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This paper provides a brief overview of the development of lower vocational schools in Niš from their establishment until 1914, i.e., until the beginning of the First World War. In that period, there were three lower vocational schools in Niš: the Trade School of the Niš Trade Youth, the Women's Workers' School of the Women's Society, and the General Vocational Sunday-Holiday School. Despite the challenges it encountered during its establishment, the Trade School of the Niš Trade Youth began its work in 1893. As early as 1895, the Niš Trade Youth joined forces with the craftsmen, and the association became known as the Niš Trade-Craft Youth. The association and the school were suspended from 1897 to 1901 due to disagreements between merchants and craftsmen, but they continued to operate under the old name. The Women's Workers' School was founded in 1883 by the Niš branch of the Women's Society through the use of its own finances. It was the women's worker's school for embroidery, white linen, and dresses, where the majority of classes were focused on professional subjects and practical work. The General Vocational Sunday-Holiday School was established in 1903 as an evening, weekly holiday general-type school. The General Vocational Sunday-Holiday School aimed to develop competent craftsmen-masters from students through theoretical, professional, and practical instruction. This paper considers the establishment of these schools, the problems they had to face, and their significance for the development of the city of Niš

This paper discusses a segment of a study that took place between 2012 and 2015, which examined the then-existing ban on the sale of alcoholic beverages in commercial establishments at night in several Serbian cities, including Belgrade, Kragujevac, Novi Sad, Šabac, and Zrenjanin. The research also looked at how the media represented the ban from 2006 to 2013 and analysed data obtained through a questionnaire completed by 22 individuals from Belgrade in 2023. The study examined various aspects of the ban, including its role in the context of spatial power operation, which is discussed in this paper. The researcher began with the assumption that the ban on the sale of alcoholic beverages at night in commercial establishments could be interpreted as a way of purifying public space, through which one social group establishes dominance over others in society by controlling public space. This is achieved not only by excluding members of specific social groups from the specified place, but also by excluding socially inappropriate practices deemed typical for those groups. The ultimate goal is to organise public space so that it reflects dominant societal values and achieves dominance for the group that tends to represent those values. The restriction was seen to be targeted at preventing members of the lower classes and young people, as members of the aforementioned classes, from occupying public space. It also had the broader aim of prohibiting the purchase and problematic use of alcoholic beverages late at night, a practice identified in the aforementioned socioeconomic strata, where it was perceived as a possible source of disruption, violence, and a threat to upper-class citizens. The decision was an attempt to increase the safety of the higher classes by limiting the ability of members of the lower classes and youth to purchase alcoholic beverages at night, as well as through spatial segregation. Although not explicitly stated, one of the effects sought by this decision was the prohibition of alcohol consumption in public places among the aforementioned social groups. The purpose was to instil a sense of security in the community and to project an image of moral order in society. It represented a mechanism for the higher classes to assert their authority in society and to establish their class identity by spatially separating themselves from the classes with which they were placed in a relationship of opposition. Thus, public space was created to reflect the values advocated by upper-class citizens, such as order, self-control, moderation, and decency, which aided their dominance in society.

This paper analyzes basic theoretical notions of the oppression of women, class inequality, women’s history, and gender history discussed in the study named Dugi ženski marš. Položaj radnica i ženski aktivizam u Hrvatskoj između dvaju svjetskih ratova authored by a croatian historian Ana Rajković (2021). What is more, the paper examines the role of these assessments in creating the historiographical narrative as a whole. The study by Ana Rajković is an innovative synthesis of various insights about women’s history in both the labour and feminist movement in Yugoslavia in the interwar period. Furthermore, the study provides possibilities for (re)interpretation of these insights in the context of women’s contemporary social and intellectual history. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to re-examine the theoretical and methodological differences between contemporary historiography, of which Ana Rajković is a representative, and seminal historical syntheses in Yugoslavia after the Second World War, whose main focus was also on female members of the communist movement and their activity in the interwar period.

In this paper the author briefly reviews the sociological research of social inequalities; more precisely, he deals with the research of class/strata structure of society. It is not disputable neither that this research is part of the sociological mainstream, nor that is the area with numerous disputes. It is also worth noticing that the notion of class itself experienced serious challenges. All of this influenced the Yugoslav and Serbian sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the fact that film can be efficient resource in teaching the Spanish language if it is applied in a right way, we analyzed the organization of class of the Spanish language with a film. Working with film means a serious organization in a didactical sense. The organization of a class with the film presents a multilayerd process which has few phases, from the preparatory phase to realization phase, whereby various criteria should be kept in mind. In this paper we also illustrated the example of accompanying activities for the class of Spanish language with a film. The purpose of the paper is to bring this topic closer to teachers and to give them guidelines and support for its application.

This paper addresses the extent to which migrants’ identity in a new place is contingent on ideas of “ethnicity”, using the case study of Serbs in London. It aims firstly to examine what “ethnicity” means, and the different dimensions of identity and circumstance that inform this. It then aims to deconstruct the notion of ethnicity by exploring the different ways in which ethnic markers are used in different spaces, and interactions with ”other” ethnic groups in the city. The research methodology consisted of qualitative, semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 66 Serbian migrants, and participant observation with a further 20 households, in London. The sampling strategy was reflexive in order to ensure the inclusion of a wide range of migrant experiences according to different socio-political, economic and spatial backgrounds. The findings reveal a diversity of conceptualisations of what ”being Serbian” means, signifying that this is not a concrete or quantifiable measure. However, certain broad patterns did emerge, in the sense that those who expressed the ability to ”choose” their ethnicity were more likely to be those with sufficient cultural, economic, social and human capital that enabled them to negotiate this situationally. Another key feature that emerged was that ”ethnicity” may be the easy label given to what are in fact class and migrant status-based identities, depending on where people are positioned within the socio-political matrix. This, and particularly workplace based identities and migrant status – rather than ethnic qualities – also affected the perceived boundedness from ethnic “others” within the city.

In this paper the author evaluates constancy of the influence of race, religion and class on election behavior in America in period 1930-2008. It appears that the findings from the early stages of this period have set the trend which has not significantly change to these days. Findings from electoral 2008 show us very small differences in political behavior throughout these period, except in 1960's when African Americans have become mostly supporters of Democratic party, thanks to efforts of Democrats to sign Civil Rights Act.

This paper presents the research the goal of which was to gain an insight into teachers' opinions regarding the mistakes they make during classes and the ways to eliminate those mistakes. The sample comprises 300 primary school teachers and 115 vocational school and grammar school teachers in Serbia. Questionnaire with openended questions was used in the research. The first question required the group of teachers to state the example of one mistake they made during the class, and in the second question they were expected to state how they reacted in order to eliminate the aforementioned mistake. We classified the answers according to the following types of teachers' mistakes: didactic-methodical; expert-cognitive; personal; professional; pedagogical; social-moral. The findings of our research indicate that teachers perceive to a far greater extent the didactic-methodical than social-moral mistakes. It was shown that the greatest number of mistakes arises from the wrong decisions or insufficiently thoughtful decisions of teachers. We also analyzed the ways in which teachers try to eliminate their mistakes.

The author in this work elaborates some problems about complicity in the committing a crimes. Criminal act is the act committed mostly by one person. But, today, there is more and more felonies which who are committing by several peoples, or groups of people. Therefore, the sanction must be more rigorous. In this article, author discussed about a one side of the complicity, accordingly, about a assistance in committing a crimes. Through analyses theoretical postulates in Codex trans aspects of some other authors till jurisprudence, the author concludes that this subject matter is very good elaborate, and, there is no many problems in practice. The author propose a harmonization of solutions on some aspects between the countries in the ambience, and demand more severe regard from court. The assistance in committing crime is the easiest shape of the complicity, but no less remarkable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]