Search

The article is devoted to the foreign policy views of Prince Vladimir P. Meshchersky (1839–1914), a famous Russian conservative political writer. Three articles by Meshchersky are introduced into scientific circulation. They were published on the eve of the First World War in the Vienna newspaper Neue Freie Presse and aimed at changing public opinion in Austria-Hungary regarding the foreign policy of the Russian emperor. Wishing to prevent the impending military conflict with Germany and Austria-Hungary, the prince sought to convince readers of the influential Vienna newspaper of the indifference of a significant part of Russian society to the Balkan issue, the absence of Germanophobia among most representatives of the Russian elite, and peacefulness of the tsar and the Russian Foreign Ministry. Laying the main blame for the aggravation of Russo-German relations on the nationalist-minded press, which formed the public opinion of European countries, as well as on the adventurism of Balkan politicians, Meshchersky called on Vienna and Berlin to be reasonable, convincing them that an alliance between Russia, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Turkey should be the guarantor of European peace and the pacification of the Balkans. It is shown that the series of articles by Meshchersky, published in German a few months before the outbreak of World War I, largely coincided with the theses of the famous P. Durnovo Memorandum as well as with the views of a significant part of the Russian right-wingers of the early 20th century who opposed the aggravation of relations with Germany and Austria-Hungary over the Balkan issue and preferred good-neighborly relations with these countries. Meshchersky’s articles are also of undoubted interest as one of the latest attempts by the Russian conservative camp to change the foreign policy course taken by St Petersburg, Berlin, and Vienna. Meshchersky’s publications in the Austrian press are interesting for many valuable observations and are a vivid illustration of the pre-war sentiments of the part of Russian society that made desperate attempts to prevent Russia from being drawn into conflict with continental European monarchies on the eve of the war.

The article examines and analyzes the portrayal of Austro-Hungary by correspondents of the Russian daily newspaper, “Russian Invalid,” during 1914–1915. This was a period when the Russian Empire was actively engaged in military conflict with the states of the Triple (and later, Quadruple) Alliance on the European front, with Austro-Hungary emerging as one of its primary adversaries on the Eastern Front. Established in February 1813, the “Russian Invalid” was the official print publication of the Military Ministry of the Russian Empire and served as a pivotal source of information on the empire’s foreign policies. This state-run newspaper was financed by the budget of Russia’s Military Ministry. In the early stages of World War I (1914–1915), the “Russian Invalid” correspondents devoted significant attention to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Only Germany, Britain, and France received more coverage in this publication. The majority of the information about Austro-Hungary appeared under sections titled “Military Chronicle,” “Feuilleton,” “War,” “Telegram,” and “Articles.” The study concludes that during World War I, the “Russian Invalid,” the daily newspaper of the Military Ministry of the Russian Empire, played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion within the empire. It crafted diverse images of the states involved in the early 20th century’s major military conflict, designating them as either “enemy,” “neutral state,” or “ally.” The Austro-Hungarian Empire was depicted as a nation that had significantly exhausted its economic, military-technical, and human resources in the initial two years of the war. Such depletion was foreseen to not only incite widespread national unrest but also accelerate the empire’s eventual disintegration, an entity long referred to as a “prison of nations.”

The article examines the scientific potential of Hungary and other Central European countries through the prism of international recognition of the achievements of the scientific and cultural elite of the region. The author comes to the conclusion that, in comparison with other European countries, immigrants from the region of the former Austria-Hungary made no less important contribution to world science than their neighbors on the continent. However, a distinctive feature is that few of them have achieved such significant recognition while living and working in their country. The fate of scientists and cultural figures turned out to be dependent on many factors, including primarily political, and to a considerable extent also economic, which forced scientists to leave the country in search of freedom of scientific search and literary creativity, financing of their research. Only a few were guided solely by the desire to work at the most famous universities, but in the end, their successes led them to the leading scientific unities of the world, which allowed them to claim such a high assessment of their work as the Nobel Prize.

A COMMENT ON THE ATTEMPTS TO IDENTIFY PIOTR NIEWIADOMSKI’S REGIMENT The 2022 Polish critical edition of Józef Wittlin’s World War One novel, Salt of the Earth, features a footnote where the editor unequivocally identifies the main protagonist’s military unit as the Austro-Hungarian 55th Infantry Regiment, based on the initial letter of the unit’s Colonel-in-chief ’s name mentioned by the author. This aligns with the 1991 edition, which previously identified him as Nicholas I of Montenegro. With publications on the Austro- -Hungarian army now more widely accessible, the new editor enumerates the regiment’s characteristics and briefly outlines its history. However, other pertinent details scattered throughout the novel, such as the unit’s recruiting district (Śniatyn in Eastern Galicia), its garrison town (Stanisławów), and facing colour (orange), are completely disregarded. This article aims to demonstrate that, when considered collectively, these clues lead to the conclusion that Wittlin’s portrayal of the unit is entirely fictitious. The writer not only fails to mention the regiment’s number (replacing it with “X”) but also presents its mutually exclusive formal characteristics. It can be inferred that the author either could not present the unit consistently or, more likely, intentionally did so to prevent readers from associating it with any actual place and people. This conclusion is drawn from scrutiny of official printed sources in German, along with fundamental Austrian and Polish publications.

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The review analyzes the monograph by Croatian historian Branko Ostajmer Narodna stranka u Slavoniji i Srijemu 1883.–1903. [The People’s Party in Slavonia and Srem in 1883–1903] and considers the historiography, source base, structure, and content of the book. Not only does the author of the monograph contribute to the development of Croatian historiography, but he also polemicizes with his predecessors and contemporaries. The extant archival sources of the period studied by B. Ostajmer are not plentiful, so the book is largely based on periodicals. A specific feature of his work is the author’s focus on the outstanding personalities of the era associated with the activities of the People’s Party. In addition, it is necessary to highlight the author’s analysis of Slavonism, a concept that is important for understanding the period and the region under study. B. Ostajmer studies the internal organization of the party and its electorate, including the interaction with individual social and ethnic groups, as well as the activities of the party in the context of Croat-Hungarian relations. Much space in the narrative is given to the figure of Croatian Ban K. Khuen-Héderváry, whose reign was taken as the chronological framework of the work. The book can be of interest to historians of parties and social movements of the Modern Era as well as specialists in Croatia, the Balkans, and Central Europe.

Copyright of Law of Ukraine / Pravo Ukraini is the property of Editorial Board of Journal "Law of Ukraine" and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines literary by the early 20th century Austrian authors, H. von Hofmannsthal, St. Zweig, F.T. Csokor, R. Musil, A. Wildgans, A. Lernet-Holenia and J. Roth, and focuses on the theme of their quest for national identity. Many of the examined works narrate the story of ethnic relations in the Austro-Hungarian army. These narratives convey the tension that existed in the Austro-Hungarian society in the beginning of the 20th century and help us understand how and why the ethnic controversies increased in the time of the 1918 revolution. The narrators are trying to understand what is more important to them — a history of Austria-Hungarian Empire as a solid state and as a concept, or alternative national histories of ethnic groups that make up for this multinational empire. In 1918, Austria lost its empire status that forced many Austrians to search for and redefine their national and cultural identity. The article discusses the historical context of these works and analyzes the socio-cultural situation after the end of the World War I.

The interest for the area of Old Serbia was first shown by Russia, which opened its consulate in Prizren in 1866. In order to suppress Russian influence, Austria-Hungary directed the focus of its political and economic expansion toward this area and planned the breakthrough toward Thessaloniki via Kosovo and Metohija and Moravsko-Vardarska Valley. In the implementation of the outlined politics Austria-Hungary relied on its consuls in Skopje and Prizren, Roman Catholic priesthood, some people of influence from Muslims and Albanians including numerous paid agents. Serbian people were to be found at the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century in hopeless situation and suffered at every step of the way. The number of suffered, oppressed, robbed and exterminated increased every day. While there were the culprits from the Albanian side, to whose deeds Turkish authorities remained silent, on the other hand, the danger was coming from the Austria-Hungarian side and its consuls and greylag-friars which organized Albanians Catholics — Fandas. Roman Catholic activity increased and the results of its work were noticeable even in the areas in which Roman Catholics represented a minority regarding the Serbian population. Numerous examples indicate to the role of Roman Catholic propaganda which contributed to the destruction and displacement of the Serbian population from Old Serbia.

The article deals with the features of party building and organizational and political activity of the two largest Slovenian political parties -- catholic and liberal in the central Slovenian region Carniola -- in the late XIX-early XX centuries. The comparison of their activities takes place in three aspects: professional field, work to attract the masses, the conclusion of political alliances. At the turn of the 80-90-ies of the XIX century, on the initiative of the Slovenian Catholics, a split occurred between them and the liberals, and both groups moved to formalize their parties. While Catholics relied on the support of the largest class of Slovenian society -- the peasantry, the social base of liberals was initially much narrower -- it included representatives of the Slovenian liberal bourgeoisie and the petty -- bourgeois strata of the city, in the villages-wealthy peasants and teachers. The Catholics were the first to unite and immediately began organizing mass meetings throughout the country and creating district party organizations. Their party gradually formed into a widely branched mass organization with a clear and well-thought-out organizational structure. The liberals, unlike the Catholics, did not pay enough attention to the formation of a serious political and economic organization, and they did not have the organizational resources to create it. They abandoned the idea of creating a mass party base in the villages, relying on a network of secret proxies in the communities. The Slovenian liberals did not manage to create a cohesive and organized party. The catholic party remained monolithic. The liberal party split in the early twentieth century. Both Catholics and liberals founded competing non-political organizations in all spheres of public life. Each of the parties had its own teachers', students ' and academic societies, publishing houses and printing houses, press bodies and financial institutions. Thanks to the vigorous activity of the Christian socialists who were part of it, the catholic party began to implement a broad social program aimed at the poorest segments of the population. Catholics founded catholic societies for workers and artisans, peasant cooperatives. The liberals did not have such achievements, but they achieved success in the field of municipal politics and financial enterprises. The success of the Slovenian parties directly depended not only on their program political settings, but also on how clearly they were able to form their structure and organize their activities. And in this area, the position of the liberals was much weaker. After the introduction of universal and equal suffrage in 1907, Catholics became the undisputed political leaders in the Slovenian lands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since August 1914 in Braşov the actions in support of the army were often held; they were organized at different levels and intensified as the war progressed. A huge role in this belonged to the local elites, considered an example for society. Donations of money, clothes and food for soldiers and families who were left without means of subsistence were held, charitable concerts for widows and orphans of war were organized. In addition, the collection of metal for military purposes was organized. “Gold gab ich für Eisen” (“I give gold for iron”) is the motto of a charity action in support of the Austro-Hungarian army, which was initiated by the Austrian Society “Silver Cross” (“Crucea de argint”). In Braşov, the action was led by Countess Mikes and the director of the local branch of the National Bank Hugo Beer. The townspeople were called upon to donate gold jewelry; in exchange they were given iron rings with the engraved motto “Gold gab ich für Eisen 1914”.

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to the study of competition, characteristic of the relationship between the Russian Empire and the leading countries of Western and Central Europe in the Balkans in the last quarter of the XIX - first decade of the XX century. The largest parties of the Bulgarian Social Democratic movement (orthodox, reformist and center-left) each interpreted these relations in their own way. At the same time, they most carefully monitored the relationship between Russia and Austria-Hungary, which allowed (after the Mürzsteg agreements) to talk about the existence of a certain Austrian-Russian dualism in this region. The leadership of the Bulgarian Social Democratic Workers' Party (narrow socialists) perceived the policies of both empires extremely negatively. The ideologists of the Bulgarian Social Democratic Workers' Party (broad socialists) were more moderately disposed and brought the conflict to the level of European diplomacy. While the centrist Social Democratic Union "Proletarian", strongly criticizing the Balkan policy of Russia and Austria-Hungary, supported the concept of the Balkan Democratic Confederation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the presented material, a change in the situation of entrepreneurs from Austria- Hungary operating in the Russian Empire after the outbreak of the First World War is considered. They came under the influence of restrictive and liquidation measures directed against subjects of the opposing countries. As a result, part of the Austro-Hungarian enterprises in Russia was liquidated, the other reorganized with the exception of foreign owners. Only entrepreneurs of Slavic origin were able to maintain their position. They were forced to reorganize their activities to adapt to the conditions of the war. The process of liquidation of foreign entrepreneurship, which began in the war years, was subsequently brought to its logical conclusion by the Bolshevik government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article is devoted to the so called slet of the Czech Sokol (Falcon) movement which took place on June 27–28, 1914 in Brno, the capital city of the Margraviate of Moravia, which was a crown land within the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The Czech Sokol Union was one of the most powerful nationalistic organizations in the country. Sport was primary, but not the only agenda of the Sokol movement, which was advancing Czech interests since 1862. This festival held on 27th and 28th of June 1914 was the last major Sokol event before the outbreak of World War I. The slet is examined as yet another episode of the national conflict between Czechs and Germans in the region. Officially it took place not in Brno, but in the nearby town of Královo Pole (“King’s field”), where the local authorities were Czech. In fact, this place was one of the urban districts of Brno, but the German-led town council kept it independent not to let the local Czech inhabitants vote at the elections. More then 100 000 participants and spectators of the slet wanted to turn some of the Czech-speaking locals, who were indifferent to the national cause or preferred the German identity, into Czechs and to proclaim Brno a Czech city. In this argument they relied on so called historical and natural rights at the same time. This desire inevitably led to the street clashes. At that time Brno was visited by lots of journalists and public figures from Serbia, Russian Empire and the Slovak lands. The slet was not only a major sporting event, but also a unique opportunity to promote Moravian cultural and artistic trends to the world. Elaborately prepared, the slet was cancelled on its second day, when the information from Sarajevo about an Archduke Franz Ferdinand being assassinated came. The Sokols in Lviv experienced a similar turn of events, when their celebration of the 200th anniversary of Taras Shevchenko’s birth was cancelled due to the bad news from Bosnia. Brno festival was one of the main themes in both Czech and German newspapers during the whole June and in the first half of July, reflecting the hostility between the two sides.

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A Journey in the Space and Time. The Habsburg and Karageorgevic Monarchies through the eyes of Miroslav Krleža. The article is devoted to one of the most interesting and complex works of the Croatian writer Miroslav Krleza "The Trip to Russia". Having gone to Soviet Russia in 1925 looking for a "new life" and a "new society", the leftwing writer and journalist published his materials in newspapers and magazines, and in 1926 he combined them into a book. The 1926 edition was never republished in its original form. The first Russian edition was published just in 2005. Croatian historians and literary critics analyzed this book exclusively on selected fragments from later editions and revised by the author. The author of this work analyzes the first edition of the book by M. Krleza as a single whole, trying to demonstrate the interconnection of his political, historical and aesthetic views of the greatest Croatian writer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reviews the political events between the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand in Sarajevo on 28th June 1914 until the dispatch of the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum to Serbia on 25th July 1914. In this period a military action against Serbia was prepared. After the assassination, special editions of Viennese newspapers were released on the afternoon of 28th June 1914. The titles emphasized that the assassins were Serbs; Moreover, the journalist claims were such that the impression was created that the assassins were from Serbia. The whole event was explained as the plot with the Kingdom of Serbia behind it. Two circumstances were emphasized: (1) both of the assassins visited Belgrade earlier, and (2) the Serbian origin of the bombs. Aside from small exceptions the whole press in the AustroHungarian Empire asked immediate declaration of the war on Serbia. The idea of "construction a war against Serbia" appeared immediately in Vienna already on 29th June 1914. This idea prevailed in official circles and became fully created on following day, on charges that "widely ramified conspiracy” was hatched in Belgrade. Having received the support for military action from the Germany on 5th July, the Austro-Hungary decided to send an ultimatum to Serbia already on 7th July 1914. It was "formulated with sufficient clarity that must be rejected." At a meeting of the Viennese political and military leadership on 14th July, it was decided that the Council of Ministers review and approve the draft of the ultimatum on 19th July, but to deliver it to the Belgrade government on the 23rd July. The schedule of delivery was planned to follow the end of the visit of French President to Russia. The Austro-Hungarian plan was to organize the local war on Serbia, without entering of other European Great Powers. It proved that this expectation was a fatal mistake. Despite the absence of the evidences, which were needed to prove involvement of the Serbian government in the assassination, and conciliatory gestures and statements by the Serbian government, the Austro-Hungary declared war on Serbia. A couple days after, after the reactions of the other European great powers the planned local war turned into European and worldwide. The article was based on documents and literature.

The article provides an overview of the Sarajevo atentat and the following Austro-Serbian crisis, as they are described in Italian diplomatic documents. Both for his character and his reactionary beliefs, Franz Ferdinand was widely unpopular; that’s why his death doesn’t provoke much regret in Europe, nor in Austria itself. The Italian Government doesn’t expect that assassination would lead to war. However, Italian diplomats soon notice that the Austro-Hungarian empire is eager to use the archduke’s assassination as a pretext in order to wage war against Serbia. Such a move is considered by Italian diplomats as the only way the Habsburg Empire can halt the national movement of the Yugoslavs living in the dual monarchy and thus reassert its role as a great power. Italy is also aware that Russia will intervene to help Serbia and that the Austro-Serbian war will inevitably lead to a European conflict.

The research of the crimes committed by the Bulgaria on the occupied territories of Kingdom of Serbia in the First World War is related to the question of the character and aims of its occupation regime. The author stress that the mass crimes were part of the occupation policy of the Bulgarian Government in the Serbia. The main aim was the Bulgarisation of the conquered territories, and forced change of the ethnical character at those territories. On the contrary, the Austro-Hungarian occupation in the other parts of Serbia, have the intention to change the mindset of the inhabitants, but not to erase the existence of the Serbians as the nation. Bulgarian mass crimes were example of the hard violation of the international and war legislation during the occupation. The Serbian government collected systematically the facts about the Bulgarian crimes since it entered the war against Serbia in 1915. The facts and figures on the Bulgarian crimes were even published during the war, since those crimes were much drastically than of any other occupation force in Serbia. Later after the war at the peace conference, the delegation of the Kingdom SHS asked trial for the Bulgarian war crimes and even to the Bulgarian King Ferdinand. But, because of the relations among the Great Powers and peace process, all efforts was downscaled only to trials to several minor officers for the crimes committed in occupied Serbia.

Upon the formation of Yugoslavia it was necessary to withdraw several foreign currencies circulating in the country in order to achieve monetary sovereignty and stability. This issue was politically sensitive because the exchange of currencies meant (re)distribution of purchasing power to provinces and nations. The process of replacing Austrian crown notes with dinars started in February of 1920. The exchange rate was 4 crowns for 1 Serbian dinar, which was reasonable due to the higher purchasing power of the dinar against the crown, the prevailing market exchange rate, large dinar’s metallic reserves compared to the crown and because of the need to compensate dinar’s region for the expropriate exchange rate applied by the Austro-Hungarian government during the War. The currency exchange had positive effects. The results were more beneficial for those using crowns in Yugoslavia than in Austria or Hungary. There was a great economic conjuncture in the country. The exchange rate of the new Yugoslav Dinar immediately increased significantly, and the unification did not bring an influx of inferior Crowns from adjacent regions and thus Yugoslavia preserved its scarce capital.

Copyright of Nasleđe is the property of University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Philology & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Black Sea / Karadeniz is the property of Black Sea / Karadeniz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, author deals with the relations of Montenegro and Italy during the annexation crisis, Italy's role in the abolition of Article 29. of the Treaty of Berlin, and intermediation in the normalization of relations between Montenegro and the Austria-Hungary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Masaryk's decision to seek support for the struggle for independence of Czechs and Slovaks, which seemed hopeless to many at the beginning of the war, in the West, appeared to be justified. This was undoubtedly a brave decision. Masaryk confronted many challenges and uncertainties. His tact and his reputation gradually opened even doubly-locked doors. Through his statements, interviews, and speeches, Masaryk quickly drew attention of many, including the crucial decision makers. Many of them sought his opinion, in order to reach decisions. Sometimes even Masaryk himself believed that his memorandums were crucial for some decisions of the White House residents. That was in the United States. In Masaryk's homeland, in European capitals, and in defeated countries, the struggle for independence of Czechoslovakia was presented as an exciting story, with two professors playing key roles. They discussed principles of self-determination and democracy, and their decisions dug a grave for the evil and corrupt Habsburg creation. Such an opinion was expressed in Masaryk countrymen's belief that President Wilson was their greatest friend and best champion of their right to create their own independent country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]