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Throughout history, Serbs and Albanians have had periods of coexistence and cooperation, but more often than not there have been periods of conflicts, wih the long-standing one regarding the control over the territory of Kosovo and Metohija. Nevertheless, almost half a century since the appearance of the concept, there have been no significant efforts to define basic characteristics of Albanian strategic culture, which are evident shortcomings of Serbian strategic studies. This paper has the aim to initiate a process of systematic study of the abovementioned research problem, with the aim to objectively and rationally obtain basic characteristics of Albanian strategic culture by applying almost all scientific methods, especially hypothetico-deductive method. The paper's main hypothesis states as follows: basic characteristics of Albanian strategic culture are predominantly "mercantile" approach towards diplomacy with strong support from diaspora, by which they seek to support persistent aspirations for the control over the territory with the majority of Albanian population, whereby they do not hesitate to use political violence, while the military force is engaged exclusively with previously provided support from great powers. Basic characteristics of Albanian strategic culture point to the necessity to reevaluate our strategic approach towards Albanians.

In the post-Cold War period, contemporary studies of strategic deterrence have expanded from traditional ones to contents that are much broader in terms of content and topics. It can be said that today this is the comprehensive activity that should engage the entire society, proclaiming the concept of the whole power. Providing the systematic implementation of the principle of comprehensiveness, together with the principle of knowledge-worthiness and timeliness, certainly represents a key prerequisite for effective deterrence in modern conditions. Military power certainly represents a fundamental capability for deterrence in the context of support to foreign policy, diplomatic efforts and economic cooperation with foreign countries, as well as in terms of psychological and informational resistance. Another great problem is which state authority to entrust with the implementation of strategic deterrence. It seems most acceptable for the National Security Council to assume the responsibility for the implementation of strategic deterrence, with the necessary organizational and functional changes in terms of recruiting personnel for the Council. The paper deals with the problem how to distribute the competences of state authorities in the implementation of deterrence. We believe that this paper has offered quite enough arguments that it is necessary to legally regulate this field in a manner that it changes the basic assumptions of the competences of state authorities to the least possible extent. It is clear that this is a conceptual model that requires further elaboration and concretization, but it can serve as a starting point for further research.

Throughout the entire 20th century, the Serbian strategic culture was "torn" by various discontinuities, from the state system, through foreign policy and ideological, to strategic and doctrinal orientation, and it can be said that discontinuity is almost its only constant. Nevertheless, the existence of military cliques can be considered to be one of the constants of the Serbian strategic culture. They followed the Serbian Army and influenced the political life of the Kingdom of Serbia. The dynastic coup of May 1903 can be taken as an example of their actions. After that, younger conspirators established the so-called Black Hand, whose leader was Colonel Apis, who was shot after the Thessaloniki process in 1917. The interwar period was marked by the action of the so-called White Hand, under the leadership of General Petar Živković, which was active until the assassination of King Alexander Karađorđević in Marseilles in 1934. The Second Yugoslavia even had a formalized "military clique" represented in the League of Communists, which was an integral part of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia at federal level, together with the republican leagues. Thus, the influence of the party on the military organization was secured, and the influence of the army in the society was also "secured" by its representation in the party forum at federal level. Consequently, the Serbian political elite welcomed the dissolution of the SFRY with perhaps the only constant in its strategic culture, and that is the reliance on the military in resolving political crises, which can be vividly presented by the statement of Slobodan Milosević: "We do not know how to work, but we know how to fight".

The paper is the analysis of the life and achievements of Colonel Dragutin Dimitrijević Apis, an army and intelligence officer, who significantly influenced the history of Serbs at the beginning of the 20th century. The turbulent, almost adventurous, life of Colonel Apis ended with the rigged trial in Thessaloniki in 1917. From then until the present day, Apis is used as a symbol of the Serbian strategic culture for the military involvement in politics, but also as a patriotic and self-sacrificing officer dependent on the needs of the ruling elite and the facts which subculture analysts belong to. The aim of this paper is to analyze the achievements of Colonel Apis in an analytical and objective way, to describe different strategic subcultures in Serbia on the example of the attitude towards the symbol of Apis and to remove certain misconceptions about the (mis)use of Colonel Apis and his legacy.

The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations regulates the general framework for the implementation of diplomatic functions of State. Contemporary diplomacy is evolving in many areas that have not traditionally been in its focus, such as police and intelligence cooperation. The Republic of Serbia has also started appointing police and Security-Intelligence Agency representatives to diplomatic missions abroad. It is essential to monitor and study this practice from the standpoint of legal regulation. This matter is regulated by diplomatic and consular law, but also by national legislation and diplomatic practice. The experience and tradition of defense (military) diplomacy of the Republic of Serbia in adapting its functions to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, legal regulation and organizational and functional support to the defense attachés network, the procedures for selecting defense attachés, training and preparing them for the duty, as well as monitoring and directing them during the performance of the diplomatic service are indisputable at the national level. The tradition of military diplomacy has prevailed for more than 140 years, which indicates the level of diplomatic practice that leads to the conclusion that Serbia does have all the needed criteria for quality and functional implementation of the assigned tasks. The question is how these criteria are met in the newly formed network of diplomatic representations of the Police and the Security-Information Agency, bearing in mind the extremely negative experiences with economic representatives of the Republic of Serbia abroad. There is no doubt that their engagement is in line with international and national legislation, but the issue of the lack of diplomatic practice in organizational and functional terms remains a questionable one. Furthermore, there is the issue of their responsibilities within the diplomatic and consular missions and the harmonization of different professional cultures and ethics, as well as the preparation for performing their duties abroad. It is clear that all these problems cannot be solved in a short term, which is a relatively new organizational solution. Some time is needed to detect shortcomings in practice and generate the experience necessary to overcome them. The practice of organizing defense (military) diplomacy of the Republic of Serbia can certainly serve as a signpost for their resolution, while respecting the specificities arising from different responsibilities and professional ethics. By analyzing the specifics of the implementation of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations in defense (military) diplomacy, analogies can be seen with the defining functions, while its legal and organizational experiences can serve as a guide to regulating the functions of Police and Security-Intelligence Agency representatives in the diplomatic service.

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The phenomenon of human migrations is as old as the civilization. The reasons why people choose to change their place of residence are complex and subject to frequent changes. That is why the classification of migration is a very complex matter, both for legal and security theorists. However, international legal regulations have been adopted, which provide rights for migrants. On the other hand, the given rights to freedom of movement and protection from persecution are limited by state sovereignty, as historical, legal and political category. When supranational international organizations, such as the European Union and other regional organizations, are added to national sovereignty, the difficulty of legal regulation of that matter can be understood. Countries in the region are trying to adapt to circumstances arising from mass migrations through their respective territories, where each is led primarily by political decisions based on national interests, in the absence of a broader, European migration policy that would be a comprehensive effort to solve the afore mentioned problem. The Southeast European region is a transit hub for smuggling, trafficking and illegal migrations in general, which requires further caution of competent authorities when classifying certain categories of migrants and, therefore, the compliance with international and domestic standards regarding their guaranteed rights. The aim of this paper is to analyze global and regional migrations and their future trends, with a focus on South East European region, as well as to establish basic motives that cause migration processes and their classification, which could be used for the proper treatment of migrants in accordance with their rights and the respective national legislation.

This paper discusses the common heritage of the Western Balkans in connection with organized crime, which, it can be claimed, did not significantly manifest under socialism. The disintegration of the former Yugoslavia led to war, destruction, and overall increase in crime, including organized crime. The factors that especially contributed to that, besides the war, are: the transition process, the increase in the level of corruption, inefficient functioning of the state apparatus, economic decline, and trade sanctions imposed by the United Nations which resulted in a sort of semi-legal cooperation between governmental authorities and organized criminal groups in the Western Balkans. Local wars in the former Yugoslavia enabled the expansion of illegal arms trafficking, theft and smuggling of motor vehicles, and smuggling of all kinds of excise goods, especially oil and cigarettes. The trafficking of narcotics became a very lucrative and widespread activity of criminal groups, with the geo-strategic position of the Western Balkans countries being one of the contributing factors. The beginning of democratic changes in Serbia marked the commencement of the fight against organized crime. It was also the start of the creation of the legal regulatory system to counter organized crime, which involves interstate cooperation at both the regional and global level, as well as the adoption of international conventions and standards. Consequently, a special police unit for combating organized crime was established within the Serbian Ministry of Interior. The Republic of Serbia, like most countries in the region, has adopted a series of legislative measures to combat organized crime, which come from experiences of other countries that have shown good results. Specific aspects of the investigative procedure and collecting evidence of organized crime cannot be achieved using conventional methods of investigation, such as home, other premises and persons’ search warrants, temporary confiscation of items, questioning of the accused, witnesses’ hearing, etc. In these efforts the basic dilemma is the level of proportionality between security and freedom, because the methods of an undercover investigation are special methods that are used to temporarily restrict the fundamental rights and freedoms of men, for the purposes of combating complex forms of crime.

In security sciences, indicators have a dual purpose – as indicators of the existence and operation of various forms of threats, and as an evaluation of the security subjects’ performance in combating the criminal activity. In professional literature, the terms indicators and indications are often identified, and erroneously understood as synonymous. However, these are different logical notions, with a completely different application in practice. The paper discusses basic issues related to the indicators of the security threat manifestations. Apart from general considerations, special attention is paid to indicators of organized crime. The authors analyze the process of defining the indicators of the existence and operations of organized crime, which is determined by specific features of this type of security threat and also by the specialization of certain government entities that have been put in charge of countering the organized crime. The determination of the indicators arises from the obligation of government authorities to have elaborated indicators in accordance with their assigned responsibilities in the fight against organized crime, and other forms of threats as well. Also discussed are some indicators that represent a solid basis for further upgrade in line with the specific characteristics and changes in the manifestation of this form of threat.

The paper discusses the key developments and processes preceding the World War I, and answers the question of why the then political elites had not opted for holding an international conference where the interests of the major powers could have been agreed by compromise according to the diplomatic model of the Holy Alliance. The analysis of the causes of the failure of diplomacy to prevent the outbreak of the Great War is based on consideration of the characteristic of diplomatic practice of the so-called Concert of Europe, the influence of Germanic factor on antagonizing the relations between the European powers, the process of emancipation of Serbia and its diplomacy, as well as the domination of militaristic perception in the summer of 1914.

Intelligence services, as part of the state apparatus that is basically designed to collect important information needed for decision-making, represent also an important tool for states to achieve strategic interests beyond its borders. In achieving these strategic objectives imposed on them by the government, intelligence services conduct different types of operations abroad, even those that are not solely of intelligence nature. Such actions of intelligence services are called subversive or non-intelligence actions, and are carried out through various forms, among which is an overthrow. The subject of this paper is overthrows that are accomplished by execution of a coup, in which intelligence services can have, and usually do have, their place and role. In practice, a coup is usually prepared and executed by such more powerful intelligence services that are both organizationally and financially capable of this type of complex action. As one of agents of a coup, intelligence services are involved in all phases of its implementation. Their role, although important for the ultimate success of the coup, usually remains insufficiently known to the general public, because of the nature of their activities. Nevertheless, it is possible to identify methods by which intelligence services exercise their role of agents of the coup.

The paper discusses the circumstances that had been decisive for the creation of a strategic context for the outbreak of World War I. It analyzes the political, economic and strategic interests of key actors in European international order in the late 19th and early 20th century, and how they led to the polarization of European politics and the formation of opposing alliances. Also, the main ideas of their war plans are discussed, as well as the aggressive positioning of Germany and Austro-Hungary before the commencement of the Great War. Special attention is addressed to the geopolitical position of Serbia from after it had gained independence until the beginning of World War I, as well as the challenges faced by the Balkan region in the swirl of complicated international political relations in Europe by the late 19th and early 20th century.