie's novel Cartea Reghinei (2019). The novel forms a trilogy together with Pelinul negru (2017) and Tot înainte (2021), but it also communicates on different levels with the author's other novels. The first part of the study focuses on the relationship between the narrative perspective and the authorial subjectivity, especially since the autobiographical vein of the novel is quite significant, while the main character is also built on this autobiographical foundation. The novel, however, makes possible several reading perspectives, and the experience of motherhood is particularized by the socio-political context. Therefore, the second part of the paper deals with this particularization, but demonstrates that the novel also emphasizes deeper meanings of motherhood as an essential experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the methodological and discursive transition in Aurel Voina's theoretical conceptualisation of cosmetic science. The primary focus is the rewriting of personal and professional identity, assessing how Aurel Voina negotiated his conceptual and practical expertise from his role as eugenics ideologue and policy maker in the interwar era, to a much more marginal position as medical professional in Communist Romania. The aim is to identify common elements and identify how deep did the historical manipulation protrude. This paper thus offers a closer view of political changes determining calibrations in physical and conceptual self-representation, considering concepts of fluid identity and manipulation of memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Muzeelor is the property of National Institute for Cultural Research & Training (NIRCT) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From 1938, after the retirement of Professor Simion Mândrescu, who had laid the foundations of German philology at the University of Bucharest, the Department of German Language and Literature had a difficult path. Challenging and often precarious historical conditions created unclear legislation, making it difficult to hire competent Germanists eager to integrate into higher education. The present paper traces the decade-long, continuous efforts to attract competent teaching staff to meet the teaching and research needs of German philology. Archival documents reveal known or less known names of Bucharest Germanists. It is interesting to note that over the years, there have been attempts - often unsuccessful - to bring in Germanists from other university institutions in Bucharest, Between 1942 and 1944, we also find university staff from Germany at the Department of German Language and Literature in Bucharest. Although the political situation was not favourable during the decade under review, German philology in Bucharest managed to maintain an adequate level of performance, oscillating between adapting to political requirements and ensuring the best possible training of students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I investigate how the interpretation of the Romantic poet Mihai Eminescu’ work verifies the European transition from a rationalist conception of “genius” (according to which “genius” is a phenomenon subjected to the laws of nature/ society) to an irrationalist conception, where “genius” becomes a supernatural, transcendental, miraculous or inexplicable phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of political life allows us to understand some important mechanisms which define the existence of a community, in a particular historical age. For an urban center such as the town of Galați, the issue of political life can be approached only considering it within the large political frame of the whole country. We have to discover the way the national political frame influenced, in various ways, the local situation. The relations between the central and the local institutions, between the government and the local authorities, between the parties and their local branches will be under scrutiny. Moreover, the paper will analyse the involvement of the local political elites in the process of mass mobilization during the electoral campaigns. As examples, we have chosen four of the most important parliamentary elections that took place between 1918 and 1948: those from 1922, 1928, 1937 and 1946. We investigated the functioning of the local political system and its dependency on the national political tendencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper aims to provide an overview of the evolution of the Romanian novel from the publication perspective between 1965-1989. Through the employed methodology, the quantitative analysis, it will be observed in which measure the events and the regulations from the political system influence the dynamic of the Romanian novel production. In addition to this, it will be observing the geographical distribution of the publishing houses and the modifications which appears about their editorial hierarchy as a consequence of the newly implemented rules of the political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the content of the cadre file of Henri H. Stahl preserved in the Archives of the University of Bucharest’s Rectorate. In the form in which it has been preserved after 1989, the personnel file of H.H. Stahl seems, from several points of view, atypical. If we compare it with the cadre files of the 1950s, it surprises by the apparent “goodwill” of the communist cadres towards H.H. Stahl. This ideological solicitude is manifested in the interpretation given to main cultural and political events in H.H. Stahl’s life. In other circumstances such political past could be labeled as unusable in a communist context. Equally curious and noteworthy is the issue of the ethnic origin attributed (and not necessarily real or assumed by the one described in the file), more precisely the issue of Stahl’s nationality ( Jewish) which was recorded in the file. Analyzing Stahl cadre file we can wonder if the integrity of this dossier has not been compromised by removing, extracting or modifying documents by the personel staff services or by someone else. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to address the written and narrated memories of Henri H. Stahl who left behind two memorial works: Memories and Thoughts from the Old School of “Sociological Monographs”, published in 1981, and the collection of interviews from 1985-1987, which appeared in 2000, under the title Monography as Utopia. Although they were conceived only a few years apart, the two forms of memoirs show some significant differences. In the following study, I will present the specifics of each of them, in order to later propose a brief comparative analysis of the two texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the research made in Transylvania referring the history of peregrinatio academica during the Communist regime, fhocusing on the most important work published about this topic: the book of Sándor Tonk, entitled “University attendance of Transylvanians in the Middle Ages”, published in 1979 in Hungarian language. I will discuss the sources, the primarly and secondarly literature, and the methodology used, and the critical reception of this book, as well the continuation of the Transylvanians’ investigations concerning the history peregrinatio academica. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Second World War and with the establishment of the communist regime, many Romanians, dissatisfied with the new regime, tried to leave the country. The fugitives most frequently chose the road or rail route, but there were also attempts to swim across the Danub or to cross the Black Sea with inflatable boats, and the bravest tried to hijack planes. Most of the fugitives paid with their lives or ended up in the dungeons of the Security and were imprisoned for decades. In the summer of 1971, seven young people from Târgu Mureș planned, in turn, to leave the country by hijacking a Tarom plane. The present paper aims to present their story from the communist Securitate archives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the manifesting of Romania’s independence from Moscow in 1968, based on diplomatic documents from the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Belgium. Romania’s dialogue with Moscow, Prague, Belgrade and Paris are presented in this article. The article proves that beyond the political regime, the national interest of Romania was permanent and it has manifested itself when it had this chance. It was an act of courage, openness and prestige. It was a risky move, but Romania managed to avoid a Soviet invasion. Internally, however, the Bucharest regime did not embark on the path of reforms, but of neo-Stalinism, the cult of personality and communist ideological correctness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines some aspects of the institutional history of postwar Romanian philosophy with a special focus on the Institute of Philosophy of the Academy of People's Republic of Romania. Using archival sources the aim of this paper is to shed more light on the main aspects of philosophical research during cultural Stalinism and to underline the inflexion points within Romanian „philosophical" writing between 1948 and 1965. One examined the lack of human resources and its impact on the emergence of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, but also the main research topics studied at the Philosophy Section of the Institute of History and Philosophy and Institute of Philosophy especially in the 1950s. We focused also on the context of unmasking and purges of the „philosophical" front mainly in late 1950s, underlining the Agitprop fight against Revisionism and „bourgeois" influence in social sciences. In 1948 the lack of human resources in the field of philosophical research was obvious from Marxist-Leninist perspective. This was one the reasons why in 1948-49 the communist decision-makers did not support the creation of a separate Institute of Philosophy under the aegis of Romanian Academy. Instead between 1949 and 1953 the communist Agitprop agreed the functioning of a Philosophy Section within the newly born Institute of History and Philosophy (the former Institute of History founded by Nicolae Iorga). The appointment of Constantin Ionescu-Gulian as deputy director of the Philosophy Section of the Institute of History and Philosophy (in 1949) was the Agitprop response to the aforementioned lack of human resources in the field of philosophical research. After some hesitations in 1953-54 the communist party leadership chose again C.I. Gulian as director of the newly-created Institute of Philosophy. By periodical ideological harassment directed against Gulian Agitprop succeeded in fact to control the philosophical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the way in which the Romanian monarchy was perceived in Romanian historiography and in the daily Scânteia, the press organ of the Romanian Workers' Party, in the first communist decade, 1948- 1959. The perception of the monarchy in the historiography and press of the "obsessive decade" was eminently negative. The situation can be explained by the fact that the new political regime in Bucharest aimed to paint a dark past for national history, in contrast to the new development options of the country based on the light coming from Moscow. Those who did not agree to enter this interpretive grid suffered greatly, many of the historians and media people who opposed the dominant ideology ending up in the prisons of communist Romania [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our paper discusses the evolution of national television in Communist states in the second half of the 20th century. After the Second World War, most of the eastern European states fell under the authority of the Soviet Union, so the beginnings of their national television programmes were marked by their Communist regimes. This study focuses on the evolution of each television, as well as on the similarities they all shared, such as the use of propaganda or censorship. Our main hypothesis is that media institutions from the states behind the Iron Curtain could not exist without proper cooperation between themselves. Programme exchange was an important aspect of their development, especially after the increase in broadcasting hours. The study offers a comparative outlook on the evolutions of each television network, by following the main sources on each individual case from the German Democratic Republic to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Albania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, and Romania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I analyze how the literary magazines in the early years of Romanian post-communism began to update their strong anti-communist position with a series of doubts concerning capitalism. It was not about capitalism per se, which inspired a rather favorable perception, but about the austerity measures imposed after 1989 during the transition from the communist centralized market to the post-communist free market. Given its generosity toward financing the literary superstructure, the communist regime began to be reconsidered in a rather favorable light when compared to the financially decompressed post-communist present. The inherent comparison between the "generous" communism and the austere capitalism triggered an ideological tension relevant for the postcommunist Romania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study analyses decree no. 177 from the 4th of August 1948 for general regime of religious cults. The paper follows the changes added to religious life in Romania, specially the situation of Romanian Orthodox Church. This decree led path for communist regime to install a severe control over religious life, succeeding to subordinate it to politics. Communist legislation, mostly of soviet origin, determined many changes over the Orthodox Church, but also to other religious cults recognized in Romania. Communist authorities established as a purpose, by adopting a favorable legislative framework, the use of religious cults in means of propaganda and manipulation of the people. Apparently, communist laws appeared to assure large liberties to religious life. It has been suggested the idea that, for the first time in the history of Romania, religious cults will enjoy absolute freedom. In fact, in the content of the Decree there were stipulations that would consciously violate the freedom of manifestation of religious cults and the activity developed by them, aspects characteristic of totalitarian regimes. At a first glance, the 1948 law did not elucidate the true intentions of the regime, yet it gave the regime the first and most important lever of control over religious life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes the reading of Ruxandra Ceseranu's novel Un singur cer deasupra lor as a modem apocrypha presenting a historiosophic vision of Romania's fate in the second half of the 20th century with the use of apocalyptic themes and symbolic imagery. The analysis consists of tracing references to the Book of Revelation which is a key element to the interpretation of the novel, and to other biblical books and themes. The analysis is supplemented with an attempt at describing the most significant archetypical and cultural symbols, and the remnants of bygone traditions that provide the second reading to those historically-grounded stories. References to folk tales based on Christian imaginary world further strengthen the proposition of the apocryphal nature of the work. The additional argument supporting my thesis is the polyphonic and multilayer structure of the novel that combines subjective visions and mythical interpretations with the factual layer, and the use of palimpsest technique consisting of interweaving texts of other authors into the main narration. The paper does not address the question of the conformity of the literary vision with the source documents and historical prototypes of certain episodes and persons. Those matters were partly commented on by the author in the afterword. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper aims at analysing the trajectories of the Romanian intellectuals immediately after the Revolution in 1989, and the fall of Communism. During the Communist years, the term itself (intellectual) had been used with ideological connotations. The intellectual (as a social value) was discussed according to the Marxist ideology, taking into consideration his concrete usefulness and his contribution to the Communist society. Immediately after 1989, the fundamental dilemma faced by the Romanian intellectual represents the necessity of the implication of the intellectuals inside the society or, on the contrary, the isolation in an Ivory Tower of creation. The second challenge aimed at the necessity of synchronizing the Romanian elite with the European one; the topics for debate in Western and Eastern Europe during the Cold War were fundamentally different. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the influence and the commitment of the Romanian intellectuals in reshaping the Post- Communist Romanian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to bring into the light Boris Ştefanov's biography. Born in 1883, at Kotel- Bulgaria, Ştefanov was the fifth Communist Party of Romania's Secretary, leading the Party from 1934 to 1940. His political engagement had started in "Narrow Socialists" Party when the Cadrilater, the native Ştefanov's land, was ceded to Romania, in 1913. After that, he joined the Romanian Socialist Party, on whose list he was elected in 1920 as a member of the Romanian Parliament. In the early 20thies, he lived and worked in Romania, but in Bulgaria, Austria and Soviet Union also. Arrested in 1926, he was sentenced to eight years in prison. He left Romania in 1933 and had never came back. Some parts of Ştefanov's biography can be known from Romanian archives, especially those related to his carrier in the Communist Party of Romania. His Bulgarian background, and also his political carrier as a functionary in the apparatus of Comintern are hard to be known just appealing to Romanian sources. This paper had two parts. The first one creates a short portrait of Boris Ştefanov, based on both archival and secondary sources. The second one is an autobiography written by Ştefanov in 1936, when he was in Prague, holding the highest dignity among Romanian communists. The document published above is important in the information that provide. It is also an evaluation of a professional revolutionary's life, as it was seen by himself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to contribute to a better understanding of the complex phenomenon of the reeducation in Communist prisons. The author gives several examples of political prisoners that underwent reeducation to prove that despite its magnitude reeducation was not irreversible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to identify some of the motivations of exile in the case of Romanian writers and painters of Jewish or German origin during the 20th century, and to assess the possibilities of their artistic assimilation into the European or world culture, according to the strategies and modes of creative discourse: from the experimental character of the avant-garde to the apparently aestheticizing forms having opposed the official discourses of the communist regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Orthodox Church during communism era has two histories: one traced by those in power, and one that has been recently revealed through documents discovered and examined by historians. This paper analyzes the situation of the Romanian Orthodox Church immediately after the atheistic communist regime had been installed in Romania, using references taken both from official documents dating during the period of The Patriarch Justinian (The Social Apostolate), and from the archives of the Securitate (The Romanian Secret Services), documents issued by the Department for religions, by the party or taken from the confessional archives. It discusses a series of attitudes and facts that have been interpreted either as acts of abdication from the prophetical mission of the Church or as attempts to survive. The paper's objective is to show that the Patriarch Justinian used "a double discourse" to deal with the challenges of the world he was living in, but still, the Church had a missionary strategy that can generate, at least partially, a model of Christian confession in the context of a secularized society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shed more light on the historical research which covered the history of communism in Romania after 1989; preeminently the article describes the activities and the academic biographies of some historians mainly from "Romania and Europe in XXth Century" Research Program who focused on the study of post-war Romania, USSR and Eastern Europe. On the other hand, one underlined the fact that studying the History of Romanian communism at the "N. Iorga" History Institute was not the monopoly of the aforementioned Research Program; some historians specializing in Medieval and Modern studies chose also to cover important issues of recent history, particularly the history of communist regime. Finally, one tried to analyze the post-1989 historiographical context in which "N. Iorga" History Institute's researchers worked, mainly in comparison with the better-financed governmental agencies such as INMER (National Institute for the Memory of Romanian Exile) and IICCMER (The Institute for the Investigation of the Communist Crimes and the Memory of the Romanian Exile). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The higher education in Romania during the communism was as controlled by the State as any other field of activity. Although the communist leaders applied with more or less success their vision of control and organization, the higher education entered a development stage after 1948: growth of the number of students, graduates, specializations and institutions. Also many new higher education centres were established. Among them was Târgu Mureş. In this paper we present and analyze the establishment, development and problems of this higher education centre during communism. The evolution of institutions and specializations with the use of different statistical indicators will be made, highlighting some of the characteristics of Târgu Mureş and analyzing them in the context of the general evolution of higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning from the starting point that trauma - a phenomenon with many possible implications, which permitted interdisciplinary approaches - is defined through its nonsymbolized character (Julian Wolfreys), this paper proposes a critical analysis of Ștefan Baștovoi's novel, Rabbits Don't Die, with the premise that language is an expression of trauma in this piece of literature which reconstitutes a totalitarian world. In this way, this study investigates the traumatic experience of childhood in communism, identifiable in the novel on three distinct levels in this epic discourse. The first level shapes the external reality and is centered around the idea of school, an institution responsible for the formation of the new man, while the second level deals with the interior drama of the formative years of the child, who loses the fight with the system, as well as himself, missing his destiny of the 'hero-pioneer' and, without the possibility of undoing the ideology, cannot assimilate it, which proves to be a traumatic experience. Consequently, the third level acts a way of exorcism of this permanently painful experience, writing being a way of sublimating the trauma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The University of Physical Education and Sport (UPES) is an important institution in the higher education system from Romania. This paper is a historical research that attempts to examine the evolution of this university during the communist regime. The first part of the paper explains how the Romanian communist system of education understood to use UPES to train specialists. This is followed by an analysis of the admission process in UPES, its student life, foreign students and professors. We use the qualitative and the quantitative methods in order to analyze the role of this institution in the Romanian society. Also, this article shows the place of UPES in the national program for development of sport performance. UPES occupied a central role in the strategy of sport for masses, but also in the country's need to train champions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security is a complex, multi-dimensional approach context. In broad terms, it represents the ability to protect its citizens. The sole holder of the legitimate right to use intra-state and inter-state force is obliged through the consequence and expression of its sovereignty to protect and guarantee its citizens’ rights and freedoms and ensure the conditions for the exercise of their rights and freedoms. After the dissolution of the communist political and military bloc, security develops as a global concept that tends to include traditional political and military dimensions, new dimensions, such as economic, energy or security, individual rights, and freedoms. This study addresses Romania’s security policy, its evolution after 1990 and until now. The paper aims to highlight Romania’s position as a territory and its role in the regional context regarding security. Its statute as a NATO and E.U. member, and strategic partner of the United States, determined a permanent update of its security policy and proposed objectives, correlated with those of the entities to which it belongs. From the point of view of security policy, Romania has an important geostrategic role and can stand out as a regional leader due to the threats it could be subjected to. The study will highlight that its security policy provides many benefits for the country’s citizens and its institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a brief study of sociological research in the archives. The method used is that of observation, respectively of the comparative study of the documents and interpretation of the selected information. The researcher aims to bring in actuality and to present, especially for young readers, secure and unclassified information about the communist educational system and the party propaganda. The paper contains few comments, the content, almost entirely consisting of official data and information belonging to the Archives Fund of the Town Committee Targu Jiu of the RCP. Most of the research activity in archives has been allocated to study "the education through work and for work", "the propaganda work" of the party and "the political-ideological education", as forms of mass education in the communist totalitarian stateThe article, by its content especially well documented, is constituted in a guidebook for those who are concerned with the research of the totalitarian communist regime in Romania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Philologia is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The working paper focuses on the issue of education in Hungarian language in Romania, during the communist leadership, more specifically during Gheorghiu-Dej era. The period analyzed is one of a great importance from the perspective of decisions taken by the Romanian communist leadership in the field of education in the mother tongue, in general, in Hungarian, in particular. It is essential to know the reasons and mechanisms behind the measures adopted, especially during the end of the sixtieth and the beginning of the seventieth decades of the previous century, in order to better understand the background of some of the requests constantly expressed by the Hungarian minority living in Romania after 1989, which are supported by Hungary, as its kin-State, such as the reestablishment of a Hungarian university in our country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hiperboreea is the property of Balkan History Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Assuming that 1989 was a moment of an affirmation of the political cultures belonging to the Central and Eastern Europe's countries, this article attempts to highlight the specific elements of the overthrow of communism in Poland. In this regard, we analyze the Solidarnosc phenomenon from the perspective of the Polish political culture essential dichotomy : insurectionism vs. organic work. The main conclusion of this paper, entitled „The year 1989 in Poland. The Political Virtue of Moderation and the Conservative Vocation of Polish Solidarity“, is that the roundtable in the 1989 Poland represented the victory of Polish civil society in achieving a synthesis of the most important trends of the Polish political tradition, by assuming the conservative value of moderation as the principal political attitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education stayed during the communist dictatorship mainly in the attention of the political leaders as having been taken for an important element in building a new society and human, according to the context of the time and especially to the future set objectives. Labor preparing for the Romanian economy was made especially through the means of the educational system, mainly by developing the higher education/ instruction. It was called to be in line with the evolution of technology and, generally, with the Romanian society modernizing, but also with the political requirements of the time, and form so suitable specialists both by their professional level and number. It is the case of economic education too. Graduates were the one to lead economy "on the spot". A significant number of specialists were prepared in different specializations. I have dwelled in the present article mainly on the statistical evolution of the higher economic education to present new statistical data, broken down by more essential indicators. The analyzed period is the one between 1975 and 1989 exclusively; it is the period for which I have in my disposition detailed statistical data, but there are also other reasons for my option. The 15 analyzed years found up both the maximum qualitative development of the higher education (economic in this case) and its lowest point by showing also how they managed the difficult economic and general situation of the Romanian society at the end of the 1980s. An incursion in the history of the higher economic education during these years was also made, using structural items mainly, on the basis of new archivistic documents and legislative papers to allow us understand the statistic evolution in the done context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to describe the process of Romanian collectivization between 1949-1962. The Communist Constitution from 1948 and the Land Reform from 1945 played also an important role to the Romanian collectivization. The process of collectivization has affected all the categories of peasants and his main goal was the abolition of agricultural private property and the consolidation of collective farms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Danubius is the property of Danubius and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present paper advocates a contemporany reading of the volum of Ghiță Ionescu, „Comunismul în România“. Being a relevant picture of the communist regime, the volume guides the discussion towards the theory of „communist legacy“,a general formula designating the genetic explanation of post-communism. This is, therefore, the theoretical perspective under which we propose to (re)reading this book. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to shed more light on the representation of the past, bearing in mind the idea that especially national history museums and historical monuments are illustrative indicators of the (de)radicalization of the communist regime in Romania. Especially, in the mid 1960's, one could foresee a negotiation process on the rewriting and representation of the past (the political power seemed available for listening experts, i.e. various historians and museum' specialists). In 1965 -- after Nicolae Ceauşescu took over the leadership of the Romanian Communist Party -- the ideological sections of the RCP's Central Committee gathered archaeologists, architects, art historians, and other experts in order to seek a better functioning both for Museums and the Department on the Historical Monuments. However, in 1969-70 N. Ceauşescu decided to urge the inauguration of the National Museum of History ignoring some specialists' reservations concerning the location of the building. For still obscure reasons also the Museum's title was changed in Socialist Romania's History Museum. At the end of the eighth decade N. Ceauşescu has adopted extreme political initiatives. Ceauşescu's plans for urban and territorial systematization brought the annihilation of the Department on the Historical Monuments in 1977. On the other hand, the Socialist Romania's History Museum has increasingly served Ceauşescu's personality cult. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Monday Literary Club had a very important role in creating, educating, and shaping what the History of the Romanian Literature calls "Generation '80". In a recent interview, Florin Iaru, one of the first and the most important members of this generation, tells us how he sees the activity and the role of the club within the age, but also the Romanian literature. Based on his opinion, on the one hand, the Monday Literary Club brought together very valuable people and tried to make the most of them, and on the other hand, the communist regime played a very important role in the poets' life and poetry. I consider the Monday Literary Club very important for the Romanian history, not only from a literary point of view, but also because of its implications at the time, its strength in defending human rights, the freedom of speaking, the mere daily existence of a citizen who wants to express his opinions freely. This paper starts from my Research within the National Security Archives (CNSAS), which regards the communist implication in this literary club's existence: collaboration notes and very interesting so called "informational" reports regarding the members of this club. It tries to argue how important was, and still is, the activity of the Monday Literary Club during the communist period, but also its literary, historical, and political implications for the time before it was forbidden and after its closure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the substantial actions of the Romanian Secret Police between 1968 and 1976, by monitoring the oneiric group and, particularly, one of its leaders, Dumitru Ţepeneag, as revealed by the surveillance files from the Documentary Fund of the National Council for the Study of the Secret Police Archives. The repressive apparatus of the totalitarian regime had persuasive methods of intimidation and compelling, including inoculation of fear, constant harassment or limitation of resources by censorship. These measures would remain inefficient in Ţepeneag's case, and the tactics adopted by the Secret Police Security would follow a different strategy aimed at the writer's isolation and denigration. The findings show that these measures would prove effective in neutralizing not only the writer, but the entire oneiric group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The aim of the present paper is to identify, describe and review the most significant themes engaged by the official historiography during the final years of Communist dictatorship in Romania. It is focused, as a case-study, upon the history review entitled "Lupta întregului popor" ("The Fight of the Entire People") published in Bucharest between 1985 and 1989 and it argues that these themes had been un-marxist (or even anti-marxist) in their nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is a historical and sociological research that attempts to examine the migration of Dobrudja's Turkish and Tatar populations from the rural to urban settlements during the communist period. The first part of the paper traces the general frameworks regarding the history of these populations in Dobrudja and also its relation with the communist regime. This is followed by a diachronic and quantitative analysis of how the industrialization influenced the general demographic evolution of the Romanian population and its movement from rural to urban space. The Turkish and Tatar migration from the rural southern parts of Dobrudja towards the main urban settlements in the seaside area will be analysed in its political and socioeconomic context, represented by the urbanisation and industrialisation processes that characterized the entire communist period. Based on the field research, specifically on interviews with the members of the Turkish and Tatar communities in Romania, and also on the analysis of the Communist census, and adopting the quantitative method, the paper identifies the periods of maximum flow, the main reception towns, the types of migration reasons and the relocation models. The last part of the paper highlights how and to what extend the integration of Turkish and Tatar ethnics into the Romanian communist urban society changed not only their ethnic and religious identity but also their traditional pattern of living and working. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As its title suggests, this article represents a short analysis of the official discourse immediately after the 1989 Romanian revolution. The paper points out the similarities between Ion Iliescu's and National Salvation Front (N. S. F.)'s representatives speeches on one hand, and those of the Communist leaders in the late 40's and at the beginning of the 50's, on the other hand. Surprisingly, there are also a few similarities with the discourse of the executed dictator, Nicolae Ceausescu. We also tried to underline the nature of the relations between the authorities and the opposition. For the new authorities from Bucharest, the opposition was to have only a formal role. In reality, no real opposition to the official policy was tolerated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents Walzer's pluralist approach to justice as contrasted with standard egalitarian liberalist accounts such as Rawls's. Walzer's notion of "complex equality" is discussed in order to see whether by defending the sort of socialism attached to it, he can be still situated within the liberal tradition of thought, or the so-called "socialism of o liberal kind", as he likes to term it, means a moving away from the basic liberal principles. In my view, since Walzer's conventionalist and contextualist account of justice is inextricably linked to some philosophical, metatheoretical suppositions, revealing them could be useful to illuminate such a problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on both fascism and communism in an attempt to analyze them as politics „pioneering” phenomena. My goal is to see the way fascism and communism as historical realities, ideal-types, and as tropes were perceived, understood, and defined. The multiple nature of the two concepts when used by opponents and proponents comes under scrutiny and helps me understand the legacy of the recent past, including stereotypes, prejudgments, stigmas, a metaphoric and polemic type of discourse and so on, over post war historical writing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]