Search

Za razplet ameriških predsedniških volitev leta 2020 so bile izjemno pomembne ključne zvezne države (ang. swing states), v katerih sta bila demokratski kandidat Joe Biden in republikanski kandidat Donald Trump najbolj izenačena. Diplomsko delo je posvečeno demografskim trendom v štirih ključnih zveznih državah: Georgiji, Pensilvaniji, Floridi in Severni Karolini. V omenjenih državah so odločale majhne razlike, ki jih pripisujemo spreminjajočim trendom v politični orientaciji belopoltih, nebelopoltih, mlajših, starejših, univerzitetno izobraženih in ostalih volivcev. Poleg analize trendov politične orientacije in volilne participacije v omenjenih demografskih skupinah, se diplomsko delo posveča specifičnim politično-demografskim trendom v naštetih zveznih državah. V Georgiji je bila pod vodstvom Stacy Abrams za zmago Bidna zelo pomembna temnopolta skupnost, v Pensilvaniji so demokratu zmago prinesla predmestja, na Floridi je Trump uspešno prepričal Latinoameričane, v Severni Karolini pa mu je uspelo ohraniti podobno stanje kot leta 2016. V vseh zveznih državah so se k Bidnu premaknili belopolti, univerzitetno izobraženi in starejši volivci, Trump pa je ohranil močno podporo belopoltih volivcev brez univerzitetne izobrazbe ter pridobil večjo podporo latinoameriške skupnosti. The 2020 presidential election was decided by “Battleground states”, the states in which Democratic candidate Joe Biden and Republican candidate Donald Trump were most equal. The dissertation focuses on demographic trends in four key swing states: Georgia, Pennsylvania, Florida, and North Carolina. In the aforementioned states small differences were to be attributed to changing trends in the political orientation of whites, non-whites, younger, older, college-educated and other voters. In addition to the analysis of trends in political orientation in these demographic groups, the thesis focuses on specific political and demographic trends in mentioned states. In Georgia, under the leadership of Stacy Abrams, the African-American community brought victory to Biden, in Pennsylvania the Democrats won the suburbs, in Florida Trump successfully convinced the Latin American community, and in North Carolina he maintained a similar situation as in 2016. In all states, white university-educated voters and senior voters have moved toward Biden, and Trump has maintained strong support from white voters without a university degree and gained more support from the Latin American community.

Pandemija COVID-19 je imela obsežen vpliv na gospodarstvo, logistiko ter življenje ljudi v svetovnem merilu. Države so sprejele različne ukrepe, da so omilile vpliv pandemije, ohranile življenja in preprečile gospodarsko katastrofo. Pandemija je oskrbovalnim verigam povzročila veliko težav in izzivov, hkrati pa tudi priložnosti. Makroekonomske posledice ukrepov močno vplivajo na svet še danes. Cilj magistrskega dela je bil analizirati makroekonomski vpliv pandemije COVID-19 in vladnih ukrepov na logistični sektor z uporabo raznih makroekonomskih kazalnikov. Različne oblike transporta so bile prizadete različno. Mednarodna pomorska trgovina je kljub težavam in zapiranjem pristanišč finančno uspevala, zračni transport je kratkoročno močno upadel, vendar tudi močno zrasel, medtem ko je železnica v omejen obsegu vsaj začasno prevzela omejen delež tovora cestnemu in pomorskemu transportu. V nalogi sem ugotovil, da so fiskalni ukrepi in vzpodbude vplivali na zvišanje povpraševanja ter da so finančni kazalniki logističnih podjetij tekom pandemije pretežno pozitivni. The COVID 19 pandemic had a profound impact on the economy, logistics and people’s lives all over the globe. Countries implemented different sets of measures to combat the effects of the pandemic, preserve lives and prevent an economic disaster. COVID 19 caused a series of problems and challenges for supply chains but also opportunities. The macroeconomic consequences of different measures are still impacting the world today. The main aim of the master’s thesis was to analyse the macroeconomic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and government measures on the logistics sector using different macroeconomic indexes. Different transport modalities were impacted in distinct ways. International maritime trade financially prospered despite initial problems and port lockdowns. Air Transport was initially heavily impacted, but also experienced substantial growth. The Rail industry had transported a limited portion of cargo in the short term, that was usually transported by Sea or by Road transport. Through the master’s thesis I concluded that fiscal measures and stimulus had an impact on the rise in demand and that the financial performance of logistics companies was mostly positive during the pandemic.

Staroselske skupnosti naj bi Severno Ameriko poseljevale že okoli 27.000 let pred našim štetjem. Razvile so svojevrstne kulturne značilnosti in način življenja. S prihodom kolonizatorjev konec 15. stoletja pa je prišlo do njihovega zatiranja in uničenja. Danes živi v Kaliforniji najštevilčnejša staroselska populacija, prav tako pa je to ena izmed zveznih držav z najbolj raznovrstnimi staroselskimi skupnostmi, kar je v največji meri posledica raznolikih fizičnogeografskih dejavnikov. Raznolikost staroselskih skupnosti je predstavljena na primeru Yokutov, plemena Cahuilla in Yurokov, ki prebivajo v različnih fizičnogeografskih enotah Kalifornije. Položaj staroselskega prebivalstva v sodobni družbi se tako v ZDA kot v Kaliforniji izboljšuje, kar se najbolj vidi v naraščanju števila oseb, ki se opredeljujejo kot staroselci. Kljub izboljšanemu stanju pa se avtohtono prebivalstvo še vedno srečuje s številnimi problemi. Indigenous Communities are thought to have inhabited North America as early as about 27,000 A.D. They had developed unique cultural characteristics and lifestyles. With the arrival of the colonizers at the end of the 15th century, the communities were later subjected to oppression and destruction. Today California is home to the largest indigenous population and it is also one of the states with the most heterogenous Indigenous Communities, largely due to a variety of physio-geographical factors. The diversity of Indigenous Communities is represented by the example of the Yokuts, Cahuilla and Yurok tribes who reside in various physio-geographical units of California. The position of the Indigenous population in modern society is improving in both the USA and California, as evidenced by the increase in the number of people who identify as Native American. Despite the improved situation, the Indigenous population is still facing many problems.

Diplomsko delo predstavlja meje vplivanja politike na medije in sam medijski pritisk na politične entitete, v katero so vpleteni tako vsi medijski atributi kot celotna kampanja, volitve, volivci in kandidati za predsednika države. Volitve za predsednika ZDA v letu 2016 so bile ene odmevnejših iz političnega in hkrati medijskega gledišča, saj so vanje posegali številni politični privrženci obeh kandidatov ter množica številnih domačih in tujih medijev. Glavni namen diplomskega dela je raziskati relacijo med politiko in mediji na konkretnem primeru volitev v Združenih državah Amerike leta 2016. Volitve, ki potekajo v ZDA, so globalne, na kar kaže medijsko poročanje širom sveta. Predvolilni boj se začne vsaj leto pred volitvami in je prepleten s številnimi soočenji, dikcijami med kanditati, javnimi nagovori kandidatov svojim podpornikom, o čemer poročajo domači in tuji mediji, in sicer na različne načine – podporno ali kontradiktorno nekemu kandidatu. Konkretnega primera se lotevamo zaradi analitične širine ameriškega političnega sistema ter medijev, ki delujejo na tem območju. Hkrati so ameriške volitve zelo odmeven dogodek, ki ga lahko kritično razčlenimo. Izhajali smo iz vprašanja, ali se politika in mediji dopolnjujejo, oddaljujejo in ali sodelujejo, ter ugotovili, da se v vsem dopolnjujejo in na nek način zavezujejo, čeprav so mediji neodvisni od politike in političnih akterjev. Delo temelji na reprezentativnih virih, opisni in reprezentativni metodi z analizo študije povzete literature. The diploma thesis presents the limits of the influence of politics on the media and the media pressure on political entities, which includes all media attributes, as well as the entire campaign, elections, voters and presidential candidates. One of the most high-profile, both in terms of media and politics, was the US presidential election in 2016, where a large number of political supporters of one or another candidate intervened, as did many domestic and foreign media. The main purpose of the thesis is to explore the relationship between politics and the media in a specific case - the elections in the United States in 2016. The elections in the US are known globally, even the most interesting, which is reflected in media coverage around the world. They are preparing for the elections more than the year before. During the election campaign in general, the fight between the last two candidates, there are many colorful moments. These confrontations, the very diction between the two candidates and the public speeches directly between their supporters, are monitored by domestic (as well as foreign) media - they report on this in various ways (supportive or contradictory to a candidate). I am tackling a specific case precisely because of the analytical breadth that the American political system and the media operating in the area can offer me at the same time, the American election is a very high-profile event that I can critically analyze. At the same time, we pursued the question of whether politics and the media complement, distance and cooperate, where we find that they complement and commit in some way, even though the media are independent of politics and political actors. The work is based on representative sources, descriptive and representative method with analysis of the study of summarized literature.

Diplomska naloga obravnava slovenske izseljenke, ki so zapustile domovino in odšle v Združene države Amerike v iskanju novih priložnosti. V okviru posameznih zgodb je pojasnjeno, zakaj so se odločile za ta korak in kakšen je bil odziv v domovini. Po prilagoditvi na novo okolje so čutile potrebo po ustanovitvi skupnih organizacij, ki bi jih povezovale na različnih področjih in v katerih bi prostovoljno s humanitarno pomočjo pomagale ljudem in institucijam v Združenih državah Amerike in na Slovenskem. Diplomska naloga tako opisuje dve poglavitni ženski organizaciji, in sicer Slovensko žensko zvezo in Progresivne Slovenke Amerike. Diplomska naloga se osredotoča tudi na ženske, ki so po prihodu v Združene države Amerike pustile pečat na kulturnem, izobraževalnem in zabavnem področju. Subject of this thesis are Slovenian women who emigrated to the USA in search of new possibilities. Through several stories reasons for their emigration is explained, as well as echoes of their emigrations in their homeland. Shortly after adjustment to the new environment they felt the need to establish common organizations to bring them together in different areas. One of their goals was also to help people and institutions in the USA and Slovenian lands through volunteer humanitarian work. Focus of this thesis is on two of the main Slovenian women associations in the USA, namely Slovenian Women´s Union of America (Slovenska ženska zveza) and Progressive Slovene Women of America (Progresivne Slovenke Amerike). Additional focus is given to Slovenian women who left their mark in the USA - either in culture, education or entertainment.

Diplomsko delo bo skušalo osvetliti vprašanje, kako se v filmskih animacijah iz časa med letoma 1960 in 1964 odražajo zunanja politika Hruščova in takratni aktualni mednarodni dogodki. Podrobneje bosta obravnavana odnos ZSSR z drugimi državami, še posebej z ZDA, in nov diplomatski pristop Hruščova na mednarodni politični sceni v drugi polovici 50. let in začetku 60. let 20. stoletja. Prav tako bo pozornost posvečena tudi takratnim mednarodnim krizam. Pobliže bo predstavljeno, kako se je vse to odražalo v filmskih animacijah, nastalih v zadnjih letih dobe Hruščova. Opisane bodo značilnosti animirane filmske produkcije v začetku 60. let – podrobneje bo analiziranih osem filmskih animacij, ki so odraz takratne sovjetske zunanje politike in ki jih lahko razumemo kot še eno orodje ideološkega boja v času hladne vojne. Osvetljeno bo vprašanje, kako je bilo prikazano in karikirano ameriško vsakdanje življenje in katere ameriške stereotipe so izpostavljali sovjetski ustvarjalci filmskih animacij. Undergraduate thesis attempts to illuminate the question of how Khrushchev's foreign policy and international events at the time were reflected in film animations between 1960 and 1964. The focus will be directed more on the USSR's relations with other countries, especially the United States, and on Khrushchev's new diplomatic approach in the international political scene in the second half of the 1950s and early 1960s. The important question will be, whether the international crises and the USSR's relationship with other countries were reflected in the film animations of Khrushchev's last years in power. The characteristic of film animated production in the early 1960s will be highlighted and focus will be specifically on the eight film animations, which can be considered as a reflection of Soviet foreign policy at the time and which were probably another tool of the Cold War ideological struggle. Attention will be put also on the question of how American everyday life was portrayed and caricatured in the USSR, and which American stereotypes were exposed.

Filipini so otoška država v Jugovzhodni Aziji, ki danes šteje več kot 100 milijonov prebivalcev. Filipinci, kot splošno označeno prebivalstvo te države, pa so skozi svojo zgodovino doživeli marsikaj, bili so pod vplivom različnih narodov in ver, ki so jih po eni strani zatirali, po drugi strani pa so jim nudili tutorstvo. Med državami, ki so pustile največji pečat na Filipine, moramo vsekakor upoštevati ZDA. Diplomsko delo obravnava ameriško-filipinske odnose, in sicer od njihovega samega začetka, ko so ZDA na prelomu 20. stoletja pridobili Filipine na podlagi dogovora s Španijo, preko trenutka, ko so se od ZDA tudi osamosvojili, posveča pa se tudi ameriško-filipinskim odnosom po tem, ko so Filipini že bili samostojni. Že v preteklosti so obstajala razmerja med državami in njenimi bivšimi kolonijami v obliki neokolonializma. Na primeru ZDA ni bilo nič drugače. Odnose med Združenimi državami Amerike in Filipini sicer lahko označimo tudi kot ''posebne'', saj so pogostokrat spominjali kot na nekakšen družinski spor. Filipini so zaradi zgodovinskih, ekonomskih, kulturnih in strateških razlogov najbolj tesno povezani prav z ZDA, čeprav se v zadnjih desetletjih tudi kaže postopno oziranje Filipinov in njihovih interesov na države, ki so v neposredni bližini oziroma v regiji in ne več toliko v smeri ZDA. Ti odnosi se dejansko kažejo tudi v dediščini, ki so jo ZDA pustile na Filipinih in tudi v samem mišljenju Filipincev, ki so v številnih primerih ameriška dejanja videli kot nekaj pozitivnega ter so se po njih tudi zgledovali. Navsezadnje državi povezuje tudi praznik, saj obe praznujeta dan neodvisnosti 4. julija. The Philippines is an archipelago in Southeast Asia, home to over 100 million people. Filipinos, as a general term for people coming from this country, experienced many things throughout their history, they were under the influence of different nations and religions which were suppressing them on one side, and on the other side providing them tutoring. We must take the USA into consideration among the countries that left the biggest impact on the Philippines. The following thesis focuses on the American-Philippine relations from the very beginning when the USA gained the Philippines from Spain on the break of the 20th century, through the moment when they gained indepence from them. It also focuses on the American-Philippine relations after the independence. Throughout the historical periods relations between countries and their former colonies in the form of neocolonialism already existed. In the case of the USA it was not any different. The relations between the USA and the Philippines could also be labeled as ''special'' because they often resembled a family feud. The Philippines is most tightly connected with the USA when it comes to historical, economical, cultural and strategical causes. Although, in the last few decades it is showing a slow turn of the Philippines and their interests towards countries which are located in their closest vicinity and region, and not that much towards the USA anymore. These relations are seen in the heritage that the USA left on the Philippines and also in the mindset of Filipino people which have in a lot of cases seen American actions as something positive and were modeling themselves after them. After all, these two countries are also connected with a holiday because both of them celebrate independence day on the 4th of July.

Magistrsko delo se osredotoča na etične dileme in vero v času vietnamske vojne. Preučeval sem predvsem stališča, mnenja in odločitve pomembnih političnih oseb in vojakov vpletenih držav, in sicer ZDA, Demokratične republike Vietnam in Republike Vietnam. Delo temelji na primarnih virih in v prvem delu predstavlja povzetek razvoja in odvijanja konflikta v Vietnamu, opredeljuje etične koncepte in oriše versko dogajanje v Vietnamu. V nadaljevanju so podrobneje razčlenjene posamezne etične dileme, s katerimi so se soočali politiki in vojaki pri sprejemanju odločitev, ter vpliv vere na potek dogodkov in verske elemente, s katerimi so se spopadali ameriški in vietnamski vojaki. V delu je predstavljen tudi pogled papeža Pavla VI. na vietnamsko vojno, ki je kljub svoji verski funkciji predstavljal pomembno politično figuro in glas razuma v polarno razdeljenem svetu. The master's thesis focuses on ethical dilemmas and religion during the Vietnam War. I mainly studied the standpoints, opinions, and decisions of important political figures and soldiers of the countries involved, namely the United States of America, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and the Republic of Vietnam. The thesis is based on primary sources and the first part includes a recap of the development and unfolding of the conflict in Vietnam, defines ethical concepts and outlines religions in Vietnam. The following chapters go more into detail about the individual ethical dilemmas faced by the politicians and soldiers while decision-making, and the impact of religion on the course of events and religious elements, confronted by the American and the Vietnamese soldiers. The thesis also shows the view of Pope Paul VI. on the Vietnam War, who, despite its religious function, represents an important political figure and voice of reason in a divided world.

Diplomska naloga poskuša opisati otroško migrantsko krizo na meji med Mehiko in ZDA, ki je dosegla svoj vrhunec v letih 2013 in 2014. Naloga obsega različna področja: zgodovinska dogajanja med Srednjo Ameriko in ZDA v 20. stoletju, opredelitev pojmov migracij ter razmere v Gvatemali, Hondurasu in Salvadorju. Pozornost usmerjamo tudi v vzroke migriranja iz izbranih držav. Predstavljamo dejavnike odbijanja (potiska) in privlačevanja (potega), ki so relevantni za izbrane države. Naslednje poglavje se osredotoča na zakonodajo ZDA o otrocih brez spremstva in na pristojne organe, ki obravnavajo otroke brez spremstva. Prikazujemo tudi odzive ZDA, predvsem politike vodilnih oseb (predsednikov). Predzadnje poglavje predstavlja glavne ugotovitve in odgovore na postavljena raziskovalna vprašanja. Zaključek temelji na povzetku teoretičnih ugotovitev in na lastnem razmišljanju. Cilj naloge je odgovoriti na glavno postavljeno raziskovalno vprašanje: Ali je nasilje eden izmed najpogostejših razlogov odhoda otrok iz njihovih matičnih držav? The dissertation is trying to describe the child migration crisis on the border between Mexico and USA, which reached it's highest point in the years 2013 and 2014. The dissertation comprises different areas: historical developments between Central America and the US in the 20th century, the definitions of migration, and also the situation in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador. We also focus on the causes of migration from selected countries. We present the factors of bumper (puch) and attraction (pull) relevant to selected countries. The next section focuses on US legislation of unaccompanied children and the competent authorities that treat unaccompanied children. We also show the US response, especially the policies of senior executives (presidents). The penultimate chapter presents the main findings and answers to the research questions raised. The conclusion is based on a summary of theoretical findings and our own thinking. In the assignment we will try to portray violence as the most common reason for the departure of these children from their countries of origin. The aim of the paper is to answer the main research question: Is violence one of the most common reasons for children leaving their countries of origin?

Začetki gibanja neuvrščenih segajo v leto 1961, tistega leta se je namreč v Beogradu odvila prva konferenca gibanja. Veliko vlogo pri nastanku organizacije so imeli Tito, Naser, Nkrumah, Nehru in Sukarno, želeli so ustanoviti gibanje, ki se ne bi blokovsko opredeljevalo, temveč bi stalo na svojih političnih temeljih. Cilji gibanja so bili predvsem gospodarske narave, saj so bile članice predvsem države iz tretjega sveta, ki pa so želele postati del mednarodnega političnega sistema, preko katerega bi sprejemale pomembne politične odločitve. Kljub proti-blokovski usmeritvi gibanja so v gibanje prodrli nazori Sovjetske zveze in ZDA njuni konflikti pa so se prenesli na države članice. Spori so se zaradi drugačne gospodarske usmeritve pojavili tudi med zagovornico neuvrščenosti Jugoslavijo in med zagovornico sovjetskih nazorov - Kubo. Obe državi sta imeli željo po prevladi nad gibanjem, saj sta neuvrščene želeli približati svojim nazorom. Kuba je želela, da se gibanje poveže s Sovjetsko zvezo, saj naj bi bila edini naravni zaveznik gibanja. Obsojala je tudi kakršnokoli sodelovanje z ZDA. Jugoslavija se na drugi strani zaradi spora s SZ ni želela povezati z vzhodnim blokom, ampak je želela poiskati zaveznike v drugih državah in se z njimi gospodarsko povezati. V pričujoči magistrski nalogi se bomo preko pregleda posameznih konferenc podrobneje seznanili s posameznimi spori in jih poskušali pojasniti. Mediji so o samem gibanju in konferencah redno poročali. Veliko so poročali o odločitvah neuvrščenih ter o uspešnosti in enotnosti gibanja. Le malo pa so pisali o sporih med članicami, še posebej pa je bilo težko zaslediti neposredno omembo spora med Jugoslavijo in Kubo. Po napisanem lahko tako sklepamo, da javnost ni vedela oziroma ni smela izvedeti o notranjih konfliktih v gibanju, saj bi se lahko zamajala predstava o enotnosti gibanja neuvrščenih. The beginnings of the Non-Aligned Movement date back to 1961, when the first conference of the movement was held in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. Tito, Naser, Nkrumah, Nehru and Sukarno played an important role in the formation of the organisation. They wanted to start a movement which would stand on its own politically and not align itself with or against any major power bloc. The goals of the movement were primarily economically oriented, since the members were mainly Third World Countries that wanted to become a part of the international political system through which they could make important political decisions. Despite the anti-bloc standpoint of the movement, the views held by the Soviet Union and the United States of America started to seep through and so their conflicts passed on to the member countries. Due to a different economic orientation, disputes also arose between Yugoslavia, the proponent of non-alignment, and Cuba, the proponent of Soviet views. Both countries had a desire to dominate the movement, because they wanted to bring the other non-aligned countries’ views closer to theirs. Cuba wanted the movement to align itself with the Soviet Union, since it was supposed to be the only natural ally to the movement. Cuba also condemned any cooperation with the United States. Yugoslavia, on the other hand, did not want to align itself with the Eastern Bloc because of a dispute with the Soviet Union, but instead wanted to seek allies in other countries in order to establish an economic connection. This master's thesis describes in detail and tries to clarify the individual disputes through an overview of several conferences. The media regularly reported on the conferences and the movement itself. There have been extensive reports about the movement’s decisions and also its effectiveness and unity among members. However, not much has been written about disputes between the members, and it has been particularly difficult to trace a direct reference to the dispute between Yugoslavia and Cuba. According to the above, we can conclude that the public did not know or was not supposed to know about internal conflicts in the movement, because that would compromise the idea of the unity of the Non-Aligned Movement.

Osrednja tema, ki jo obravnava delo, je ameriški anti-komunizem v času hladne vojne, kako je bil izkoriščan za upravičenje ameriških intervencij na svetovnem prizorišču od šestdesetih let 20. stoletja dalje ter kako ga je po razpadu Sovjetske zveze in krajšem zbeganem obdobju v devetdesetih letih nadomestil anti-terorizem v vlogi glavnega izgovora za vmešavanje ZDA v politiko drugih držav. Ameriške intervencije pod pretvezo tako anti-komunizma kot vojne proti terorizmu so služile predvsem zagotavljanju ugodnih okoliščin v tujini za čim lažje in čim bolj profitabilno izkoriščanje tujih surovin in trgov s strani kapitalističnih elit. V delu je najprej obrazloženo, kako je prišlo do anti-komunističnega sentimenta v ZDA po drugi svetovni vojni. Nato je prikazan odnos med ameriškim anti-komunizmom in prizadevanjem za dogovor o omejitvi oboroževanja s Sovjetsko zvezo. Osrednji del je namenjen prikazu in razlagi ameriških intervencij pod vodstvom CIE od Vietnama do Iraka. V preostalem delu je predstavljeno, kako je brezglavo ameriško vmešavanje prispevalo k porastu terorističnih groženj po svetu ter kako se je po napadu na WTC leta 2001 začela ameriška vojna proti terorizmu. The main subject of this work is US anti-communism during the Cold war, how it was (ab)used to justify US intervention across the world after the 1960s and how, after the fall of the Soviet Union and a short disorientating period in the nineties, it was replaced by anti-terrorism as the main excuse for the meddling of the United States in foreign politics. American interventions served to provide the optimal circumstances for the most profitable exploitation of foreign markets and resources by the capitalist elite. The first part of the work explains how the anti-communist sentiment came to be in post-world war two United States. Afterwards the relation between US anti-communism and efforts to strike an arms reductions agreement with the USSR is presented. The main part of the work is meant to show and explain US interventions under the guidance of the CIA from Vietnam to Iraq. The rest of the work shows how the reckless US interventionism contributed to the rise of terrorist threats worldwide and how the US war on terror began after the 2001 attack on the WTC.

Kozmetični izdelki so postali nepogrešljiv del našega vsakdana. Proizvajalci kozmetičnih izdelkov želijo ugoditi željam potrošnikov, hkrati pa si prizadevajo svoje izdelke tržiti na vseh večjih svetovnih kozmetičnih trgih. Pred tem se morajo seznaniti z zahtevami za kozmetične izdelke, ki veljajo v posamezni državi. V diplomski nalogi smo s pregledom regulatornih dokumentov za kozmetične izdelke ugotavljali razlike za uvoz in trženje kozmetičnih izdelkov v državah članicah Evropske unije, Združenih državah Amerike, Kanadi in na Kitajskem. Osredotočili smo se na definicijo kozmetičnega izdelka, obveznosti proizvajalcev in uvoznikov, zagotavljanje varnosti, postopek priglasitve/registracije/ odobritve, označevanje in oglaševanje kozmetičnih izdelkov ter poročanje o (resnih) neželenih učinkih. Za kozmetične izdelke v Evropi velja Uredba (ES) št. 1223/2009 Evropskega parlamenta in sveta z dne 30. novembra 2009 o kozmetičnih izdelkih. Uredba natančno definira kozmetični izdelek in odgovorno osebo za kozmetični izdelek ter njene obveznosti. Proizvajalec ali uvoznik mora pred trženjem kozmetičnega izdelka obvezno pripraviti dokumentacijo o kozmetičnem izdelku in kozmetični izdelek priglasiti na Evropsko komisijo, v Sloveniji pa je obvezna še priglasitev dejavnosti. Poročanje o resnih neželenih učinkih je za proizvajalce in uvoznike obvezno. Kozmetične izdelke v Združenih državah Amerike regulira Uprava za živila in zdravila v skladu z Zveznim zakonom o živilih, zdravilih in kozmetiki (Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act) in Zakonom pravilnega pakiranja in označevanja (Fair Packaging and Labeling Act). Izdelki za osebno nego so na ameriškem trgu kategorizirani kot kozmetični izdelki in zdravila brez recepta (z izjemo mil). Za kozmetični izdelek je odgovoren proizvajalec ali uvoznik, odgovorna oseba pa ni uradno definirana. Preskušanje kozmetičnih izdelkov in priprava dokumentacije nista obvezna, registracija pa je prostovoljna. Veliko pozornosti namenjajo uporabi barvil v kozmetičnih izdelkih – proizvajalec mora za njihovo uporabo v kozmetičnem izdelku pridobiti dovoljenje s strani regulatornega organa. V Kanadi za kozmetične izdelke velja Zakon o živilih in zdravilih (Food and Drugs Act) ter Predpisi o kozmetičnih izdelkih (Cosmetic Regulations). Podatke o varnosti in kakovosti kozmetičnega izdelka se mora hraniti kot del dokumentacije o kozmetičnem izdelku, ki jo pripravi proizvajalec na osnovi smernic dobre proizvodne prakse. Proizvajalec ali uvoznik mora vladno organizacijo Health Canada obvestiti o kozmetičnem izdelku na kanadskem trgu. V Kanadi in Združenih državah Amerike je mogoče poročati o neželenih učinkih in o drugih problemih s kozmetičnim izdelkom. Na Kitajskem za kozmetične izdelke veljajo Predpisi o higienskem nadzoru kozmetike (Regulations Concerning the Hygiene Supervision over Cosmetics), ki so še dodatno podprti s pravili, smernicami in standardi. Predpisi kategorizirajo izdelke za osebno higieno na kozmetične izdelke za običajno uporabo in posebno uporabo, definicija pa izključuje zobne paste in ustne vode. Kozmetične izdelke in nove kozmetične sestavine je treba registrirati oziroma prijaviti, kar je obveznost kitajskega zastopnika oziroma odgovorne osebe. Obvezna dela odobritvenega postopka sta priprava dokumentacije o kozmetičnem izdelku in testiranje na živalih. Poročanje o neželenih učinkih kozmetičnih izdelkov je nekoliko nejasno. Ugotovili smo, da uvoz in trženje kozmetičnih izdelkov na različnih koncih sveta urejajo različni regulatorni organi v skladu z veljavno zakonodajo o kozmetičnih izdelkih. Poenotenje zahtev za kozmetične izdelke po svetu bi olajšalo njihov uvoz na do sedaj težko dostopne trge, predvsem pa zagotovilo visoko stopnjo varnosti njihovih uporabnikov. Cosmetic products had become an indispensable part of our daily lives. Cosmetic manufacturers want to meet the wishes of consumers, and at the same time, they strive to import and market their products in all major global cosmetic markets. However, before importing, they must familiarize themselves with the requirements for cosmetic products that apply in each country. In the diploma thesis, we reviewed the legislation of cosmetic products in the European Union, the United States, Canada, and China, and established differences for the import and marketing of cosmetic products in these countries. We focused on the definition of a cosmetic product, the obligations of manufacturers and importers, ensuring safety, the notification, registration and approval process, labeling and advertising of cosmetic products, and reporting of (serious) adverse reactions. Cosmetic products in Europe are subject to Regulation (EC) No. 1223/2009 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 30 November 2009 on cosmetic products. Before placing a cosmetic product on the market, the responsible person must prepare documentation on the cosmetic product and notify the cosmetic product to the European Commission. In Slovenia, notification of activities is mandatory. Reporting of serious adverse reactions is mandatory for manufacturers and importers. Cosmetic products in the United States are regulated by the Food and Drug Administration under the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act and the Fair Packaging and Labeling Act. Personal care products are categorized as cosmetic products or OTC drugs (excluding soaps). The cosmetic product is the responsibility of the manufacturer or importer. Testing of cosmetic products and preparation of documentation on the cosmetic product is not mandatory. The registration of cosmetic products is voluntary. Much attention is given to the use of color additives in cosmetic products which are a subject of approval in the United States. In Canada, cosmetic products are subject to the Food and Drugs Act and the Cosmetic Regulations. Data on the safety and quality of the cosmetic product must be kept as part of the documentation on the cosmetic product prepared by the manufacturer on the basis of the GMP guideline. The manufacturer or importer must notify the government organization Health Canada of the cosmetic product on the Canadian market. Adverse reactions and other problems with cosmetic products can be reported in Canada and the United States. In China, cosmetic products are subject to the Regulations Concerning the Hygiene Supervision over Cosmetics, which are further supported by the rules, guidelines, and standards. Chinese regulations categorize personal care products into Non-Special Use Cosmetics and Special Use Cosmetics. Oral hygiene products are not cosmetic products in China. Cosmetic products and new cosmetic ingredients require pre-market registration. Registration is done by an assigned responsible agent or responsible person. Mandatory parts of the approval procedure are the preparation of documentation on the cosmetic product and animal testing. Reporting of adverse effects is rather unclear. We have found that cosmetic products are regulated by different regulatory authorities following the regulation on cosmetic products that apply in each country. Global harmonization of requirements for cosmetic products would facilitate their import into hard-to-reach markets and ensure a high level of safety of consumers.

Tema raziskovalne naloge je problem nadzora in izziv za demokracijo v 21. stoletju. Povečevanje nadzora mora nujno pomeniti krčenje človekove zasebnosti in svobode. Prav svoboda pa je temelj demokracije. Pomembno vlogo pri branjenju vrednot demokracije predstavljajo žvižgači. Njihov položaj je problematičen, saj nimajo dobro urejene pravne zaščite, kljub obljubam držav in mednarodnih organizacij, da se bo to spremenilo. Kot primera držav sem izbral Kitajsko in ZDA. Kitajska, na eni strani, predstavlja avtoritarni politični sistem, ki temelji na državnem aparatu, ki skrbi tudi za nadzor državljanov. Kitajska naj bi imela najbolje razvit nadzorni sistem. To smo raziskovali tudi v nalogi. ZDA, na drugi strani, pa veljajo za zibelko moderne, liberalne demokracije. Vendar njihova politika, predvsem v mednarodnih odnosih, ne deluje demokratično. Prej nasprotno. S pojavom koronavirusa so države in njihova gospodarstva ter politike deležni preizkusa stabilnosti. Predvsem socialne politike in zdravstvenega sistema. V tej luči smo raziskovali vpliv koronavirusa na Kitajsko in ZDA ter spremljali odzive obeh držav v spopadu z virusom. Na eni strani demokratični sistem, z zasebnim zdravstvom, na drugi strani pa avtokratični sistem z javnim zdravstvom. Dejstvo je, da posledice, ki jih bo za seboj pustila pandemija koronavirusa, bodo. Ne samo v gospodarstvu, pač pa tudi v družbenih odnosih in interakcijah med ljudmi. Research challenge of this thesis is the problem of control and the challenge of democracies in the 21.st century. The escalation of surveillance must necessarily mean reducing people's privacy and freedom, the latter one representing the very foundation of democracy. Whistleblowers play the important role in defending the values of democracy. Their position is problematic because they don't have well regulated legal protection even though some states and organizations promised to help them in this aspect. For the purposes of my thesis I chose China and USA as two different political systems in order to observe how they take surveillance over their people. China is a representative of authoritarian political system, based on state apparatus which takes care of the control of the citizens. Chinese control system is supposted to have the best developped surveillance system in the world and I did a research on this in my thesis. The United States, on the other hand, is considered as a cradle of modern, liberal democracy. But is it really democracy in all aspects? Especially when it comes to international relations, their politics don't work democratically. In fact it looks like quite the opposite. The occurence of coronavirus has put the world's countries and their economies into a test of stability, especially that of social politics and health system. In the light of this issues I have researched the effect of coronavirus on China and USA by following their responses to the fight with the virus. I observed democratic system with private health care service on one side, and autochratic system with public health care service on the other. It is a fact that there are going to be consequences after coronavirus pandemic. And we are not talking only about the consequences in economy but also those that affect social relations and interactions between people.

Diplomsko delo skuša prikazati, kako sta se spreminjala prehranjevanje ter odnos ljudi do hrane skozi 20. stoletje v Združenih državah Amerike (ZDA) in v Evropi, in morebitno korelacijo med novimi, modernimi prehranskimi navadami in porastom modernih, kroničnih bolezni. Industrijska revolucija, modernizacija in globalizacija so nedvomno korenito spremenile prehranske modele ljudi in razrahljale evolucijske vezi med človekom in naravo: ljudje jemo vse manj naravne, lokalne in sezonske hrane, v naši prehrani pa je vedno več industrijsko predelanih živil, sezonska in eksotična živila so nam dostopna vse leto, pomanjkanj hrane ne poznamo, v razvitih državah je hrane še preveč. Ključne spremembe, ki so pripeljale do današnjih prehranskih navad, izvirajo iz 50. let 20. stoletja, ko so začeli znanstveniki v ZDA iskati rešitve za novo epidemijo – srčno bolezen. Kot krivca so videli nasičene, živalske maščobe, ki so jih postopoma v prehrani začele zamenjevati rastlinska olja in maščobe. Začela je prevladovati nizkomaščobna ideja, deleža živalskih maščob in rdečega mesa sta se v prehrani ljudi skozi stoletje postopoma drastično zmanjšala. V 80. letih je nizkomaščobna prehrana postala državna strategija v ZDA, začele so nastajati prve prehranske smernice, ki so podlaga za vse današnje prehranske smernice. Žal pa prehranske strategije niso prinesle željenih rezultatov, saj moderne, kronične bolezni strmo naraščajo, kar lahko deloma pripišemo modernim prehranskim navadam in modernemu življenjskemu slogu. Undergraduate thesis attempts to show how people’s diet and attitudes towards food have changed over the 20th century in United Stated of America (US) and Europe and potential correlation between new, modern dietary habits and the rise of modern, chronic diseases. Industrial revolution, modernisation and globalisation have undoubtedly radically changed people's dietary models and loosen evolutionary bonds between humans and nature: people eat less and less natural, local and seasonal food, there are more and more industrially processed foods in our diet, seasonal and exotic foods are available to us all year round, we do not know food shortages, there is even too much food in developed countries. The key changes that led to today’s eating habits date back to the 1950s, when scientists in the US began looking for solutions to a new epidemic - heart disease. As the culprit, they saw saturated, animal fats, which gradually began to be replaced by vegetable oils and fats in the diet. The low-fat idea began to prevail, the proportions of animal fats and red meat in human diet gradually decreased drastically over the century. In the 1980s, the low-fat diet became a national strategy in the US and the first dietary guidelines began to emerge, which are the basis for all of today’s dietary guidelines. Unfortunately, dietary strategies have not yielded the desired results as modern, chronic diseases are rising sharply, which can be in part attributed to modern dietary habits and modern lifestyle.

Magistrsko delo analizira politiko ZDA do Venezuele v času mandatov treh ameriških predsednikov, Georgea W. Busha, Baracka Obame in Donalda Trumpa. Analizira, kakšna sredstva trde in mehke moči so v zunanjepolitičnem odnosu do Venezuele uporabili trije predsedniki, kateri dejavniki so vplivali na njihove odločitve ter ali se je odnos spreminjal glede na to, kdo je bil v ZDA na oblasti ? republikanski ali demokratski predsednik. Delo pokaže, da so imeli trije predsedniki različne zunanjepolitične koncepte. Vzporedno z naraščanjem politične in gospodarske krize v Venezueli v zadnjih letih sta se predsednika Obama in Trump znašla pred vse večjimi zunanjepolitičnimi izzivi. ZDA so dolgo časa ohranjale dokaj previden pristop, delno zaradi gospodarskega interesa, saj je dolga leta med državama kljub nesoglasjem prevladovala trgovina z nafto, za njun odnos pa so pomembne tudi zgodovinske okoliščine regije Latinske Amerike. Specifičnemu odnosu med Latinsko Ameriko in ZDA je botrovala Monroejeva doktrina, zaradi česar so države Latinske Amerike pogosto z nezaupanjem gledale na zunanjo politiko ZDA. Vsi trije predsedniki so uporabili kombinacijo trde in mehke moči. Obamova administracija je pogosteje dala prednost mehki moči, Trumpova pa je izrazito nastopila s trdo močjo, z zelo obsežnimi gospodarskimi sankcijami proti Venezueli. The master's thesis analyzes U.S. policy towards Venezuela during the terms of three U.S. presidents, George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump. It analyzes what means of hard and soft power the three presidents used in their foreign policy towards Venezuela, what factors influenced their decisions, and whether attitudes changed depending on whether a Republican or Democratic president was in power in the United States. The work shows that the three presidents had different foreign policy concepts. In parallel with the growing political and economic crisis in Venezuela in recent years, Presidents Obama and Trump have faced growing foreign policy challenges. The United States has long maintained a rather cautious approach, in part out of economic interest, as oil trade has dominated the two countries for many years despite disagreements. Equally important to their relationship are the historical circumstances of the Latin American region. The specific relationship between Latin America and the United States was fueled by the Monroe Doctrine, which often led Latin American countries to view US foreign policy with distrust. All three presidents used a combination of hard and soft power. The Obama administration has favored soft power more often, and the Trump administration has acted emphatically with hard power, with very extensive economic sanctions on Venezuela.

Eden najbolj znanih konfliktov v zgodovini je konflikt med Severno in Južno Korejo, ki mu tudi številne velesile dajejo veliko pozornosti. Tvegan ter dinamičen odnos se kaže predvsem v ekonomskem, družbenem ter političnem odnosu med obema državama. Združene države Amerike (v nadaljevanju ZDA) poskušajo z uporabo mehke moči umiriti odnose med obema državama vendar zaenkrat neuspešno. V diplomskem delu smo preučevali odnos med obema Korejama ter njun odnos do svetovnih velesil. V središče raziskovanja smo postavili predvsem pregled zgodovinskega konflikta med Korejama v času vladavine Donalda Trumpa in Kim Džong Una. Korejski polotok še danes predstavlja pomembno konfliktno žarišče. V diplomskem delu smo primerjali obe državi z različnih vidikov in ugotovili, da sta si v marsičem popolno nasprotje. Z deskriptivno analizo odnosov ter na podlagi teorije moči v mednarodnih odnosih smo analizirali, katera vrsta moči je bila uporabljena za doseganje ciljev obeh držav. S študijem strokovne in znanstvene literature smo ugotovili, da so ZDA kot velesila večkrat poskusile z uporabo tako trde kot mehke moči, da bi Severno Korejo prepričali v podrejen položaj. Predstavljena je bila tudi kronološka analiza, ki prikazuje katera vrsta moči je bila uporabljena v določenem obdobju in zakaj. V diplomskem delu sklepno ugotavljamo, da je bila večina poskusov izboljšanja odnosov med Korejama neuspešna. V zaključku diplomskega dela pa smo s sintezo teoretične in empirične analize predlagali pet različnih scenarijev, kako bi se lahko v prihodnosti razvijali odnosi med Korejama ter kako bi različni dejavniki morebiti vplivali na rešitev tega zgodovinskega konflikta. One of the most famous conflicts in history is the conflict between North and South Korea, to which many superpowers also pay a lot of attention. The risky and dynamic relationship is mainly reflected in economic, social, and political relations between the two countries. The United States of America (hereinafter referred to as the USA) is trying to calm relations between the two countries by using soft power, but so far with no success. In the diploma thesis, we studied the relationship between the two Koreas and their relationship towards the world superpowers. The center of the research was a review of the historical conflict between the two Koreas during the era of Donald Trump and Kim Jong-un. The Korean Peninsula is still an important conflict area. In the diploma thesis, we compared the two countries from different perspectives and found that they are in total contrast in many ways. We analyzed which type of power was used to achieve goals in both countries with a descriptive analysis of relations and based on the theory of power in international relations. By studying technical and scientific literature, we found that the USA as a superpower repeatedly tried to use both hard and soft power to convince North Korea to accept a subordinate position. A chronological analysis was also presented, showing which type of power was used in a certain period and why. In the conclusion, the diploma thesis finds that that most attempts to improve relations between the two Koreas have been unsuccessful. Finally, using synthesis of theoretical and empirical analysis, we suggested five different scenarios how relations between the two Koreas could be developed in the future, and how different factors could influence the resolution of this historical conflict.

Vojna v Iraku se je začela 20. marca 2003, uradno pa se je končala 18. decembra 2011. ZDA, Avstralija, Poljska in Velika Britanija so ob podpori petinštiridesetih drugih držav brez predhodne odobritve Varnostnega sveta Združenih narodov izvedle vojaško invazijo na Irak, čemur so nasprotovale predvsem Rusija, Francija, Nemčija in večina arabskih držav. Šlo je za dlje časa trajajoč oborožen konflikt med mednarodnimi vojaškimi silami z ZDA na čelu in iraško vojsko, ter kasneje uporniškimi frakcijami v Iraku. ZDA je v iraški vojni poleg lastnih oboroženih sil najemala tudi pripadnike zasebnih vojaških podjetij, ki so se borili na strani mednarodne koalicije zavezniških sil. Zasebna vojaška podjetja so po svoji naravi pravne osebe, ki opravljajo vojaške in varnostne storitve. Zaradi spremembe ustroja vojsk v zahodnem svetu po hladni vojni se je v sodobne oborožene konflikte v vse večji meri vključeval zasebni sektor. Potreba po zasebnih vojaških podjetjih je bila najbolj razvidna med vojno v Iraku, kjer so bila uporabljena v obsegu, kakršnemu do takrat še nismo bili priča. ZDA se je kot največja svetovna sila močno zanašala na uporabo zasebnih vojaških podjetij, saj je v določenih letih vojne v Iraku število pripadnikov teh podjetij preseglo število pripadnikov oboroženih sil ZDA. Razloga za odvisnost ZDA od vojaških podjetij v času iraške vojne sta bila nezmožnost ameriških oboroženih sil, da opravijo vse potrebne vojaške naloge in zmanjševanje negativnega političnega vpliva vojne. Uporaba zasebnih vojaških podjetij je postala širši ameriški in mednarodni javnosti znana zaradi nekaterih medijsko odmevnih incidentov, v katerih so bili udeleženi pripadniki teh podjetij. Prav tako ZDA niso imele na voljo niti učinkovitega pravnega mehanizma niti politične volje, ki bi omogočala kazenski pregon pripadnikov zasebnih vojaških podjetij v primeru storitve kaznivega dejanja. Pregon kaznivih dejanj, ki so jih storili pripadniki zasebnih vojaških podjetij med vojno v Iraku, je bil zaradi pomanjkanja zakonske podlage težaven in v nekaterih primerih nemogoč. The war in Iraq began on March 20, 2003 and officially ended on December 18, 2011. The United States, Poland, Australia and Great Britain along with forty-five other countries launched a military invasion of Iraq without the prior approval of the United Nations Security Council. Russia, France, Germany and a majority of Arab states opposed the military invasion of Iraq. The Iraq War was a prolonged armed conflict between the international coalition of allied forces, led by the U.S., and the Iraqi Army, and later the rebel factions in Iraq. In addition to its own Armed Forces, the U.S. hired members of private military companies to fight in the Iraq War on the side of the international coalition of allied forces. Private military companies are, by their very nature, legal entities providing military and security services. The change in the composition of the post-Cold War armies in the Western world has increasingly involved the private sector in modern armed conflicts. This was very evident in the Iraq War, where private military companies were used to an extent we had never witnessed before. The United States, as the world's largest power, relied heavily on the use of private military companies. In some years of the Iraq War, the number of members of these companies exceeded that of the U.S. Armed Forces. The reason for the U.S. dependence on military companies during the Iraq War was the inability of the U.S. Armed Forces to carry out all the necessary military tasks and to reduce the negative political impact of the war. The use of private military companies has become widely known to the U.S. and international public because of some high-profile media incidents involving members of these companies. Nor did the US have the political will or an effective legal mechanism in place to prosecute members of private military companies if they committed a crime while performing their duty, or even if they committed a crime off duty. The prosecution of crimes committed by members of private military companies during the Iraq War was difficult and, in some cases, impossible due to a lack of legal basis.