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This paper revisits Walter Benjamin’s unpublished “Announcement of the Journal Angelus Novus,” one of relatively few texts Benjamin is known to have written in 1922, European modernism’s widely recognized annus mirabilis. The announcement followed numerous, transformative essays and fragments of 1921 and was written alongside his dissertation on The Concept of Criticism in German Romanticism, encompassing a pivotal moment in Benjamin’s philosophical maturation. Heralding the new, never realized journal, the announcement articulates what might be deemed “the task of the editor,” which it describes as a quest for “philosophical universality”. The Angelus Novus journal would proceed form the fact of modern social discontinuities toward the elaboration of universal philosophical truths through the criticism of literary works. This paper reconsiders Benjamin’s editorial ambitions as part of his individual philosophical development and within a broader context of “total modernism,” discussing the announcement’s continued relevance for our contemporary world.

This paper presents the results of a study aiming to analyze how the dominant language of advertising operates to absorb other resisting languages. This research study used document review within the framework of a qualitative descriptive approach. Based on Herbert Marcuse’s theoretical reflections, this paper seeks to provide a critical viewpoint on the language used by advertising in our contemporary society. Under these circumstances, the study recovers the notion of negative criticism, a tendency of critical theory, understood as a way of resisting manipulation by society.

This paper offers a critical biography revealing certain historical intersections and divisions between Western art and science and points to specific moments where they have worked together through an exclusionary version of liberal humanism. This version of liberal humanism was often constructed through the dehumanization of women, people of color, people with disabilities and sexual minorities who were relegated to the non-human, the almost human, the animal or the monstrous. As part of the methods, it offers a critical genealogy, sifting through the cultural vestiges of art, science, philosophy, medicine, atlases, illustrations, colonial and eugenic discourses, feminist, queer, and postcolonial theories, and visual culture in order to recover and reconstruct specific connections between art and science in different historical periods (from the late 1400so the present). By drawing attention to the fact that “the human” has been a shifting and unstable signifier, this paper concludes that both Western art and science have the ability to help co-construct humanity by formulating new more equitable assemblages or the power to magnify already existing power disparities.

This paper provides a critique of Bostrom’s concern with existential risks, a critique which relies on Adorno and Horkheimer’s interpretation of the Enlightenment. Their interpretation is used to elicit the inner contradictions of transhumanist thought and to show the invalid premises on which it is based. By first outlining Bostrom’s position this paper argues that transhumanism reverts to myth in its attempt to surpass the human condition. Bostrom’s argument is based on three pillars, Maxipok, Parfitian population ethics and a universal notion of general human values. By attempting to transcend the human condition, to achieve post-humanity, transhumanism reverts to myth. Thus, the aim of this paper is to provide a critical examination of transhumanism which elicits its tacit contradictions. It will also be argued that transhumanism’s focus on a universal, all-encompassing, notion of humanity (Earth-originating intelligent life) neglects any concern with actual lived lives. This absence is problematic because it clearly shows that there is a discrepancy, between transhumanism’s claimed concern for all of humanity and the practical implications of proposing a universal notion of humanity. This paper will conclude, that transhumanism’s lack of concern with actual lives is due to its universal and totalising gestures. Gestures which allow for universal claims such as general values or Earth-originating intelligent life.

This paper presents an overview of critical policy scholarship (CPS) in education. Historically, policy research has been dominated by what is commonly referred to as the policy science tradition, which is positivist in its philosophical stance and instrumentalist in its purpose—it focuses on producing knowledge relevant for policy decisions. However, with the rise of interpretive social inquiry in the 1970s and against the backdrop of unique political developments in the 1980s, CPS emerged as an alternative policy research perspective. This review discusses the scope and foci of CPS in education under four themes: methodological assumptions, interdisciplinary roots, enduring analytical goals, and emerging empirical contexts. Implications of the prevalence of inequality, Big Data and digital panopticon for educational policymaking and policy research are also briefly discussed. The paper concludes that although its foci of analysis have shifted considerably in the last four decades, analytical interest and tools of CPS remain largely unchanged.

Abstract Through the literature review method, this research identifies a non-exhaustive series of dynamics and mechanisms used by data companies such as Google, Facebook, Amazon, and also by the group of companies known as ‘data brokers’, for the reproduction of the ideology of consumerism. A definition for such ideology is also presented. Five dynamics and 17 mechanisms are described within these two categories. The combination of subsets of elements in the second categorization gives rise to the first. The research question addressed here is: how do transnational data companies act in the international reproduction of the ideology of consumerism? It is argued that they take advantage of a deliberate lack of interest, mainly state interest, in regulating how they operate in the International Political Economy, to capture data through general dynamics that result from the articulation of specific data capture mechanisms. Thus, these companies manage to naturalise, ideologically, the act of consuming. The general dynamics identified by the paper were five: personalisation, web concentration, architecture of choice, infrastructural imperialism, and lock-in. The phenomenon is discussed in the light of the Critical Theory of International Relations.

This paper describes the development of the Critical Educational Science (Kritische Erziehungswissenschaft) from the late sixties of the last century. This course was not a simple evolution, but occurred in several stages and went through various changes as determined by different authors and theoretical discussions in the traditional context of the Critical Theory. Among the founders of the original program of the Critical Educational Science in Germany are Herwig Blankertz, Klaus Mollenhauer and Wolfgang Klafki. The first approaches were based on the process of self-criticism of the Pedagogy of the Human Sciences (Geisteswissenschaftliche Pädagogik) and the theoretical work of Jürgen Habermas. During the seventies and the eighties of the last century some new theoretical variants of the Critical Educational Science were developed, which refer to some of Habermas’ works, but also included other contributions such as the theory of communication of Paul Watzlawick et al., the Symbolic Interactionism of George Herbert Mead as well as the theories of cognitive development of Jean Piaget and Lawrence Kohlberg. Since the late eighties of the last century the Critical Educational Science is strongly influenced by the skeptical writings of Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, from which appears a new orientation that provides the basis for the Reflexive Educational Science (Reflexive Erziehungswissenschaft). The paper concludes that the concept of Reflexive Educational Science, in the actual context, is determined by the assumption that the Critical Educational Science is only conceivable as a reflexive science within an interdisciplinary orientation.

Punchdrunk’s Sleep No More is an immersive theatrical adaptation of Shakespeare’s Macbeth and Hitchcock’s Rebecca that has been staged in New York since 2011 with over 2000 performances. Sprawled over a hundred rooms within three intricately designed warehouses, the event offers a visceral exploration of a labyrinthine space and the potential for anonymous—even erotic—one-on-one encounters with a performer in the dark. This paper offers a new angle on Punchdrunk’s immersive style by considering the embodiment of temporality in performance and its concurrent aesthetic politics. Borrowing from queer theory’s temporal turn, it details how the company manipulates time in the space to create a ‘wayward’ aesthetic, borrowing from the etymology meaning “turned away” and the First Folio’s name for the witches as “Weyward Sisters”. Ultimately, it looks to encourage further queer readings of time in popular theatrical performance while also broadening the notion of resistant reading strategies to consider queer embodiment and theatre’s haptic relationship to time.

Against the background of the contemporary debate about financialisation, the paper conceptualises the capitalist labour economy as fundamentally a monetary system. It argues that money is not a capitalist means of organising its labour economy but that it is rather a capitalist end. The argument examines and finds wanting conceptions of money in political economy, including Keynesianism and neoliberalism, and argues that the debate about financialisation is fundamentally based on the propositions of political economy. It holds that Marx’s critique of political economy conceives of money as the form of value and expounds money-making as the purpose of the capital labour economy. Thus, the labour theory of value is fundamentally a monetary theory of value, labour is the means of valorisation, and that is, of money in process, and as such capital. Making money out of money is capital as its most rational. In the form of credit, money posits wealth as a claim on future surplus value.

En este artículo se presentan las implicaciones políticas y críticas que supone el estudio del valor de uso en la obra de Bolívar Echeverría. El marxismo clásico se ha centrado a lo largo del tiempo en el análisis de distintos elementos propios de la teoría de Marx, como los modos de producción, la relación entre estructura-superestructura, la teoría del valor, la teoría de la crisis, entre otros. Sin embargo, en muy pocos casos se ha destacado la importancia del valor de uso y sólo se han esbozado algunas ideas derivadas de este concepto. Una notable excepción es El discurso crítico de Marx, dondeEcheverría propone volver al estudio del valor de uso con el fin de replantear la discusión de lo político dentro del marxismo. Con base en ello, en este artículo se intenta mostrar la hipótesis teórica de Bolívar Echeverría en la que propone reinterpretar la obra de Marx a partir del eje forma natural-valor de uso como mecanismo para replantear el discurso crítico hacia una mayor comprensión de aquello que corresponde a la esfera de lo político. Para Echeverría el ámbito en el que se encuentra la esencia de lo político y la autarquía de lo humano es la de la reproducción social de la vida, es decir la de la construcción concreta de la forma natural. / In this article, we present Bolivar Echeverría’s use value theory and its implications. Clasical Marxism has long centered the study of Marx’s theory on modes of production, the relationship between structure-superstructure, the value theory, the crisis theory, among others subjects. However, it has rarely focused on Marx’s use value concept and only few ideas have been devised upon it. A noticeable exception is El discurso critic de Marx (Marx’s critical discourse), where Bolivar Echeverría proposes to go back to capital’s essential contradiction: use value vs. value, and to formulate a use-value theory. Thus, this paper presents the critical and political implications of Echeverria’s theory: based upon the core idea natural form-use value, he establishes a critical discourse that is able to understand capitalism politics and presents us with a better comprehension of the field of politics. For Echeverría, rather than the traditional understanding of politics in terms of the super-structure of economics, the human political life takes place in the reproduction of social life, in the concrete construction of a nature-form.

This paper poses the question of the present state of criticism while also analyzing, in a more circumscribed manner, the specific phenomenon of “populism”. It shows the way in which populism as appeared in the public space mainly in a pejorative sense, and it suggests, along with Laclau (2005), that this phenomenon must not be rejected as such, insofar as it contains a specific rationality that is important for the democratic process but that must also be submitted to critical scrutiny. Thus, putting forward what the article calls a “critique of populist reason”, not only does it aim at reassessing what reason means today, but it also tries to distinguish the productive from the pernicious uses of populism by analyzing the narratives and values that each “populist” discourse mobilizes.

This paper analyses the transformative potential of Axel Honneth’s latest model of Critical Theory and is divided in three sections. Firstly, it will be presented the criticisms towards Honneth’s latest model of Critical Theory revealing the largely shared assumption that normative reconstruction is responsible for a conservative bias. The second section will focus on Honneth’s “reconstrutive turn” exposing its reasons and outcomes. (II). The third section will then discuss how reconstructive critique is related to a genealogical proviso that will metacritically denounce the increasing gap between historical promises and the institutional provisions for their fulfillment; a gap that will be the source of the potentially revolutionary sentiment of moral indignation (III). Finally, the text will sketch some brief considerations on the relation of this feeling of indignation and Honneth’s commitment to a renewed idea of socialism.

Aquest article analitza el paper de la fenomenologia en el model de la teoria crítica d'Iris Marion Young a través d'una discussió de les diferents estratègies que utilitza per articular les nocions d'identitat i col·lectivitats socials a La justicia y la política de la diferencia (1990) i a Inclusion and Democracy (2000). En reconstruir el debat que Young va tenir amb Nancy Fraser durant la dècada dels 90, busquem demostrar que, tot i que Fraser malinterpreta La justicia y la política de la diferencia com a representant del "gir cultural" en la teoria social, les seves crítiques poden il·luminar algunes de les tensions i defectes del text. A més, sostenim que l'èmfasi en una estratègia estructural-analítica de l'argumentació, característica del treball posterior de Young, pot rastrejar-se fins als arguments formulats per Fraser. No obstant això, se sosté en un pas final que Young mai va abdicar completament de l'enfocament fenomenològic com a eina per a la crítica social. Encara que l'argument d'Inclusion and Democracy és desenvolupat principalment de manera estructural, Young utilitza repetidament les experiències de patiment social i les demandes de justícia expressades per moviments socials com a base de les seves propostes democràtiques a gran escala.

The paper discusses the problem of the possible relation between psychoanalytic concepts and social critique in the perspective of Adorno's social thought. The title refers to Adorno's idea that psyche as individual spontaneity has now lost the weight it used to have in the liberal era. As a brief introductory remark, I clarify the status of theory for Adorno, i.e., the circularity between interpretation and description as grounded by the nature of the social object itself. Then I analyse his core idea of “social objectivity” as an impersonal mechanism which is at the same time produced by men and reified, heteronomous for them, and I argue that, for Adorno, the discontinuity existing between individual and society prevents an immediate shift of psychoanalytic concepts to the social world: the example of fascism clearly proves that the determining social forces today, while instrumentally exploiting deep psychical materials, are not themselves psychological. In the final part, I show how, for Adorno, psychology and sociology nevertheless need to be mediated with each other, while avoiding the superficial synthesis the so-called “revised psychoanalysis” aims to, and I point out some similarities between psychoanalytic practice and social critique as conceived by him.

Adorno’s philosophical legacy came to be considered in researches in the area of business administration, especially in organizational studies (Batista-dos-Santos, Alloufa, & Nepomuceno, 2010; Faria, 2004; Paes de Paula, 2008, 2012). This paper is intended to contribute with epistemological reflections and their implications in the use of dialectic as a method of analysis. Adorno’s contributions to research in organization studies materialize in at least 6 ways: (a) the fight against totalitarian philosophical systems; (b) when ideas are elements from Praxis, these have concrete potential in the objective world; (c) the primacy of an object over a subject makes an object qualitatively distinct; (d) an object studied is nothing without a subject who will study it, because without the subject the object does not exist; (e) a subject thinks about reality principally through ideas and concepts; (f) as any reality studied cannot be fully knowable, it can only be known through what it shows, i.e. a non-concept can only be known through a concept, because a relationship of mutual existence allows us to consider the existence of a potential totality.

O objetivo principal deste artigo é desenvolver uma reflexão a respeito das relações entre a arqueogenealogia das relações entre verdade, poder e discurso, tal como a pratica Michel Foucault, por um lado, e a teoria crítica da sociedade, da Escola de Frankfurt, por outro lado. Essa aproximação é feita por meio de uma reconstrução da crítica de Jürgen Habermas a Michel Foucault, no livro O Discurso Filosófico da Modernidade.The main purpose of this paper is to develop a reflection on the relations between Michel Foucault's archaeo-genealogy of the relationships between truth, power and discourse, and the critical theory of society of the Frankfurt School. The discussion is taken up in the context of Habermas' critique of Foucault in The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity.

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o papel das empresas juniores na formação dos administradores. Tal tipo de organização geralmente é associado a uma leitura exclusivamente positiva, não contraditória, e a isso se relaciona ao senso comum a respeito da importância pedagógica das empresas juniores para a formação acadêmica e profissional. O referencial teórico versa sobre como, sob os auspícios do mundo administrado, as violências são apreendidas como naturais e essenciais para a formação dos sujeitos, em consonância com o status quo, e como reflexo natural e necessário das relações do capitalismo de mercado. Este estudo é uma pesquisa qualitativa, baseada em um estudo de caso desenvolvido a partir da história de vida e utilizou a metodologia hermenêutico-dialética para a análise dos dados. Em seguida, são discutidas as violências vivenciadas no ambiente acadêmico-profissional das empresas juniores; a naturalização dessas violências; o real propósito dessas organizações, isto é, é a encucação da ideologia da administração nos discentes; e o papel da Universidade - destinada à formação crítica dos sujeitos ou à sua formatação em consonância com o contexto socioeconômico. Por fim, são traçadas sucintas considerações adicionais.This paper aims to analyze the role of junior enterprises in the administrators' training. This type of organization is usually associated to an exclusively positive reading, non-contradictory, and this is related to common sense with regard to the pedagogical importance of junior enterprises to the academic and professional training. The theoretical framework focuses on how, under the auspices of the administered world, violence is perceived as natural and essential to the subjects' training, in accordance with the status quo, and as a natural and needed response to the market capitalism relations. This study is a qualitative research, based on a case study developed through life history and using the hermeneutic-dialectic methodology for data analysis. Then, there's a discussion on the violence experienced in the academic-professional environment of junior enterprises; the naturalization of this violence; the actual purpose of these organizations, that is, fixation of administration ideology in the students; and the role of University - which is aimed at the critical training of the subjects or their training in accordance with the socioeconomic context. Finally, brief additional remarks are made.

This paper reports on a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the New Labour (1997-2010) discourse of Social and Emotional Learning (SEL) in schools, and how it was understood and enacted by policymakers in England and in Wales within the context of devolved government across the UK. By SEL I mean universal school-based programs, located in the concept of children’s emotional wellbeing and concerned with developing children’s ability to understand, express and manage their emotions. Through a series of in-depth interviews with national level SEL policy actors this investigation worked to understand and identify how the SEL policy discourse worked “to privilege certain ideas and topics and speakers and exclude others” (Ball, 2008, p. 5). Through shining a critical light on the discourse of New Labour SEL policy makers this work responds to the call of Gunter et al. (2014) for critical education researchers to develop and amplify voices which challenge the current hegemonic “common sense” discourse. The findings identify that the relationship between language and political ideology in England and Wales during the New Labour years powerfully shaped the SEL policy discourse.

Mega-events are urban spectacles that bring together capital, physical materials, symbols, people and organizations, to produce sports and cultural events. Rio de Janeiro hosted the soccer World Cup in 2014 and will shortly host the 2016 Olympics, two such Mega-events. This paper discusses these Mega-events in terms of a new and influential model of transnational governance that involves market-based alliances between urban leaders, real-estate developers, global corporations and sports-related civil society groups. It begins by defining mega-events and their significance to transnational governance, and then describes the mega-events being held in Rio de Janeiro. In the final section, the implications of these mega-events are reviewed, highlighting the on-going period of contestation within urban visions of transnational governance.

In late 19th Century America, the elite of wealthy New York families were united by the Patriarch’s Balls. The Society of the Patriarch organized lavish balls to foster a content class-consciousness among the society of “The Four Hundred” who mattered, in contrast to the rest who did not. In 21st Century America, the tables have been turned and the class conscious are less able to enjoy the fruits of their labor sans guilt (or the realization of a nasty pun). As Slavoj Zizek asserts in Six Sideways Glances on Violence, contemporary America’s “culture of capital” is marked by the systemic violence that allows the West to maintain its First World status and North American writer George Saunders, for one, knows it. This paper will look at how Saunders returns to those East Coast, greater New York communities in the 21st Century, communities that are now more egalitarian and “open” yet just as worried about keeping up with the Joneses. Writing their stories with a dystopic twist, he intimately explores the anxieties that plague their communities, while also maintaining a sense of the universal in his work that allows for its wider interpretation and relevance to the American national identity in general. Saunders writes as the moral conscience of a community that while “successful” according to American standards, cannot help but feel all the dirtier after the help have cleaned the kitchen.

Based on readings of Horkheimer and Adorno, authors of the so-called first generation of Frankfurt School, the text socializesunderstandings regarding critical ontology, epistemology and methodology aiming to contribute with the practice of critical research within theFrankfurtian tradition in the management field. The paper sets off with ontological discussion to substantiate the Frankfurtian epistemologicalperspective. It then introduces critical epistemological dimensions and suggests three dialectic categorical pairs for understanding reality:naturalization versus history, system versus social praxis, alienation/domination versus emancipation. The text discusses methodological issuesand concludes socializing an example of critical research within the Frankfurtian tradition in management.

El objetivo del artículo es presentar los avances teóricos que relacionan la problemática del derecho penal, derecho procesal penal, teoría de género y feminismo, reseñando brevemente las contribuciones que han efectuado distintos autores nacionales y extranjeros. Se procura alcanzar una perspectiva teórica que favorezca las interpretaciones críticas de la ley penal y preserve el sesgo antidiscriminatorio de la teoría de género y del feminismo, en tanto disciplinas contenidas en el paradigma de los derechos humanos. Por supuesto, no siempre es posible, llegándose a encontrar contradicciones y aportes valiosos aunque muy tensos entre sí. Creemos que las tensiones entre teoría de género y derecho penal, dificultan la posibilidad de contar con un discurso abarcativo de las necesidades de grupos específicos, como lo son las mujeres, y más aún las mujeres que han sido capturadas por las redes del poder punitivo. Por otro lado, favorecen la discusión al interior de las ciencias sociales sobre la situación de las mujeres en relación al discurso jurídico, en tanto éste es un instrumento poderoso que crea sujetos y cristaliza las relaciones sociales.The objetive of this paper is to present the theoretical progress that relates the problems concerning criminal law, procedural criminal law, gender theory and feminism, making a brief description of the contribution given by national and foreign authors. It tries to reach a theoretical perspective that helps the critic interpretations of criminal law and preserves the non-discriminatory bias of gender theory and feminism, as long as disciplines belonging to the human rights paradigm. The last issue is not always possible to reach, since contradictions and valuable contributions, although tense among them, can be found. On the one hand, those tensions between gender theory and criminal law difficult the possibility of having an extensive discourse about the needs of specific groups, especially women that are caught in the punitive power nets. On the other hand, the same tensions lead to the discussion about women and the judicial discourse, as this is a powerful instrument that creates law subject and crystallizes social relationships.

O poder da sexualidade nas relações entre professores e alunos é tão intenso quanto o esforço feito pelos agentes educacionais em negá-lo. O termo tabu representa a exata designação do que tal terminologia suscita: algo misterioso e, principalmente, proibido. De fato, a questão sexual entre professores e alunos concerne a uma esfera tão proibitiva que sequer é mencionada, haja vista a escassez de pesquisas que versam a esse respeito. Daí o objetivo deste artigo, ou seja, analisar a ambivalência dos sentimentos de amor e de ódio que se objetivam na sexualidade existente entre professores e alunos.The power of sexuality in teacher-student relationships is as intense as the effort made by educational institutions to deny it. The term "taboo"represents the exact designation of what such terminology means: something mysterious and mainly forbidden. In fact, the sexual issue among teachers and students concerns such a forbidding sphere that it is hardly mentioned, which explains the little research that has been carried out in this field. Thus, this paper is aimed at analyzing the ambivalence of feelings of love and hate found in the teacher-student sexuality.

Trata-se aqui de umas notas de trabalho sobre o tema da técnica em Theodor W. Adorno. O ensaio Educação após Auschwitz e um conjunto de aforismos que compõem o livro Minima moralia são tomados como fontes principais, mas também como roteiro de investigação. As críticas de Adorno à técnica aparecem em vários registros e privilegiamos, nos marcos de nossa reflexão, as relacionados ao corpo e à produção da consciência, elementos que se combinam diversamente nas obras pesquisadas, mas que encontram seu desiderato na crítica ao mundo administrado e aos destinos da subjetividade. Nossos resultados mostram que nas reflexões de Adorno o profundo processo de embrutecimento do humano e a supressão de quaisquer traços de particularidade aparecem intimamente relacionados com o crescente processo de tecnificação, o que por sua vez engendra uma certa pedagogia dos gestos e do corpo. Sugere-se, neste sentido, que a técnica mais refinada não necessariamente leva a um aumento das possibilidades humanas, mas, talvez encaminhe, tendencialmente, a uma escravização do corpo por meio da incorporação dos processos reificadores da tecnificação.This paper brings some work notes on the topic of technique by Theodor W. Adorno. The essay Education after Auschwitz and some of the aphorisms in Minima moralia are taken as main sources, and also as part of an investigation plan. Adorno's criticism of technique appears in several parts of his work. In our reflection, we have prioritized criticism related to the body and the production of conscience, as they are elements which have different combinations in the researched texts, but a common goal in the criticism of the administered world and the destiny of subjectivity. Our results show that, in Adorno's reflections, the deep process of human brutalization and the suppression of any particularity traits are closely related to the growing technification process, which engenders a certain gesture and body pedagogy. It's suggested, in that sense, that the most refined techniques do not necessarily increase human possibilities. On the contrary, they may lead to body slavery through the incorporation of technifying reification processes.

This paper discusses the cyclical nature of the critical approaches of communicationin Brazil in the last 40 years. The 1970’s, 1980’s were characterized by theories of differenthues who denounced the culture’s commodification, the symbolic’s deflation, thedisputes over hegemony in the interpretation of reality. The next 20 years were markedby abandonment of certain critical bias, in favor of the treatment of most indentedaspects of communicative process and product. From recent discussions of Boltanski,placing the concepts of critical and metacritique, highlighting to the importance ofthe redemption of embracing looks in the communicational analysis.

Marcuse teve no Brasil na década de 1970 uma recepção unilateral, sendo visto unicamente como guru da contra-cultura. Contra esse equívoco o artigo mostra a relação intrínseca entre teoria e prática na filosofia de Marcuse, caracterizada como uma filosofia política cuja preocupação central é a transformação radical da sociedade capitalista.Marcuse had in Brazil, in the 70s, an one-sided reception, being seen only as a guru of the counter-culture. Against this misconception the paper exposes the intrinsic relationship between theory and practice in Marcuses's philosophy, characterized as a political philosophy whose main concern is the radical transformation of capitalist society.

O artigo pretende explicitar a relação entre arte e reconciliação no pensamento de Herbert Marcuse, considerando-se vários de seus escritos que tocam no tema. Ao longo deles, percebe-se que o uso do termo reconciliação assume um duplo significado: por um lado, significa a possibilidade de que os temas sublimados da cultura possam ser efetivados no plano das relações materiais, o que implicaria o desaparecimento da arte; por outro, significa a imagem de um mundo harmonizado que a arte preserva em si e que se distancia da ordem social. Sob esse aspecto, a arte permanece utopia.This paper aims to clarify the relation between art and reconciliation in Herbert Marcuse's thought, according to some of his writings concerning the subject. These works employ the term "reconciliation" with two meanings: it means the possibility of effectuating within material relations the sublimed cultural themes and this would result in the disappearance of the art; on the other hand, it means the image of a harmonic world which art preserves in itself and that stays away from social order. Under this aspect, art remains utopia.

O tema principal deste trabalho é a análise de contradições da política brasileira contemporânea à luz da Teoria Crítica.The main theme of this paper is the analysis of the contradictions in the Brazilian contemporary policies in the light of Critical Theory.

Esse artigo discute a contribuição da Teoria crítica para a Psicologia e para a História e a importância delas na análise da sociedade e da dimensão subjetiva. À categorização a priori e à naturalização de problemas históricos, a Teoria crítica opõe a filosofia histórica como interpretação materialista da realidade. À redução do conceito de sujeito fundado em análises que levam em conta somente aspectos sociais e econômicos, especialmente T.W. Adorno aborda a relevância da psicanálise e o estudo da mediação da sociedade na subjetividadeThis paper discusses the contributions of critical theory to psychology and history and their importance in the analysis of society and of the subjective dimension. The critical theory contrasts the prior categorization and naturalization of the historical problems with the historical philosophy as a materialistic interpretation of reality. Regarding the reduction of the concept of subject found in analyses that take into account only social and economic aspects, especially T.W. Adorno tackles the relevance of psychoanalyses and the study of the social mediation in the subjectivity.

La autora busca mostrar en el transcurrir de la exposición que el tema como fue solicitado para ser desarrollado, presenta una perspectiva que no es la más apropiada. Para justificar esa afirmación la autora utiliza el modelo operacional de la teoría crítica aplicado a la salud. El modelo analiza aspectos de la ideología del tema; los factores que han contribuido para que el dilema persista dentro y fuera de la profesión; la visión general de la realidad de América Latina y indica las acciones transformadoras necesarias para discutir y trabajar el tema.The author during her discussion tries to explain that the theme needs another approaching perspective. Therefore, she uses a critical model to find out the ideology of the theme; the factors that have contributed to the dilemma inside and outside the profession; presents a general view of the situation in Latin America and finalizes the paper with the indication of some actions aiming at transforming Nursing and enabling the discussion and work with this theme.