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Right-wing parties and movements, as well as right-wing ideology, are an important factor in the political life of Latin American countries. By the end of the second decade of the XXI century. more than half of the political regimes of Latin American countries were right-wing or center-right. In the article, on the example of the analysis of the Brazilian version of the phenomenon of the right trend, an attempt is made to show the reasons for the very existence and political survival of the right and their popularity in society, the deep rootedness of the right ideology in the depths of public consciousness, its influence on public sentiment. A brief analysis of the ideology and politics of right-wing movements and right-wing political leaders is given – from Getúlio Vargas to Jair Bolsonaro.

The article analyzes the change in the political vector of Brazil in the conditions of the "right turn", which replaced the "left drift" (2003-2016). The circumstances of the coming to power of the right-wing conservative M. Temer, and then, according to the results of the presidential elections in 2018, the right-wing radical J. Bolsonaro are considered. The main directions of Bolsonaro's internal political course are investigated. As part of the analysis of the domestic policy of the President of Brazil, the features of the 2022 electoral campaign, which unfolded long before its official start, are shown. In the context of extreme radicalization of the political process and polarization of political forces, institutional design is being reformatted. The search for a candidate who could represent the so-called "third way" – a moderate, centrist politician – is not successful, and two leaders of the election race will face each other in the political arena – the current president Bolsonaro and the ex-president, center-left Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. This confrontation goes beyond a personal dispute and embodies two different models of socio-economic development.

The author of the article under consideration analyzes Brazilian foreign policy in the period of the two years of Jair Bolsonaro’s government. According to predictions, introduction of the ultraright politician to power radically changed Brazil’s traditional foreign policy recognized for its independence, pragmatism and moderation. ‘Bolsonarist’ diplomacy led by chancellor Ernesto Araújo, following the agenda of the foreign policy of the United States, deconstructs the paradigms of Brazilian diplomacy, including the so-called ‘responsible pragmatism’ formulated by the government of president Ernesto Geisel (1974-1979) during the military dictatorship as one of the pillars of Brazil’s role on the world stage, including the 13 years of the center-left government of the Worker’s Party (2003- 2016). Thus, paradoxically, Jair Bolsonaro ignores the lessons of the military regime of which he is an admirer and an apologist. Despite that, however, Bolsonaro’s government has reaffirmed Brazil’s role in BRICS, responded to threats posed to Brazil’s sovereignty over the Brazilian Amazon and reaffirmed its decision not to join the IAEA Additional Protocol. Stripped of its alliance with ‘trumpism’, Brazil will face challenges in environmental and human rights areas with Joe Biden’s administration. Possible dismissal of Ernesto Araújo, being an object of discontent in agribusiness and in the military, political and diplomatic circles, may mean an ‘adjustment’, but it will not bring about significant changes in the foreign policy of ‘bolsonarism’.

The article is devoted to the analysis of such an important trend in the development of the political process in modern Brazil as radicalization and polarization. These trends began to appear even from the mass social movements of 2013, gradually gained strength, and became decisive in the series of presidential elections in 2014 and 2018 and are now the main trend of Brazilian politics. The release of prison in November 2019 and the inclusion in the political live of the former president Luíz Inácio Lula da Silva, the largest leftist Brazilian politician, can give a special impetus to political radicalization.