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The essay analyzes how F. Hayek’s economic proposal is fundamental for Bolsonarism in Brazil. It examines aspects of Hayek’s according to his statements about Brazilian politics in the 1970s. It introduces two of those responsible for Hayek’s popularization in Brazil, and then examines how the theoretical principles of Liberty are inconsistent with its actual practices. It shows how this conception of Freedom is essential for Bolsonarism to propose a general privatization of relationships as a safeguard for a protected personal sphere and a basis for the foundation of a new politics.

The article examines the American period of V.I. Ryndzyun's life and his work as an American writer and journalist. Vladimir Ryndzyun began publishing in Russia before the Revolution, and in the early 1920s he became famous under the pen-name “A. Vetlugin” thanks to publications in Russian émigré newspapers and books published in Paris and Berlin. He arrived in the USA in 1923 with Sergey Yesenin and Isadora Duncan and decided to stay there. He contributed to American journalism and American cinema as Voldemar Vetluguin, and to American literature as Frederick Van Ryn. In the fall of 1933, his essay “There's No Repealing Tastes”, signed with the pen-name Frederick Van Ryn was published in the first issue of Esquire magazine along with the works of Ernest Hemingway, John Dos Passos, Erskine Caldwell, etc. In 1934 he became an editor of RedBook Magazine as Voldemar Vetluguin. In 1936 he started to contribute in this pulp fiction magazine as Frederick Van Ryn as if he decided to separate his work as an editor and his literary works. Under the name of Frederick Van Ryn, he also collaborated with other magazines: a number of his publications appeared in the 1940s in Liberty; all of them have to do with cinema. His new pen-name made it possible for him to develop the author’s strategy in the USA, but in general it fits into the system of author’s masks / projections, which are typical for V.I. Rynzdyun’s / Voldemar Vetluguin’s works and self-fashioning.

Freedom is one of the most fervently fought for values and, at the same time, the very idea of freedom belongs to concepts that are essentially contested. This situation is a part of human brokenness, and in Christian formation, it has to be seriously dealt with. According to the popular view, ‘holiness’ is a life-negating and judgmental attitude towards everything ‘normal.’ In biblical usage, it connotes belonging to God as a gift in Christ. Spiritual formation begins with a biblical explanation of freedom and holiness. A Christian worldview has to be the background to Christian formation, functioning as a correction of the commonly- accepted naturalistic worldview. A personal experiential relationship with God is the key to successful growth towards realistic and practical holiness in daily life. ‘Dos and don’ts’ that usually arise at the beginning of religious education shall be experienced as liberating instructions, if they are offered as guidance to a fully persuaded mind and a devotedly loving heart.

Book reviewed: Freedom and responsibility in Neoplatonist thought

India is a museum of language, culture and Indian English Literature is an expression of its people, their culture, traditions and, their ways of life. Culture is defined as common belief shared by a large group of people belonging to a particular region; is passed from one generation to other. It is set of manners, customs, practices and morals, and norms. Stories based on traditions are called Myth. They are sacred tales that explain the world and human experience and play fundamental role in society. The Present research study examines the interplay of mythological stories of Gandhari, Damayanti, Amba and how Githa Hariharan links these mythological characters with fictitious characters as portrayed by her in The Thousand Faces of Night.

This article analyzes the work of two beguines from the 13th century belonging to the so-called vernacular theology. It is proposed to characterize the works of Mechthild of Magdeburg, The Flowing Light of the Goodhead, and Marguerite Porete, The Mirror of Simple Souls, in order to determine the most distinctive traits of the authors. In both works love is central, at the same time it is intimately linked to knowledge. Even so, the reading of the texts and their careful examination allow us to propose that Mechthild’s work is mainly linked to the literature of courtly love, while Marguerite’s, to the time it includes these elements, it is more rooted in the mystique of nothingness, which will later become widely known in tradition through the work of Meister Eckhart. For this reason, the place given to the senses and corporeality acquires greater relevance in Mechthild’s work, while in Marguerite the unitive loving experience is purely spiritual. These nuances in the characterizations of the union with the divinity must be read in their historical context, since during the 13th century and the following a controversy developed on the affective or intellectual character of the mystical union. These different ways of understanding love that we find in the works of these medieval authors represent another way of approaching the idea and function of eros, which from Plato onwards has been one of the central themes of philosophical reflection.

This paper aims to compare Hume and Berkeley’s approach on will and liberty. Berkeley defines will as a mind’s faculty, whereas Hume understands it attached to impressions. Both philosophers claim for definition as a philosophical method to enhance the knowledge of nature. The conclusion discusses determinism as attached to liberty. Since his religious commitment, Berkeley tried to turn compatible determinism and liberty. Despite the current arguments that called Hume a stringent determinist due to his aim of a Science of human nature, we state that this thesis should be revised. In other words, we can’t assure definitely Hume as a determinist (Penelhum, 1993, 243), seeing that his argument covers the possibility of liberty.

Resumo O objetivo deste texto é cotejar as concepções de liberdade natural e de liberdade civil de John Locke e de Algernon Sidney. Se ambos escreveram seus tratados em resposta ao panfleto de Robert Filmer, Patriarcha, or the naturall power of kings defended against the unnatural liberty of the people, com críticas muito parecidas, as concepções de liberdade apresentadas, apesar das semelhanças, revelam nuanças significativas, com relevantes implicações em alguns casos, como na possibilidade de o governo deter a prerrogativa de agir em casos não previstos pelas leis civis ou de maneira contrária às leis civis, em situações de emergência. A intenção é mostrar que essas diferenças resultam em duas perspectivas distintas de pensar a relação entre governo e lei civil.

Was it possible in the eighteenth-century Netherlands to ridicule a very serious thing such as the Dutch sense of liberty? In my article I analyse the way the Dutch satirist Fokke Simonsz (1755–1812) defined freedom in one of his bestsellers: Ironiesch Comiesch Woordenboek (1797–1798). I research how his attitude towards freedom affected the public debate in the Netherlands at the end of the eighteenth century. The analysis of the book of Fokke Simonsz is an important element of my research project, which focuses on various representations of freedom in Dutch political journals from the late Enlightenment. Fokke Simonsz in his ‘dictionary’ demonstrates a different concept of freedom than the one that is presented in journals. Thanks to him the image of freedom in the eighteenth-century Netherlands appears to be much more nuanced than it seems at first glance.

According to Alexis de Tocqueville, in the state of equality of conditions liberty is under serious threat. The passion for equality, which is the first and most intense passion of a democratic people, may prompt them to exchange liberty for despotism, in so far as they are willing to surrender themselves entirely to the search of material goods and self-interest, and to resign their power of judgment for the sake of the opinion of the majority, which is the real source of authority in such a social state. Taking this fragile balance between liberty and equality into account, this paper aims the consideration of American customs which allows Tocqueville to postulate a social theory (not a description of this society), the doctrine of interest properly understood, which may link analytically virtue and interest and instruct democratic societies.

This article presents considerations about the functioning of the Semi-liberty socio-educational measure, as part of a structured proposition based on national guidelines, in view of problematizations about Michel Foucault’s disciplinary power and Gilles Deleuze’s control society. The semi-liberty measure consists in an adolescent’s staying in a house for a period from six months to three years, under a professional team’s orientation and supervision. The discussions demonstrate that the strategies undertaken for the measure execution present a conception of public policy aligned with new conceptions and values in the control society, taking into account the disciplinary society practices. The practices, established in Semi-liberty, work like a laboratory by introducing adolescents to democratic flows, configuring a sort of social juggling.

The aim of this study is to summarise the figure of the printer and bookseller Miguel Domingo, and to reflect the milestones in his professional life through his liberal work and ideas, the criticism expressed by his enemies, and the defence made by his supporters. His career was, certainly, that of someone completely devoted to the liberty and modernization of Spain, as well as an avid defender of its benefits. He had to pay a high price because of such eagerness, as he was sentenced to jail and heavily fined with Carlos IV, and sent to prison once again in 1814 for four years, in times of Fernando VII, on the island of Ibiza, away from his family. As if this were not enough, the culmination of his career was his exile in 1823, with the end of the Trienio Liberal.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: In this article the research objectives are the rights of children deprived of liberty and suspected of having committed crimes in international and regional agreements as well as in Swedish legislations and intended to preserve the child’s dignity. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The method applied to study their dignity is, on one hand, in the context of international and regional agreements; on the other hand, in the context of Swedish legislations, which are relevant to these children. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The argument is whether in Sweden children under the age of 15 years deprived of liberty and suspected of having committed crimes are treated in a manner consistent with promoting the child’s sense of dignity during the investigation of the crime. These children are of particular interest as they are more vulnerable than adults in the same situation; the spirit of dignity should therefore be more explicitly expressed for them. RESEARCH RESULTS: The research result confirms that dignity is fundamental for the rights of children as expressed in the studied international and regional agreements and, more specifically, in the CRC Articles 37 and 40. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Swedish legislations still need improvements to preserve the dignity of children, particularly regarding the rights of children under the age of 15 deprived of liberty and suspected of having committed crimes.

El artículo se propone evidenciar el tema de Dios a partir de la interpretación que Octavio Paz Lozano escribió de la obra de sor Juana Inés de la Cruz y, sobre todo, apoyándome en algunos versos poéticos de Octavio Paz que tratan directamente el tema de Dios; la vida y la obra de estos dos autores mexicanos son distantes en el tiempo pero cercanos en el modo de vivir la presencia divina. Ella acoge Dios como norma de vida, él como una presencia paradójica. El objetivo se delimita prácticamente a una obra de Paz sobre Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz o Las trampas de la fe, donde el autor ilustra el tiempo, la obra y las dificultades que encontró y superó la «décima musa» para poder «dedicarse a las letras»; al mismo tiempo, Octavio Paz entrevé una cierta semejanza con las dificultades que, a su vez, él encontró en su «oficio de poeta». Obviamente, la concepción de Dios entre los dos autores es completamente diferente, así lo demuestra Octavio Paz en la obra que dedicó a sor Juana y también en la poesía titulada «El ausente», que hace parte de «Calamidades y milagros», una serie de poesías que Paz escribió entre 1937 y 1947 haciendo alusión a Dios. Abstract: The article intends to demonstrate the theme of God as present in the work of two Mexican authors, Sister Juana Inés de la Cruz (a nun) and Octavio Paz Lozano (a lay poet), and while they may appear historically distant they nevertheless present themselves as being close with regard to their experience of the divine, she as a nun and he as a layman. Juana Inés de la Cruz welcomes God as a rule of life, while Octavio Paz welcomes God as a presence that is paradoxical. The aim of this article is an exploration of Octavio Paz’s work, «Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz o Las trampas de la fe», wherein he illustrates the time and work difficulties he encountered to overcome the «tenth muse» so as to be able to «devote himself to his letters». At the same time Paz shows a certain similarity between difficulties found in the works of Sor Juana de la Cruz and his own work. Obviously, the concept of God between the two authors is completely different, Octavio Paz demonstrates it in the work he dedicated to sister Juana and also in the poem «The Absent» which is part of «Calamities and Miracles», a series of poems that Paz wrote between 1937 and 1947 referring to God.

An analysis of the principles of democratization, revolution, liberty, specification, consciousness and Hope, respectively, in Luxemburg, Trotsky, Gramsci, Korsch, Lukács and Benjamin/Bloch, as distinct heirs of the Russian Revolution, under the impulse of Lenin’s theory and praxis.

Freedom is a mantle that covers all aspects of existence. Just as on a cold winter night, its absence is noticeable. But not only in the absolute absence of freedom must we think of it. Neither should we think of freedom in binary terms (there is or is not). Freedom is much more than a concept, we live, enjoy, exhaust, and suffer. Freedom carries responsibility in the realm of the inner and especially in the public realm. This work suggests the study of freedom in the realm of the public and seeks to link it with the place where freedom is exercised. And being the public freedom the object of study of this work, I will review the great minds that studied it before, the norms that regulate it and the perception of the individuals that live in the town of Oñati. This dissertation unveils the amount, size, colour, and texture of the Oñati idea of freedom.La libertad es un manto que cubre todos los aspectos de la existencia. Sólo en una fría noche de invierno, su ausencia se hace presente. Pero, no sólo en la ausencia absoluta de libertad debemos pensar en ella. Tampoco debemos pensar en ella en términos binarios (existe o no). La libertad es mucho más que un concepto, la vivimos, disfrutamos, agotamos y sufrimos. La libertad tiene aparejada la responsabilidad, en el reino de lo interno y especialmente en el reino de lo público. Este trabajo sugiere el estudio de la libertad en el reino de lo público y busca vincularla con el lugar en que es ejercida. Y, siendo la libertad pública el objeto de estudio de este trabajo, repasaré las grandes mentes que la han estudiado en el pasado, las normas que la regulan y la percepción de los individuos que viven en el pueblo de Oñati. Esta tesina revela la cantidad, tamaño, color y textura de la idea de libertad en Oñati. DOWNLOAD THIS PAPER FROM SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=3064765

Consumers have different preferences, needs and limitations. Despite this unquestionable fact, consumer protection systems tend to bet blindly on egalitarian protection schemes. Even more seriously, many egalitarian schemes operate as mandatory schemes. In this work, it is argued that such schemes severely injure the principle of consumer sovereignty and harm the consumer since they move away from the spontaneous market process and replace it with rigid designs

RESUMO: Este artigo tem por objetivo apresentar e discutir as contribuições de Bernard Williams no que tange ao pluralismo de valores e ao conflito entre liberdade e igualdade. Primeiro é apresentada a “estrutura de conceitos de valores proposta por Williams. Depois, são investigadas as construções de liberdade e igualdade como valores políticos e é introduzida a noção de “ressentimento” que Williams utiliza para dar sentido ao pluralismo de valores. A seguir, é discutida uma de suas críticas ao modelo de explicação de Ronald Dworkin acerca do conflito de valores, o qual não levaria a oposição política a sério. ABSTRACT: This article aims to present and discuss the contributions of Bernard Williams regarding the pluralism of values and the conflict between freedom and equality. First, the structure of value concepts proposed by Williams is presented. Then the constructions of liberty and equality as political values are investigated and the notion of 'resentment', which Williams uses to give meaning to the pluralism of values, is introduced. Following, one of his criticisms of Ronald Dworkin's reconciliatory answer to the conflict of values, namely that it does not take political opposition seriously, is critically appraised.

Embora Montesquieu seja conhecido, acima de tudo, por sua célebre teoria da separação dos poderes e tenha seu pensamento recorrentemente vinculado à perspectiva do liberalismo, sua reflexão política não pode se restringir a essas duas linhas interpretativas. Principalmente porque entendemos que a reflexão apresentada pelo pensador de Bordeaux também possui uma interessante ligação com a tradição republicana e contribuiu expressivamente para a retomada dessa tradição no Século das Luzes. Partindo dessa hipótese, o presente artigo tem como objetivo principal demonstrar e valorizar a contribuição de Montesquieu para com a formação do republicanismo. Para tanto, nos concentraremos: em primeiro lugar, na análise que ele realiza acerca do legado romano, isto é, as especificidades de Roma em seu período republicano e a relevância da virtude política para esse regime; em segundo lugar, na avaliação e promoção de uma discussão sobre os dois fundamentos imprescindíveis da República: a igualdade e a liberdade; por fim, na investigação das razões pelas quais a corrupção política e o luxo podem conduzir à República a falência. [While Montesquieu is known, above all, for his celebrated theory of separation of powers and his thought is recurrently linked to the perspective of liberalism, his political thought cannot be restricted to those two interpretative lines. Mainly because we understand that the ideas proposed by the philosopher of Bordeaux also has an interesting connection with the Republican tradition and has contributed significantly to the resumption of this tradition in the Age of Enlightenment. From this hypothesis, the main objective of this article is to demonstrate and value the contribution of Montesquieu to the formation of republicanism. For this goal, we shall focus: firstly, on the analysis he per-forms of the Roman legacy, that is, the specifics of Rome in its Republican Period and the relevance of political virtue to that regime; secondly, on the review and promotion of a discussion of the two essential foundations of the republic: equality and liberty; finally, on an investigation of the reasons why political corruption and luxury can lead the republic to failure.]

Can world peace come about through a world federation of governments? Is growing agreement and appreciation for, throughout the world, the doctrine of equal human rights inevitable? Such questions are raised by Mortimer Adler in How to Think about War and Peace. Adler argues in this book that both are possible, and in doing so he argues that the insights of liberal contract thinkers, particularly Immanuel Kant, are essentially true. Kant argues that each person has the capacity to discover within himself the foundation for human rights because they are self-evident. It follows that over time inequalities and prejudices will disappear, and people will gain the freedom to advance the cause of peace. About this account of the possibility of world peace I ask the question: is it indeed reasonable? For if it is reasonable, it is not reasonable for the reasons that would have been advanced by Aristotle or Plato or their medieval followers. In older political philosophy it is agreement about the unchanging truth of things that can bring peace. To seek the unchanging truth of things, philosophical speculation about God and things divine, is the highest human activity. It is that end to which life in this world is directed, and upon which human flourishing depends. Freedom depends upon our openness to unchanging eternal truth, even more than self-evident rights; the exercise of speculative reasoning allows for political discourse and an open society.

This paper will focus on the issue of whether it is plausible to think about a human right to be assisted in dying. The right to be assisted in dying cannot be considered just a right of non-interference. It is better understood as a claim right because it demands assistance and positive actions. I will argue that the principles of individual autonomy and Kant’s notion of dignity taken independently cannot be considered plausible justification for the human right to be assisted in dying. Griffin’s personhood account points out that principles of liberty, minimum provision and autonomy must be taken together to justify human rights. Based on his theory, I will argue that a person with a terminal disease who was aware of her imminent death or who suffered from an intractable, incurable, irreversible disease may waive the right to life and choose death. Therefore, the right to life would not restrict the human right to be assisted in dying and a state that allowed the practice of assisted dying would not be disrespecting the human right to life. This article will defend that the personhood account is able to protect vulnerable people from making decisions under pressure and avoid the slippery slope objection.

In questo articolo viene discussa l’applicazione delle tecnologie B.I.M. al rilievo e alla rappresentazione delle facciate con decorazioni tardo Liberty e Art Dèco, utilizzando come casi di studio alcuni edifici localizzati nei centri della Sardegna. I linguaggi decorativi esaminati si diffusero nelle regioni più marginali con un certo ritardoattraverso l’applicazione di decorazioni seriali inserite sia su edifici esistenti che di nuova costruzione. La ricerca, ancora in corso, discute come il B.I.M. può supportare l’analisi degli elementi decorati che si ripetono in maniera seriale nelle facciate di vari edifici costruiti nei primi decenni del Ventesimo secolo, anche nella prospettiva di un’integrazione con sistemi GIS che consentono di valutare la localizzazione degli elementi all’interno del tessuti urbano e del territorio e con sistemi di modellazione procedurale semiautomatici delle facciate.

This article aims to assess the Logoterapia to promote a harmonious coexistence secondary school level, for it involved second graders of secondary level being 37 male and 30 female whose ages ranged between 13 and 14 years and 17 teachers being 16 female and only one male with an average age of 33 years. The research was conducted using a descriptive, cross-sectional research design study by applying the Guide for Self-diagnosis of School Coexistence from the educational perspective of Fierro, Tapia, Fortoul, Martínez-Parente, Macouzet and Jimenez, the Existential Scale A. Längle, Orgler C. and M. Kundi and Purpose of Life Scale (PIL) of Crumbaugh J. and Maholick. It is concluded that the development of personal skills and existential allow a harmonious school life.

Abstract – The author examines, from a legal point of view, the widespread phenomenon of migration in the EU Treaty and its legal acts. In pursuant to article 3 of the Treaty, “the Union shall offer its citizen an area of liberty, security and justice”, migration and related issues affect a series of fundamental rights belonging to different people who have different interests: for migrants these are, the right to entry, the right to stay, the duty to meet analytical entrance requirements; whereas for the local population they concern the right to live peacefully and in a safe condition. More specifically, this article illustrates the EU Directives regulating migration, giving emphasis to a methodology according to which EU migration acts have to be applied and interpreted striking a balance between the principle/right of liberty of migrants and the principle/right of security of the EU community.

In this paper I present the theory of natural rights and liberty of Bartolomé de Las Casas. I hold that the theoretical foundation of Las Casas is found in juridical texts, only complemented by Thomist authorities. I show that the apparent inconsistencies were a means to make his discourse more effective against those who defended the enslavement of Native Americans. Finally, this eclecticism enabled Las Casas to create an original theory of civil power and liberty by using Canon law texts and terms.

This essay is a reflection on some of the political elements embedded in the ethical problems of medically assisted suicide and euthanasia. The thesis work is that political theoretical founda­tions of modern nations are aimed to protect the lives of people, a fact that responds to a series of historical processes of the very development of modern political theory. These fundamentals directly affect the cultural and political positions for the refusal to accept the legalization or regulation of the two practices in question, thus denying the right of self-determination in human decision making on the own life and death.

This article analyzes the genesis and consolidation of devotion to the holy Ecce Homo in the city of Popayán —located in the New Kingdom of Granada— during the second half of the 17th century. It explores the influence of this mystical experience in crystalizing the city’s religious feasts and the cultural nuances that permeated this particular invocation. It also describes the relationship of interdependence between the liberty of the free black man Juan Antonio de Velasco and other merchants, slaves, artisans, and the devout public in stabilizing this particular form of worship of the holy one. At the same time that it specifically traces the “life world” of the founder and confrere of the tradition, it calls attention to the imprint he made on this religious ritual in Popayán, “the white city.” In addition to these social factors, it also shows the influence that the generalized natural crisis of the 17th century had on the emergence of new brotherhoods, rogation days and forms of devotion.

La Vortágine is a famous novel of the Colombian and Latin American literature which deals singularly with the issue of violence. This paper proposes a novel philosophical reflection to address violence as an object of knowledge. First,a new approach from literary theory arises, then, aspects of the story are considered, such as the dual nature of the world, the absurd and self-productive dynamics of violence and, with the help of several authors, we find how these same aspects support new approaches. This article leads us to think of new ways of being and acting in the world from the way we relate to the other.

The leaders of the east provinces of Venezuela specially in C umana and Margarita defended the republican, democratil, and authonomical values of the republic and the states decentralizacion in the constituyent congress of 1811-1812.

This paper brings attention to the affinities between liberty and license in Arthur Miller’s the Crucible (1956). The play is an allegory for the ideology of McCarthyism which is based on questioning citizens for their Marxist orientations and accusing them of being engaged in an “Un- American Activity.” The excessive freedom of the Capitalist elite has resulted in the repression of the Communist group. In the play, Miller produces a polemical attitude towards excessive liberty by representing it as a myth and criticizing the abuse of power by the dominant socio-economic group. A special focus will be laid to the court of justice in Salem where judgment is becoming subjective and truth is manipulated. Miller succeeds at drawing parallel lines between the historical and the literary and at sneering at the ideal of liberty by showing that it is a myth. The first part will start with the historicity of the text and the aim is to grasp the political atmosphere during the nineteen fifties and to have an idea about the system and ideology Miller is attacking. To achieve the objective of analyzing the myth of freedom in the play, I will move to a close analysis of the play and pay special attention to the thematic concerns and to the traits of characters.

This paper aims to make explicit the concept of justice in Hegel’s Philosophy of Right. It bounds it to the idea of liberty in its different ways of determination. It starts from the notion of person of right and indicates the fundamental rights that derive from the expression of this legal capacity. It highlights the right of necessity as a right to make an exception in favor of itself aiming the actualization of justice. It shows how, through the Law, in civil society, it happens the administration of justice.

Important theme in political theory is the freedom. With a wide range of meanings, in its negative sense, understood as non-interference, it get practical reflections clearly distinguishable in the field of political action. In this view, the (neo)liberal ideology appropriates this concept for in the promoting of freedom, regarded as the supreme good, defend less state. In this sense, this article has the intention to question this premise that underpins the (neo)liberal thought. What freedom is achieved mainly by lower classes, before the shrinking of the state? Given the small list of options that the poor end up with and that hinders the exercise of citizenship, seems to be a fallacy that in the notion that "race" toward success everyone has equal opportunities. In this perspective, this very present belief that poverty can be explained by lack of effort on a clear possibility of rise of all competitors in the market is merely an illusion, as well as the thesis that no state interference guarantees as longed individual freedom. This thought seems much more a way of favoring a small fraction of the population and cover a mode of production exclusive and unjust.

In recent decades, the issue of justice has resurfaced in various media, from academia to the public space. The binomial justice / injustice is part of an unfinished debate about what exactly is justice and how to proceed in order to promote it. Important authors in the field of Political Science and Political Philosophy and Moral pored intently around this issue throughout the twentieth century, reaching conclusions different from each other and pointing different paths to its resolution. Accordingly, we will make a general analysis of these chains and try to finish in order to relate important topics such as justice, liberty and democracy in defense of the intersection of these social dimensions in the realization of a project for the promotion forms of justice.

The purpose of this paper is to present how the idea of “Liberty, Equality and Fraternity” have evolved to “Liberty and Justice” in the political thought of Antero de Quental, poet, philosopher and 19TH century Portuguese Socialist militant.