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Political power and state institutions, primarily in the sense of interweaving and reduction of their political power, is a research topic that has been going on for thousands of years. Many have studied the intertwined corridors of these political phenomena, but they have never been able to fully explore this topic. In this paper, their causal relationship is analyzed, with a special emphasis on the tendency of political power and state institutions to become alienated, in which these “servants of the people” are transferred over time to lords, which is why this paper starts from the position that political power wants to subordinate state institutions. The scientific importance is primarily contained in the effort to further enrich the scientific fund in the field of political theory and the state. The aim of the research is much more ambitious and is contained primarily in the intention to point out all the positive and negative repercussions that arise from the complex relations between the political power and state institutions, with the intention of pointing out these social anomalies and to increase the degree of democratization, but also functionality of society as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security services as specialized state bodies represent an important part of any national security system and as such bear the responsibility for achieving overall security. In carrying out their activities and tasks, they are authorized to apply different measures and methods and the most effective are measures for secret data compiling. Although effective, their prescription and application are always sensitive, since they are measures that deviate more or less from guaranteed human rights, above all the right to privacy and the right to secrecy of communication. After the attacks on New York and Washington on September 11, 2001, “the war on terror” and in general the activities on the achieving of national security have often been marked by violations of human rights under the pretext of protecting the public interest and national security. In order to prevent the measures and activities in the realization of national security from turning into terrorism and state terror, the Council of Europe and European Union have adopted certain rules which states members should adhere to when prescribing and implementing measures of secret data compiling in order to achieve an important goal - to respect the standards of the rule of law, thus safeguarding public and private interests equally. Analysis of the security service’s measures of secret data compiling for preventive purposes in this paper include legal solutions in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though security services have the same function as before, today they have different tasks and significantly more work than before. Modern security problems of the late 20th and early 21st century require states to reorganize their security services, adapting them to the new changes. The reorganization involves, among other things, giving wider powers of the security services, in order to effectively counter the growing and sophisticated security threats, which may also lead to violations of human rights and freedoms. It is therefore necessary to define the right competence, organization, authority and control of these services. In democratic countries, there are several institutions with different levels of control of security services. Parliament is certainly one of the most important institutions in that control, both in the world and in our country. Powers, finance, the use of special measures and the nature and scope of work of the Security Information Agency are certainly object of the control of the National Assembly. What seems to be the problem is achieving a balance between the need for control of security services and security services to have effective methods for combating modern security problems. This paper presents the legal framework related to the National Assembly control of the Security Intelligence Agency, as well as the practical problems associated with this type of control. We analyzed the role of security culture as one of the factors of that control. In this regard, it provides guidance for the practical work of the members of parliament who control the Security Intelligence Agency, noting in particular the importance of and the need for continuous improvement of security culture representatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning we are described the major techniques of inward investment control that have been used by host states. Both economically advanced and less developed countries are turning away from the strict regulation of foreign ownership and control of investment and are permitting such investment on less stringent terms. The remaining prohibitions on foreign investment are to be found in sectors of the national economy important to national security. In this connection, the question remains whether states are willing to extend the meaning of „national security" to include „national economic security". The chapter of the paper has considered policies of investment liberalization and promotion both at the level of unilateral measures undertaken by host states and at the bilateral, regional and multilateral levels. The removal of host state controls cannot automatically guarantee adequate levels, or useful kinds, of inward investment. Regional bodies such as the EC have been willing to reduce barriers to direct investment within their territories. In addition to national schemes, the World Bank Convention Establishing the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) establishes a multilateral system for investment insurance against political risks in the host state. All member states of the World Bank are eligible to joint MIGA on payment a share subscription. MIGA will offer investment guarantees against loss resulting from one or more of the following types of risks: restrictions on currency transfer outside the host country, expropriation, breach of contract, and war and civil disturbance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education on the protection of classified information should be the top priority when it comes to ensuring the protection of the vital interests of the state. Some information should not be made available to the public because it is mainly related to national security, and no one should question the need to protect this kind of data. This paper is intended for educators dealing with the protection of classified information, and especially to those who work with or come into contact with confidential information in order to inform them of our national system of protection of classified information and enable the implementation of the existing legislation applying the heuristic model of education. This article describes the legal regulations governing the protection of dataand shows mandatory standards and measures for the protection of classified information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human security has become a part of national security strategies despite its lack of unique definitions and approaches. There is no question about the connection between human security and human rights because both concepts put human beings into focus. This paper attempts to analyze the relationship between human security and human rights by answering whether security itself can be considered a human right. Human rights can be seen as a conceptual framework or normative basis of human rights, which delineate and concretize human security. On the other hand, as a part of national security strategies, human security can create a stronger obligation for national security systems regarding human rights. Human rights are a key reference object for human security, but also the analytic frame for the assessment of risks, threats, and other security challenges. Human security based on human rights has a stronger chance to be adopted and disseminated, and human rights, as a part of human security, are more likely to be observed and respected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To achieve the security objectives and legally defined competence of the state, it is impossible without adequate economic resources. This means that economic resources are the basis of the economic and, therefore, national security of the country. By monitoring and evaluating economic indicators it becomes clear what the results of the work of the national economy are and what is expected of them. In addition, it provides feedback on the risks and threats to the likelihood of adverse economic events, that is, threats to trigger crises in the economic and political stability of a country. Evaluation of the movement of economic indicators, serves for making quality decisions in the field of strategic planning of the use of economic resources of importance for the security sector. It establishes the general and individual plans and objectives of the security entities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Lisbon Treaty has brought significant changes into the architecture of the European Union. The most important novelty, however, is the establishment of a full unity of the Union structure achieved by creating new and strengthening the existing elements. The new elements of this unity are the disappearance of the European Community, the „independence“ of the European Atomic Energy Community, consituting the European Union as a single entity and the introduction of EU values. At the same time, the Lisbon Treaty has strengthened the existing elements of the common institutional mechanisms, rules on amending the founding treaties and EU membership. However, consituting the Union as a single entity which has replaced and succeeded the European Communities has not abolished the EU elements of diversity. In the areas that differed, even before the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, from the community pillar, there remain significant differences in the nature and the scope of competences of the Union institutions. This mainly regards the common foreign and security policy, which now includes the defense policy, where the existing model of inter-state cooperation has been only slightly interfered with. In contrast, in the field of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters, which has become part of a larger Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the inter-state model of cooperation has been abandoned in some of its most important elements. However, the implementation of some of the important elements of the supranational model has been postponed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern security challenges, risks and threats are a consequence of social, geopolitical, geo-strategic, military, political and economical changes that have become evident during last fifteen years on both micro and macro levels. Although they had been expected, such changes caught in surprise almost all the states and their systems of security. Having been inefficient, unwieldy and organized by principles that implied that imperilment comes from other states, they are not capable of giving response to the imperilments coming from nonstate subjects in way of terrorist networks and organized criminal transnational groups who don 't have to care about the respect of sovereignty of other states, international legal norms of the respect of human rights, nor about bureaucratic procedures within cooperation and exchange of security information. Security systems, with their organization, efficiency and effectiveness, through implementation of sophisticated tools and measures of new generations are yet to give appropriate answer to new challenges, risks and threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]