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The article is devoted to the analysis of Arctic strategies of the countries of Asia and the Russian Federation. The author considers national programs for the development of the Arctic region provided by the Asian countries and the principles on which these programs are built. Much attention is paid to the common features and differences of the strategies under consideration. Arctic strategies are the most important declarations of intentions and opportunities of the countries interested in the region’s development. By exploring and comparing strategies it is possible to predict opportunities for Asian countries — Russian Federation cooperation in the Arctic region. For the research, methods of abstraction, classification, comparative analysis and modeling were used.

In the summer of 2018, serious changes took place in British politics. The issue of Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union even more divided Conservative Party. After lengthy debate, Theresa May’s government outlined the general position on Brexit in the White Paper. There are still controversial points in it, which aroused sharp criticism of supporters of a «hard» EU divorce and led to the resignation of two ministers – D. Davis and B. Johnson. In Scotland, the local government requires certainty from T. May and wants to know what line the UK will take in negotiations with the European Union in case of «no deal». In this situation, T. May tries to take a cautious stance promising Scotland subsidies in order to save the loyalty of the region to the UK

Europe is making significant efforts to create a common space where not only common political institutions and values, but also common future is to be shaped. And it is young people who is selected to be the main policy object for building common European identity. To this end in recent years, the European Union has worked out the institutional mechanisms of its youth policy, has formed special agencies for its implementation, developed legal framework. The main document, which laid the conceptual basis of EU youth policy is the White Paper. The document determines the most challenging issues in youth policy that need to be resolved in the short and long term. The next major document - the European Youth Pact - has become a real legal act which came into force throughout the European Union. The most important document which determines the guidelines of the current EU youth policy is a strategy "Youth - Investing and Empowering." The strategy settles a key vector of European youth policy for all EU countries. All documents take into account the interests of the whole EU and not individual nation states that is why they influence young people at the supranational level. The European Union has developed a full-fledged system of management of youth policy on two levels: the supranational (pan-European) and national. Council of Europe and European Parliament are responsible for the implementation of youth policy at supranational level. Various national agencies are responsible for the implementation of certain EU youth programs at national level. The EU documents on the youth policy show that the youth is viewed by European politicians as one of the most politically important social groups in Europe. That is why youth policy is directed not only at youth development, but has to it a significant political component. A significant part of the youth policy is related to the involvement of young people in the democratic institutions, the involvement of young people in the EU governance.

Europe is making significant efforts to create a common space where not only common political institutions and values, but also common future is to be shaped. And it is young people who is selected to be the main policy object for building common European identity. To this end in recent years, the European Union has worked out the institutional mechanisms of its youth policy, has formed special agencies for its implementation, developed legal framework. The main document, which laid the conceptual basis of EU youth policy is the White Paper. The document determines the most challenging issues in youth policy that need to be resolved in the short and long term. The next major document - the European Youth Pact - has become a real legal act which came into force throughout the European Union. The most important document which determines the guidelines of the current EU youth policy is a strategy "Youth - Investing and Empowering." The strategy settles a key vector of European youth policy for all EU countries. All documents take into account the interests of the whole EU and not individual nation states that is why they influence young people at the supranational level. The European Union has developed a full-fledged system of management of youth policy on two levels: the supranational (pan-European) and national. Council of Europe and European Parliament are responsible for the implementation of youth policy at supranational level. Various national agencies are responsible for the implementation of certain EU youth programs at national level. The EU documents on the youth policy show that the youth is viewed by European politicians as one of the most politically important social groups in Europe. That is why youth policy is directed not only at youth development, but has to it a significant political component. A significant part of the youth policy is related to the involvement of young people in the democratic institutions, the involvement of young people in the EU governance.

Applied analysis of international relations began to form at MGIMO-University in the 1970s. This kind of research always attracted considerable interest of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, and other executive institutions of the government and received their support. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiated the creation of a special unit at MGIMO - the Problem Research Laboratory of Systems Analysis in International Relations. The Laboratory was using system analysis and quantitative methods to produce scientific information for decision-makers to make "more informed decisions in the field of international relations in order to reduce the level of uncertainty in the assessment of the expected impact of these decisions". In 2004, the successor to the Problem Laboratory - Center for International Studies - was transformed into a Research Coordination Council for International Studies, which in 2009 handed its functions to the Institute of International Studies. In comparison with previous periods the Institute of International Studies has significantly increased of research for the Ministry of International Affairs. It has also moved functionally outside its institutional boundaries and produces unclassified research for public offer. It also serves as a place for vivid public discussions among IR specialists. There's also an international recognition of the Institute of International Studies. The "Go to think tanks" international ranking produced annually at the University of Pennsylvania has put MGIMO-University on the 10th place in the category of university based think tanks.

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the practice of implementing Track-II diplomacy as practiced by the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IORAS) in the form of situational analysis, a methodology developed by Academician Yevgeny Primakov. This approach represents an effective tool for resolving international conflicts and enhancing global security by combining science with diplomacy. Special attention is given to a series of three expert discussions on the Concept of Collective Security in the Persian Gulf region, held at IORAS from 2019 to 2023. These discussions demonstrated the method's ability to bring together a broad range of experts for in-depth interdisciplinary analysis of complex international situations. The practical focus of the results from these situational analyses makes them valuable for both policy recommendations and long-term strategic planning. The application of this method fosters the creation of trustful relationships between conflicting parties and the establishment of sustainable mechanisms for international security. The paper also highlights the significance of this practice for the development of Russian foreign policy strategy and its contribution to the interdisciplinary study of international relations.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is one of the key multilateral structures in Asia-Pacific. Throughout its history, the organization has established a system of external partnerships. In 2010, a specific security-related dialogue format has been introduced into this system, — the ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting-Plus (ADMM-Plus). In order to provide a better understanding of the legal nature of the ADMM-Plus as an international grouping, and to discuss the dynamics of its evolution, as well as the practical results of its work, this paper examines the Meeting’s activities in the recent years (2010 to 2022) and identifies the stages of its institutional development. The author notes that, unlike other similar fora, ADMM-Plus has a strictly limited number of participants. It could seem counterproductive, however, both ASEAN and its dialogue partners keep up to the closed nature of the grouping, beware of the potential contradictionsincaseofitsexpansion.Theauthoralsoconductsthediscourse analysis of the ADMM-Plus documents and member statements, highlighting +-the views of the participants and identifying the current international positioning of the forum. In conclusion, the paper emphasizes that, in the context of the fundamental changes in the world order, ASEAN has proven its ability to control the sensitive agenda of the ADMM-Plus, and stays committed to its principles of multi-faceted policy. At the same time, the affinity of Russian and ASEAN approaches towards the development of Asia-Pacific is displayed. While other dialogue partners, primarily the United States and China, are pressurising ASEAN in order to ‘win over’ the Southeast Asian countries to their side, Russia consistently promotes an equal, practice-oriented dialogue, and adheres to the principles of non-interference in internal affairs and in local conflicts. The author concludes that, in spite of the low-profile practical achievements of the ADMM-Plus, the Meeting remains suitable for all its participants, as the main effect of its activity represents the maintenance of contacts and negotiations in the defence area in the face of the new regional security challenges.

The growing interstate rivalry sweeps more and more areas of international relations, including energy issues. While the ‘traditional’ oil and gas exporters are trying to maintain or even strengthen their current positions, new players in the oil and gas market are trying to challenge the status quo. The changing situation on the oil market due to the ‘price war’ between the United States and OPEC countries serves as a clear manifestation of this trend and encourages the OPEC members to coordinate their policies more closely with external partners. This paper aims to identify the prerequisites and assess the dynamics of cooperation between Russia and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) within the OPEC+ framework. The first section of the paper examines the logic behind the OPEC+ agreement in the context of the development of energy cooperation between the Russian Federation and the KSA before the outbreak of the Ukrainian crisis. The authors note that the new format demonstrated stability within the first years of its existence and generated closer cooperation between the hydrocarbon exporting countries. The second section examines the development of OPEC+ in the face of increased geopolitical pressure from the United States and its allies. The authors conclude that the efforts of Washington and oil importing countries to undermine energy cooperation within the OPEC+ format have not succeeded, on the contrary the international stance of the group members has only strengthened. In conclusion, the authors emphasize that OPEC+ not only contributes to the stability of energy prices, but also brings tangible political benefits to its members. At the same time, according to the authors, the future of this format largely depends on the dynamics of international environment and, particularly, on the scale of the US-Russian confrontation.

In recent years, the gradual fall of the liberal international order, once heralded as the “end of history”, has become an indisputable fact. The world politics aims to explain changes in the nature and foundational systems of international relations, as well as global and domestic politics. Examining the decline of the liberal international order through the paradigm of world politics can comprehensively elucidate the factors affecting the development of both international relations and domestic politics simultaneously, thereby theoretically unifying the two fields. This paper examines the decline of the liberal international order from the perspective of world politics and posits that its decline is attributable to both internal and external reasons: Internally, the economic foundations, rule enforcement, and value propositions of the liberal international order harbor “the seeds of its own destruction”; externally, the influence of developing countries on the traditional value chain, the revisionist foreign policy of major powers, and the politics of striving for recognition have accelerated the decline of the liberal international order. Ultimately, this paper concludes that the decline of the liberal international order is inevitable and, with the waning of the unipolar pattern, the world order is destined to evolve towards a more equitable and fair direction. Key words: liberal international order, world politics, value chain, internal causes, external causes, equality.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, there was a strong influx of foreign culture into Russia. As part of the influx, Japanese manga entered the former Soviet Union, including Russia. The purpose of this paper is to present a parallel corpus of Japanese manga text Hadashi no Gen (Barefoot Gen), which was familiar to people in the former Soviet Union, and its Russian translation. The author has been studying the translation of Japanese literature and manga works into Russian from the standpoint of Descriptive translation studies, with the question, “How are Japanese literature, manga, and anime works translated into Russian?” As part of this research, the author has created a parallel corpus of Hadashi no Gen. The use of corpora is important to objectively clarify norms and laws of translation. This paper introduces the current state of Japanese manga translation studies and corpus-based translation studies, and then presents the parallel corpus of Hadashi no Gen. The author lays out three texts: the Japanese original text, the old Russian translation text, and the new Russian translation text. Finally, a case study using the corpus was presented. The present researcher showed how many times the name “Gen,” the main character of Hadashi no Gen, appears in the Japanese original text, the old Russian translation text, and the new Russian translation text, and what translation strategies were used. The results of the survey revealed that in the old Russian translation, the name Gen was removed due to page omissions, while in the new Russian translation, Gen which appeared as a vocative in the Japanese text was removed. In the case of the former translation, the name Gen was probably deleted for editorial reasons, but in the case of the latter, the name Gen was probably deleted to make the text more natural as Russian. This new edition would have been translated with the aim of providing a more readable text for Russians. Keywords: Parallel corpus, Manga, Hadashi no Gen, Japanese text, Russian text

This article expands upon the author's previous work regarding the Vostok Oil project, initially discussed in the Gubkin University journal. It focuses on the establishment and development of the Zvezda Shipyard project, arguing its critical role in the potential development of the Vostok Oil and Gas province. The paper posits that without the Zvezda Shipyard, it would not be feasible to exploit the Vostok Oil and Gas province or significantly enhance the transportation and logistics capabilities of the Northern Sea Route (NSR). The development of Zvezda's new production facilities is presented as essential for the advancement of the Russian Arctic, facilitating a pivotal eastward shift in the Russian economy. The significance of the Zvezda project and the strategic decisions leading up to it are discussed in detail, demonstrating how they integrate the development of the NSR, the exploitation of Vostok Oil fields, and the establishment of investment and technological foundations for Russia's long-term strategy. This strategy addresses both socio-economic goals and defense and security challenges. Additionally, the paper provides quantitative analyses of the multiplicative effects generated by the Zvezda Shipyard project's realization.

Copyright of Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnography of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts / Glasnik Etnografskog Instituta SANU is the property of Institute of Ethnography, SASA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper seeks to elucidate the status of the Koryo Saram in Kazakhstan in relation to South Korean diplomacy. After a historical overview of the Koryo Saram in Kazakhstan, the authors analyze the cultural and geopolitical role of the Koryo Saram in Kazakhstan-South Korea relations. The authors review existing literature and provide their insights from an outside perspective written firstly in English. The authors conclude that the Koryo Saram are in a precarious position as a diaspora, and risk losing their unique heritage barring intentional protection efforts on the part of the states of Kazakhstan and South Korea. The authors draw a distinction between protection and preservation efforts, favoring the former for its promotion of authenticity in cultural revival and agency for the diasporic group. This paper is the first to provide prescriptive policy analysis of diaspora diplomacy and the Koryo Saram, building off of economical, legal, and anthropological historiography. Key words: Koryo Saram, diaspora diplomacy, soviet koreans.

Different from Policy Experimentation in the Western context, the ShiDian is a "homegrown" Chinese style governance strategy and methodology tool, which frequently appears in the process of the CPC leading the Chinese people to promote and expand Chinese path to modernization. In view of this, this paper will comprehensively sort out the practice of ShiDian to promote Chinese path to modernization, and explain the internal logic of ShiDians and Chinese path to modernization. Firstly, this article analyzes the uniqueness of the ShiDian, which includes strong leadership mechanisms, non-controversial decision-making mechanisms, and innovative mechanisms for central and local cooperation. Second, this paper explains the advantages of the ShiDian in promoting Chinese path to modernization: correctly handling the important relationship between top-level design and practical exploration, effectively reducing the predictable and unpredictable exploration risks, and successfully resolving the resistance to the implementation of reform and innovation. Third, this paper discusses the ShiDian, how to promote Chinese path to modernization in different historical periods, and summarizes its achievements and experience.Fourth, this paper proposes countermeasures and suggestions for the new journey to continue to promote Chinese path to modernization through ShiDian from the aspects of political party leadership, high-quality development, spiritual strength, and the sense of integrity and innovation. Key words: CPC, ShiDian, Chinese path to modernization, Chinese characteristics, The great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation

This paper considers how non-Indigenous scholar collaborating with Indigenous people has been engaging with restoration of culture through study tour which is an educational practice in an Australian Indigenous community supported by a municipal government and a university with authors cooperation. It provides illustration of how such cooperation has tangible/intangible or positive/negative consequences over Indigenous/local individuals and communities as well as wider society. It aims to examine what problems and difficulties the Study Tour face with and analyze the various perspectives among host, guest, and coordinator. Analytical lens of this paper is the notion of “decolonizing methodology”, which was emerged from critical consideration through the Indigenous Studies since the end of the 1990s. In the end of the paper, it concludes with a proposal of Study Tour, in which various stake holders at individual, local, national, and international levels can exchange their experiences. Means of this paper rely on discourse analysis of participants and host contributors, analysis of reports from participants, and survey based on the theory of transformative learning. Keywords: Indigenous Studies, Study Tour, Decolonizing methodology, Cultural Intermediary, Indigenous Perspective

Copyright of Journal of Oriental Studies (Al-Farabi Kazakh National University) / Kazahskij Nacional'nyj Universitet Imeni Al'-Farabi Vestnik Seriâ Vostokovedeniâ is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite the growing academic attention to the problem of interference in internal affairs, rhetorical techniques the state uses to legitimize interventions in the eyes of foreign counterparties, remain somewhat understudied in the Russian IR studies. In this regard, the case of the Monroe Doctrine, a landmark ideological construct in the history of international relations and US foreign policy, provides a unique framework for an in-depth study of the practices of legitimization and stigmatization of interventions. The paper examines the role of the doctrine in denouncing the interference of European powers in the domestic affairs of Latin American countries and justifying US actions in the region. The author outlines a set of issues related to legitimizing, both externally and internally, the actions of the state in the international arena. It is shown that the appeal to national interests suitable for solving the problems of domestic political legitimization, turns out to be ineffective in justifying interventions in the eyes of the international community and therefore gives way to references to established traditions and historical narratives. The paper examines the historical background of the 1823 presidential address and the ways how the US foreign policy establishment appealed to it later on, both to promote the idea of the inadmissibility of European interference in the affairs of the countries of the Western Hemisphere, and, subsequently, to justify American interventionism. Special attention is paid to the so-called Roosevelt Corollary, since it allows one to better understand the specifics of the US leaders’ perception of the Monroe Doctrine and to separate them from the distortions and stereotypes formed during the ensuing public debates and uncritically replicated in many academic studies. The author concludes that, though the Monroe Doctrine is regarded as a cornerstone of US foreign policy, in fact it played a limited role in both diplomatic justification and stigmatization of interventions. In this regard, it is more appropriate to consider it as a rhetorical asset rather than a strict guiding principle. In general, the case of the Monroe Doctrine reveals the situational conditionality of the practices legitimizing interventions, resulting in their limited persuasiveness. The latter seems to be almost inevitable given the constitutive importance of the institution of sovereignty for the maintenance of international society.

The UK withdrawal from the European Union forced the country to reevaluate its relations with the outer world. These political and ideological searches culminated in the concept of Global Britain. At the same time, they have drawn attention of the academic community to similar intellectual endeavors at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries, when British politicians also faced the need for a qualitative reassessment of the empire’s place in the world. In this context historical references can both help to place the concept of Global Britain within a broader ideological and political framework and shed light on some of its less obvious aspects. And it is particularly interesting to compare it with the concept of Greater Britain, which was extensively discussed during that period. The first section of the paper identifies the origins of the Greater Britain concept, as well as its key provisions. The author notes that the idea of ‘Greater Britain’, aiming to create a sort of federation that would bring together the metropole and the dominions, emerged as a response to growing centrifugal tendencies within the British Empire and intensification of colonial rivalry between the great powers. The second section outlines the conceptual core of the ‘Global Britain’, which involves expanding the scope of the UK foreign policy opportunities after leaving the European Union by establishing a more active interaction with countries and regions that were once part of the empire. The paper emphasizes the migration factor, which served as a fundamental element of the British statehood in various periods of its history and became an integral part of the British political identity. The author argues that there is a certain continuity in the ideological and philosophical content of the two concepts, which were both formulated in similar conditions, both originated from the search for new guidelines for the UK policy in a changing world. However, these concepts shouldn’t be confused. Whereas ‘Greater Britain’ was aimed at consolidating the crumbling empire, ‘Global Britain’ is intended primarily to bridge various divides across the society, which in turn implies re-examination of the UK national identity in general. The author concludes that the concept of Global Britain in its current form cannot address these issues, on the contrary, it rather epitomizes the lack of innovative ideas and solutions among contemporary British elites.

The paper examines water security in the Caspian region and the management of transboundary rivers for sustainable development. It analyzes the potential impacts of building dams on upper river courses on the region's water resources, particularly addressing concerns about environmental implications due to pollution from sources like sewage and agricultural fertilizers.It further investigates planned dam projects and their potential climate and ecological effects on the Caspian Sea and surrounding regions. The paper discusses the idea of desalination as a means to tackle water shortages but underscores its limitations in the closed hydrological system of the Caspian Sea.The primary focus lies in establishing effective management strategies for shared water resources. It introduces a novel perspective by considering these rivers and the Caspian Sea as an integrated water system, emphasizing the far-reaching consequences that excessive dam construction could pose to the overall hydrological balance. Collaboration and international agreements are crucial to navigate this challenge.The paper's significance lies in its innovative approach to water management, addressing the complex interplay between water, energy, food, and the environment in the region.

The aim of this paper is to study the main stages of the development and settlement of the territory of Southern Bessarabia by ethnic Romanians, as well as the peculiarities of the formation of Romanian folk culture. In order to achieve this aim, it is necessary to solve the following tasks: to study ethnogenetic and demographic processes in the formation of the folk culture of the Romanians of Southern Bessarabia, to identify the influence of other ethnic groups on Romanian national selfawareness. In this study, a set of research methods is used: genetic and historical method; formal and typological method; functional method. The actuality of the research lies in the fact that for the first time the folk culture of the Romanian population of Bessarabia is considered as a result of the interaction of integration, adaptation and transformation processes that formed the multiethnic community of the Romanian ethnic group. The paper examines the state of two parallel vectors – «Moldovanism» and «Romanism» – which define two identities, and also distinguishes two stages of Moldovan ethnogenesis: the formation of the Eastern Romanian ethnic community and the formation of the Moldovan nation itself. The study shows that the formation of the modern national-regional picture of the Bessarabian region is evidence not only of the long process of formation of the ethnogenesis of the Romanian-speaking population, but also of the life of representatives of other ethnic groups.

Objectives: The aim of this paper is to interpret the issues of internal migration in the EU with a focus on the children affected by the processes of labor migration. The internal migration within the EU, caused by leaving the home country for a certain period of time in search of better income or work, is a phenomenon that is typical for all Eastern European countries, including some of the Danube countries, in the period of democratic changes and social macro-transformation. Regardless of whether the children in the family accompany their parents abroad during the labor migration or they are left in the home country in the care of relatives and friends, these children have their basic rights violated under the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, for example the right of education and healthcare. Prior Work: Theoretical and experimental research of the authors in the field. Approach: Secondary data analysis of existing statistics and authors’ own experimental studies. Results: The labour migration affects almost 20 % of the children from so called transnational families living in the countries from the Danube region. It causes risks for their physical, emotional and cognitive development. The labor migration of the parents of such children is not also in compliance of the basic rights of the children from migrant families: right of healthcare, right of education, etc. Implications: The paper can stimulate a larger discussion in the scientific circles about the necessity of joint research on the protection of the rights of the children from migrant families. Value: The study identifies some risks for the children from migrant families whose mitigation can prevent the violation of children’s rights.

Introduction. Russian government in the 17th–19th centuries had to maintain control over vast and sparsely populated territories. Modern historians, specialists in Russia, should take into account its specifics and specifically the state of the roads along which horse-drawn vehicles were moving. Investigating the road infrastructure of Russia one can imagine the conditions and circumstances in which the state and society functioned.Materials and methods. This paper explores one of the aspects of the so-called road tradition of Russia – the manifestation of international relations in the context of road traffic. The study of the road tradition is linked to the anthropological approach that historians increasingly use in their works. The paper is based on a variety of narrative sources including fiction and journalistic texts.Results. Russia is not only the largest country in the world, but also one of the most multi-ethnic. A road often became the place where cultural and historical differences were revealed, as well as inter-confessional and inter-ethnic relations. Different types of international relations are studying in this paper: joking; attention to "alien"; interaction of local people with foreigners in the Russian territory; explicit conflicts.Conclusion. It is concluded that a road was dangerous and unpredictable place, and therefore there were often quarrels and conflicts during the traffic. The causes of these quarrels and conflicts have been brewing for a long time, and the reasons could be insignificant.

In the course of its postcolonial development, the African continent has faced many challenges, ranging from socio-economic crises to political instability and the proliferation of terrorism. The lack of security, which remains a source of constant concern for Africans, and the gradual disengagement of the international community, primarily the United Nations (UN), from armed involvement in the resolution of military conflicts on the continent in the 1990s, led to the emergence of the concept of “African solutions to African problems.” The phrase, which reflects the determination of Africans to solve their problems without the participation of external actors, has become a source of their pride; however, the possibility and ability of the inhabitants of the continent to implement this approach still raises justified doubts for a number of reasons that are to be discussed in this paper. The concept of “African solutions to African problems” has now become the main principle that determines the level and nature of the peacekeeping activities of the African Union (AU) and African regional blocs; the verbal adherence of the AU member states to this maxim has been noted by many Russian and foreign researchers. However, a comprehensive analysis of the reasons for the unsuccessful implementation of this concept has not yet been carried out by Russian scholars, so the present article aims to fill this gap. In particular, the paper examines attempts of Africans to solve their problems in the field of security independently. The study allows us to claim that the African continent, primarily due to its insufficient integration and lack of consensus on a number of issues of political development and security, is not yet ready to carry out full-fledged peacekeeping operations without external support, although the gradual acquisition of relevant experience, the decrease in economic dependence on the West, and the diversification of foreign policy will contribute to laying a solid foundation for the idea of “African solutions to African problems.”

Introduction. The aim of the paper is a study of the evolution of legal relations on the territory of the Mongol Empire in the second half of the 13th century. The subjects of analysis are trials over the members of the ruling imperial family who were defeated during their rebellions and intestine wars. Methods and materials. The sources of the study are medieval oriental sources, including Persian chronicles (by Rashid ad-Din, Mu’in ad-Din Natanzi, Mirza Ulugbek), Chinese dynastic history (“Yuan Shih”), etc. The methods used in the paper are critical analysis of textual sources, historical legal study, formal legal approach, and comparative historical analysis. Analysis. Four judicial processes are analyzed: the trial of Arigh Buqa, defeated by his brother Kubilai in 1264; the trial of Chinggisids over Boraq, head of Chaghatai Ulus, in 1269; the trial of Khubilai over prince Nayan in 1287; and the trial of Ilkhan Gazan over usurper Baydu in 1295. Information from the sources gives a reason to state that trials of defeated nobles reflected the process of decline of the imperial state system and misuse of principles established by Chinggis Khan and his proximate successors. Results. The analyzed information contains valuable additions to our idea of the judicial process in the Mongol Empire, specifically in cases of mutineers compared to other types of cases judged in the Empire and Chinggisid states. It also highlights the evolution of this process during the crisis of imperial power and its differences with the Chinggisid imperial law’s declared observance in the Empire and its uluses.

The paper focuses on presenting the role of international exhibitions in the political life of various countries as spaces where cultural and political dialogue is organized. As the main examples the cultural cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union, the Paris-Moscow and Moscow-Paris exhibitions organized on the joint initiative of France and the USSR in 1979 and 1981, as well as the exhibitions of American post-war art in the Tate were considered. The article also examines several more examples of such events in order to support the idea that such events were indeed the flow of political dialogues on many levels, from the search for common points in art on the exhibition scene to the covert processes of negotiation and correspondence that made these exhibitions come to fruition. At the same time the paper presents the specifics of cultural relations between the United States and the USSR, and directly within the Western community, without using the comparison of Europe and the USSR as the only obvious political confrontation and antithesis.

The paper is devoted to the phenomenon of the “communist shift” in the mass Orthodox culture of the late USSR. The author analyzes the pro-Soviet rhetoric of the Russian Orthodox Church, as well as the peculiarities of the consciousness of ordinary believers which allowed the community of Orthodox-oriented citizens to remain part of the Soviet society in the cultural dimension. The paper shows that the Church made significant efforts to form a social concept consonant with the ideals of the communist party in the post-war period. The basis of this concept was Soviet patriotism, the struggle for peace, equality and fraternity of peoples, social justice and progress, respect for personality together with criticism of the vices of the capitalist system. In the 1950s and 1980s, the corresponding values were repeatedly proclaimed in official speeches, sermons, publications of the representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church. At the same time, they tried not to touch on the fundamentally insoluble in the Soviet realities contradiction between religious and atheistic worldviews.The “communist transformation” of the Church as a community of believers was not just a survival strategy. Socialization in the Soviet cultural environment led to the formation of a large stratum of the priests who sincerely shared the ideals of building a “new world”, believed in the compatibility of religion and communism, as well as the great historical mission of the USSR. The Soviet patriotism of the clerics was also stimulated by the spiritual demands of the Orthodox-oriented citizens who were increasingly accustomed to consider themselves Soviet people. The work demonstrates that a significant part of the population saw the practical embodiment of the Christian values in the socialist transformations, turning a blind eye to the atheism of the dominant ideology or viewing it as a misunderstanding, the existence of which must be reconciled. At the same time, the mission of the Church was often associated with spiritual support in new social conditions and assistance to the state in its good endeavors by adherents of Orthodox churches.

The paper examines the factors that contribute to the outperformance of mutual funds in relation to the market, with a particular emphasis on the macroeconomic indicators as the key variables of interest. The paper begins by providing a comprehensive literature review on various factors that can impact the performance of mutual funds. The discussion encompasses a wide range of topics, including skill presence, diseconomies of scale, and other challenges associated with generating excess returns for investors.In the second part of the paper, an empirical analysis is conducted using actively managed US mutual funds to establish a relationship between fund performance and macro-variables, specifically focusing on term and credit spreads. Furthermore, the study considers different returns on positive and negative changes in spreads. The sample consists of funds that primarily invest in various sectors within the United States, with the Standard and Poor's 500 (S&P 500) serving as the benchmark. To assess the performance of funds with active strategies, panel data models are applied, with the excess return over the benchmark as the dependent variable. Different subperiods, including the financial crisis and the COVID-19 period, are examined. Notably, the impact of variables during the pandemic period differs significantly from other subperiods. The findings indicate that positive and negative changes in the spread between corporate bond yields have significant and positive effects across almost all periods, which has practical implications for potential investors. It suggests that active professional portfolio managers have been successful in uncertain periods. To control for external shocks and funds' cross-correlation, double-clustered standard errors are employed, and a series of robustness checks confirm the stability of the results.

Introduction. The article deals with issues related to the comprehensive phenomenon of modernity, the Internet. Attention is paid to new phenomena of its development, such as the emergence of digital services and platforms as well as the creation of digital ecosystems. Domestic and foreign approaches to the analysis of the ecosystem phenomenon are considered, and specific characteristics that are observed in the process of the formation of digital ecosystems in Russian politics are given. Materials and methods. The article presents the results of a survey of experts from 12 subjects of the Russian Federation, with a total sample of 134 respondents, aimed at determining the features of the formation and functioning of digital services in modern Russian politics. Experts assess the digital services of modern Russia and the potential of ecosystem development in politics. Analysis. Experts’ assessment of the existence of full-fledged ecosystems in politics at the moment in Russia is quite unambiguous. More than half of the experts note that at the moment there are no full-fledged ecosystems in politics, and only a small part of the experts note that they see certain elements of the manifestation of ecosystems in politics. At the same time, many experts note the effectiveness of the use of ecosystems in the commercial sphere, elements of which can be successfully used and integrated into ecosystems in politics. Results. The research conducted suggests that initially small digital services, as they developed, significantly transformed many traditional areas of activity. Moreover, they became the technologies that began to monopolize them, turning into global (both geographically and functionally) ecosystems. The Internet allows citizens and various political and civil institutions to simplify their own interactions through the use of modern advances in digital technologies. The creation of ecosystems is most effective when it is initiated by actors pursuing specific goals. In the case of ecosystems, there is a shortage of both subjectivity and goal-setting in politics. This significantly limits the incentives for the development of digital services. Authors’ contribution. Sokolov A.V.: formulation of the paper’s problem, creation of a theoretical concept, analysis of the literature on the research problem, scientific editing of the text of the paper, formulation of conclusions and research results. Frolov A.A.: creation of the main concept of the article, revision of the paper’s text, formulation of conclusions. Grebenko E.D.: data processing, preparation of the paper’s text and graphic results of the study, formulation of conclusions.

The first part of the paper includes a discussion on the impact the energy crisis had on the German power industry and what measures the government has taken to ensure a reliable energy supply. Reliability, efficiency and sustainability make up the «Triangle of Aims» of the energy policy of a country. The second half of the paper is dedicated to the measures that the federal government took during the acute phase of the energy crisis in terms of the second aim. We discuss three main aspects. Firstly, we show the changes in the structure of pricing for two categories of consumers: householders and non-household consumers. Secondly, we demonstrate the formation of the price on the electricity spot market. Lastly, we elaborate on the ways the government could influence the level of prices and to what extent these possibilities have been used in accordance with the rules of the European Union. The crisis showed the readiness of the government to take costly measures such as zeroing the taxes that are due under the Renewable Energy Act, giving a lump sum payment to the employed, the students and the pensioners, refusing to increase the cost of CO2 emission certificates, providing business benefits and subsidies and enforcing a gas and electricity price brake. For the period after the end of the «price brake», the government is considering subsidizing prices for export-oriented production that implements the climate goals. These plans confirm the existence of the «shadow budget» that was formed for overcoming the consequences of the pandemic.

This paper conducts a comparative analysis of three cases - Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam - to examine the distinctive features of Southeast Asian states’ involvement in peacekeeping. These cases provide representative insights into the motivations and experiences of regional states that joined UN peacekeeping operations at different historical junctures: Indonesia in the 1950s, Thailand in the 1990s, and Vietnam in the 2000s. By identifying the common and unique aspects of this engagement, the authors argue that Southeast Asian nations’ approaches to peacekeeping are deeply rooted in the values that underpin their foreign and domestic policies. Appealing to these values, Southeast Asian states contribute conceptual innovations to existing peacekeeping models, which are predominantly based on Western perspectives. By generalizing the peacekeeping experiences of Southeast Asian states, this paper fills a gap between broader publications that focus on Asian peacekeeping practices and single-country studies. The research underscores that Southeast Asian states, following a challenging period of decolonization and nation-building in the framework imposed by the Westphalian international relations system, have been trying to infuse their own approaches into the Westernized realm of international interaction. Since the 1950s, several regional states have participated in UN peacekeeping operations. The involvement of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in resolving the Cambodian conflict in the late 1980s and the Thailand - Cambodia settlement in 2008-2011 has stimulated the development of regional peacekeeping practices. By contributing to peacekeeping operations, Southeast Asian states aspire to enhance their regional and even global influence. In certain instances, their engagement in peacekeeping has ideological, cultural or religious motivations, or stems from specific foreign and domestic policy considerations.

Research in the field of regional conflict resolution rarely touches on the issue of justice. This paper aims to identify what understanding of international justice underlies Russia’s actions as a mediator/peacekeeper in the process of regional conflict resolution in the 1990s-2010s. The study also contributes to the understanding of Russia’s foreign policy by clarifying Moscow’s views on the essence and parameters of a just global order. The paper provides a study of the dominant Russian views on the essence of justice in international relations. It offers an insight into Russia’s peace-making and conflict resolution activities in the context of the three concepts of global justice and taking into account the factor of national interests. The study concludes that the dominant understanding of international justice in Russia is that which corresponds to Allen Buchanan’s concept of subjective justice. In Moscow’s view, international justice is a set of rules developed in the process of consensus driven negotiations between the great powers. According to this logic, a just settlement of the regional conflict is possible only on the basis of the consensus of the parties to the conflict and in accordance with the interests of the global and regional powers concerned. The fair interaction of the great powers in the settlement of the regional conflict and the impact that the conflict resolution could have on the development of the international order were of crucial importance for Moscow within the period under consideration. Moscow’s activity in the conflict resolution in the post-Soviet space generally corresponded to the model of justice as mutual recognition, but with absolute priority of Russian national interests. The strategy for resolving regional conflicts in the post-Soviet space could only be understood in the broad context of relations with Western countries and has changed in line with the development of these relations.

In January 2022, Kazakhstan was faced with an attempt of a violent change of power in the form of mass protests that spread throughout the country and were organized with the basic techniques of color revolutions. The country’s own law enforcement forces were not able to cope with radical citizens, looters-rioters, and terrorists, and in these circumstances the head of state, K.K. Tokayev, decided to request the support of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) allies, who immediately sent the united peacekeeping troops to the republic. The CSTO peacekeeping mission, coordinated by Russia, successfully restored constitutional order in the country and prevented a violent coup d’état. The purpose of this research is to analyze the course of the January events and actions of the CSTO, as well as their impact on Kazakhstan, the region and the organization itself. The paper is based on interviews with experts from the CSTO member states, studies carried out in this area of research, and statements by official authorities. The synthesis of the research results is divided into thematic blocks and supplemented by the author’s conclusions. The paper mentions aspects such as the transition of power, changes in Kazakhstan’s domestic and foreign policies, the effectiveness of the CSTO organization and the expansion of its potential use. Proposals are also provided regarding the strengthening of defense integration and the need to develop a common regional identity. The research is unique in that it brings expert opinions from six CSTO member states, the results of studies carried out by researchers from Russia, Kazakhstan, and abroad, and the theoretical terminology of Western political ideology. The author presents the area of responsibility of the CSTO as a Eurasian security community based not only on collective security, but also on economic interdependence and a sense of community among the nations of its member states.

Connectivity has been one of the most challenging issues for developing trade cooperation between Russia and India. Due to the geographic distance separating the two nations, along with the unstable security environment in Afghanistan and border disputes between India and Pakistan, the creation of a direct and shortest transport route has proven difficult, thereby rendering it impossible to implement crucial projects in energy infrastructure.This paper briefly outlines the functioning logistics between Russia and India, which has relied primarily on shipping through the Suez Canal, with an emphasis on the developments in the wake of conflict in Ukraine. The author briefly explores the prospects for maritime connectivity between the Russian Far East and Indian ports, and highlights several challenges for launching a regular Vladivostok-Chennai corridor.The US and European sanctions against the Russian economy, combined with subsequent difficulties in transporting goods by sea, has reinvigorated Russia's efforts to complete the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). This corridor holds significant potential for Russia to expand its reach to India, the Persian Gulf, and East Africa. Additionally, it is believed that the project may facilitate India's connectivity with countries in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe. Therefore, this paper particularly examines the case of the land corridor, exploring its current progress in implementation, the geoeconomic factors involved, existing challenges, and opportunities for compatibility with other initiatives, such as the Europe-Caucasus-Asia Transport Corridor (TRACECA), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the Chabahar port.The author argues that, although the implementation of connectivity projects between the two countries will not solve structural problems in their trade relationship, both have a vested interest in promoting infrastructure development for a deeper engagement with new regions. To qualitatively boost Russian-Indian trade, affordable logistical solutions should be developed simultaneously with the resolution of other issues like the settlements for financial transactions, and the elimination of tariff and non-tariff barriers.

The economic relationship between India and Russia has been limited and faced various challenges historically. However, changing geopolitical and geoeconomic situations have created new opportunities while also presenting challenges and risks. This paper aims to analyse the legacy issues and dynamic shifts in international trade and order that are currently taking place. The article explores the ongoing transformation of Indo-Russian economic engagement and proposes possible means for moving forward. The existing advantages of both countries in the areas of trade and investment are also outlined.Assuming a resolution to the Russian Special Military Operation in Ukraine, the paper proposes an economic roadmap for continuing the recent momentum in the trade and economic relationship between Russia and India. The first step is to strengthen bilateral trade in existing priority export sectors of both countries. This can be followed by deeper cooperation in oil, civilian nuclear energy, and defence sectors. The introduction of rupee-rouble trade, even partially, could significantly boost these efforts. The paper also advocates for involving the private sector in these efforts by adopting a proactive approach by both governments.By combining immediate efforts with long-term geopolitical maneuvers on both sides and an early resolution of the Russian Special Military Operation in Ukraine, it is possible to push bilateral trade and investment levels onto a sustainable growth path in the future. The paper argues strongly for this approach.

Over the decades, the partnership between India and Russia has grown stronger, enabling them to undertake combined efforts for development and engagement in neighbouring regions and beyond. Central Asia, which is a common neighbourhood of both India and Russia, has historically and culturally had close relations with the two countries. Given India's status as a major rising economy and Russia's powerful presence with deep ties to the region, the two countries can work together to deepen engagement with Central Asia. The region has high economic, political, connectivity and cultural potential, and its significance has increased amidst the current international political and economic turmoil. This paper aims to identify the areas of convergence between India and Russia for practical cooperation both at the bilateral and regional levels to further strengthen their ties and contribute to the development of their common neighbourhood. Bilateral cooperation between India and Russia in Central Asia has great potential and is of significant interest. Trilateral cooperation of India and Russia with Central Asian republics has not been extensively researched and could emerge as a new area of interest. The paper explores this phenomenon in the context of economic and educational cooperation among the three sides, which can provide another anchor for regional stability, not only in Central Asia but also in the wider region.

This study explores the implications of climate change for the bilateral relationship between India and Russia. While current research primarily focuses on the strategic aspects of their relationship, little attention has been given to the factors that could shape its future. Climate change has significant economic and social impacts on both countries, raising questions about how it will affect their relations. This paper examines the potential effects on livelihoods, agriculture, and trade, and investigates whether India and Russia can find areas of cooperation despite their differing roles as fossil fuel exporters and consumers.Despite their reliance on Western technology transfer, India and Russia have the opportunity to collaborate and develop new technologies together. The study highlights the potential for joint efforts in renewable energy, such as wind and solar power, to reduce dependence on fossil fuels. It also explores collaboration in biofuel production using Russia's biomass resources.Disaster risk management and information sharing emerge as additional areas of potential cooperation in the face of climate change. Collaboration in these areas can enhance preparedness and response mechanisms, strengthening overall resilience.The study also considers the Northern Sea Route (NSR) as a potential collaboration opportunity. As the Arctic ice melts, the NSR offers a viable trade route between Russia's European and Far Eastern regions. India has shown interest in contributing to its development, which could reduce shipping losses and emissions in transporting liquefied natural gas (LNG) from Russia.In conclusion, the paper emphasizes the need for adaptation and adjustment in the bilateral relationship to address climate change challenges. It underscores the importance of scientific collaboration, exploring joint initiatives, and developing sustainable solutions to mitigate the impacts of climate change while strengthening the longstanding India-Russia partnership.

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Nigeria and Ghana, some of the largest countries in Africa in terms of population and GDP, possess considerable scientific and technological potential, which, due to many objective and subjective reasons, has not been fully realized. Yet these West African states have enormous human and natural resources and occupy an important place in the system of international trade and economic relations, not only as major oil exporters, but also due to a fairly high (by African standards) level of industrial development. After the Russia-Africa summit, which was held in Sochi in October 2019, the process of expanding economic contacts with African countries has intensified, and Nigeria and Ghana are becoming important partners of the Russian Federation. In this connection, an adequate assessment of the scientific and technical level of West African labor force and specialists able to utilize foreign know-how and develop own technical solutions adapted to African realities is of particular relevance.The purpose of the present paper is to identify the degree of adaptation of the educational systems of Nigeria and Ghana to the needs of these countries in providing industry, the ICT sector, and scientific institutions with qualified personnel, as well as the level and nature of the application of modern technologies. To achieve this the authors employed the historical-systemic and comparative methods of analysis. In the paper it has been argued that the lack of funding and the lack of qualified personnel, i.e. the problems that the Nigerian and Ghanaian education systems have not yet dealt with, remain serious obstacles to the large-scale introduction of modern technologies. At the same time, autonomous specialized institutes that are not associated with educational institutions and which conduct research in specific sectors of the economy (e.g. fishing, energy, construction, banking, medicine) are better integrated with producers and thus generate most practical results.

The paper provides a comparative analysis study of the dynamics and mechanisms of the strategic stability transformation both during the Cold War and at present. Drawing on the analysis of the factors affecting strategic stability in different time periods, the author outlines the priorities of this transformation. Its basic principles are confined to the stability of nuclear deterrence in any realistic scenarios and do not provide for practical action. Hence, one should distinguish them from applied solutions for calculating military-strategic balances and elaboration of arms control agreements. The latter depend on the current strategic landscape subject to constant, sometimes drastic change, as both the Cold War history and the recent developments testify. The choice of particular type of representation of strategic stability is determined by the nature of the most dangerous ongoing trends, and relies on a set of three basic groups of factors (political-military, military-technical, and military-strategic) existing at a given time. This necessitates constant revaluation of these factors and development of new practical measures to build up nuclear deterrence.The paper assesses the current set of relevant factors affecting stability of nuclear deterrence, and then compares it with the commonly used model of strategic stability based on the logic of arms control negotiations of the late 1980s. The author highlights the limitations of the latter model applicability to the present strategic landscape, and outlines the key factors that erode the current understanding of strategic stability (as it was stipulated in the 1990 U.S.–Soviet Joint Statement). In particular the author emphasizes the increasing complexity of international landscape as compared to the Cold War period: new and unanticipated challenges have affected all three above-mentioned groups of factors. The paper ends up with the analysis of the possible developments in the field of arms control that could alleviate tensions and increase strategic stability.

The Central Asian region, with its rich reserves of energy resources and unique geopolitical position, is of particular importance for the modern foreign policy strategy of the People’s Republic of China. At the same time, the PRC’s public diplomacy and soft power in the Central Asian republics remain relatively understudied, despite the overall emphasis given to these issues by the Chinese researchers. It is this gap that this paper is partly intended to fill. The first section of the paper examines the evolution of the discourse on ‘public diplomacy’ in China and its perception in the Chinese academic community. The second section identifies the reasons for mainstreaming public diplomacy agenda in China’s foreign policy towards the Central Asian countries in recent years. The author shows that enhancement of economic and political cooperation between China and regional countries was not matched by a concurrent improvement of the China’s public image, on the contrary there has been a noticeable rise in Sinophobia. It was against this background that the PRC turned its attention to the use of public diplomacy tools as it launched the Belt and Road Initiative. The third section outlines the main thrusts of the Chinese public diplomacy in the region, including PR-diplomacy, media-diplomacy and humanitarian diplomacy. The final section identifies both the endogenous and exogenous challenges faced by the PRC’s public diplomacy in the Central Asian countries. The author argues that the competitiveness and effectiveness of China’s public diplomacy could be increased through expanding cooperation in the humanitarian sphere, implementation of digital technologies and media 2.0, as well as by increased engagement of non-governmental commercial and non-profit actors in interaction with the regional public. Either way, the author concludes that the Central Asian region will play an increasing role in the Chinese public diplomacy.

Introduction. The Red Cross during the Great Patriotic War contributed significantly to the provision of medical care to both Soviet soldiers and the local population. According to the policy of centralizing public organizations, the Red Cross was integrated into the public authorities and subjected to the Party organs and the People’s Commissariat for Health Care. Materials and methods. The study is based on the objectivity principles and applies general scientific as well as specific historical methods. The paper is mainly based on unpublished archival materials. Analysis. The paper shows the activities of the Red Cross regional division – the Middle Volga Basin Committee that can be an example of multifunctional use of the organization. The Red Cross Middle Volga Basin Committee was formed in 1939. The paper goal is to establish the importance of the Red Cross of the Middle Volga Steamship Lines in the Great Patriotic War and particularly in the Battle of Stalingrad. From summer 1942 near frontline Middle Volga was a link in the transportation of the wounded and evacuated population from the Lower Volga region. The basic personnel of the Middle Volga Red Cross were women. Their selfless effort and efficiency were noted by hospitals. Results. In difficult conditions, particularly in 1942–1943 the Middle Volga Red Cross Committee fulfilled various tasks to ensure sanitation in the Volga section it was charged with. It trained sanitary and medical personnel for the Red Army and People’s Commissariat for Health Care. The organization educated the population on first aid, including assisting in preparation for the “Ready for Sanitary Defense” test. The Middle Volga Red Cross worked in evacuation hospitals and posts, and in ambulance ships. Besides the organization contributed to preventive anti-epidemic measures. Authors’ contribution. O.A. Gomanenko and E.L. Golovina jointly studied historiography, archival materials and made conclusions on the subject.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has been in a state of constant political instability since June 30, 1960, i.e., throughout the entire period of its independent development. The country has experienced a series of civil wars and local conflicts, the causes of which, as in other African countries, have been inter-ethnic and inter-confessional tensions, struggle for power and access to natural resources, inability of governments to control the situation in the periphery, etc. The peculiarity of the Congolese conflicts and DRC politics in general is the interference of external actors, primarily neighboring countries. Rwanda has played the greatest role in maintaining permanent instability in the DRC. This has been argued in numerous books and articles by Russian and foreign researchers, but Africanists have not yet carried out a comprehensive analysis of the historical background and contemporary factors of Rwanda’s influence on the situation in the DRC, and the present paper aims at filling this gap. The purpose of the study is to identify the political and economic motives for the presence of the Rwandan army on the Congolese territory, to examine the role of national leaders of the two states - P. Kagame, L.-D. Kabila, J. Kabila, and F. Tshisekedi - in the political development of the DRC, as well as the reasons for the conflict that broke out in 2022 between the DRC and Rwanda. The paper applies a comprehensive approach to the processes and phenomena under consideration, using the principles of comparative data analysis and critical assessment of information. The relevance of the topic of research is due to both the increase in political instability in Africa and in the world as a whole, and the noticeable increase in the influence of African countries on international political and economic processes.

The geographic area of the Sahel is of particular interest when examining regional security issues that have negatively affected political, economic and social interaction on the African continent for decades. The region has seen a massive upsurge in lethal violence, and militant groups continue to expand their activities southward, now threatening coastal West Africa. The paper examines the links between the growing dynamics of the Sahel and the security of Liptako-Gourma, composed of groups of contiguous states rooted in historical and geographical environments. The paper empirically applies the Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver’s “Regional Security Complex Theory” (RSCT) as a framework for studying the discourse of security threats and the dynamics of security challenges in the region. The application of RSCT theory makes a significant contribution to understanding these regional security issues in the Liptako-Gourma region. The complex links between threats demonstrate the likely impossibility of addressing these threats in isolation, and the need for a broader approach. The study interprets the current relationship between France and Mali in relation to Mali’s withdrawal from the G5 Sahel Force as hostile. The authors argue that the regional nature of the security threats strongly supports the claim that geographic proximity is a major contributor to security interactions. The paper also reveals that the individual security of each state cannot be separated from that of its neighbors. Therefore, it is suggested that mutual interests could contribute to a stronger regional security initiative that integrates the fight against a common threat such as terrorism.