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After 60 years of armed conflict in Colombia, a groundbreaking peace agreement was signed in 2016 between the FARC- EP guerrilla and the Colombian government. This agreement was endorsed by various international organizations and included progress on the restitution of the rights of child victims of forced recruitment. Five years after the signing of this agreement and with the FARC-EP's disarmament process completed, it was expected that recruitment would be reduced in the areas where the guerrillas exercised control, however, this paper will show why this is not a closed issue. Mainly because the territories that had been occupied by the FARC-EP did not receive the institutional deployment that was expected, both on the part of the public forces and the institutional and social offer. The aim is to provide a general overview of the problem of forced recruitment in Colombia in order to detail its impact on the department of Chocó. This border region between Colombia and Panama has been plagued for years by an armed conflict that is still latent. The main historical milestones of recruitment and the dynamics of recruitment in the Colombian territories will also be reviewed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the first year of the presidency of Juan Manuel Santos in Colombia, Víctor Julio Suárez Rojas, alias Rodrigo Briceño or 'Mono Jojoy', commander of the guerrilla FARC, was killed. In this paper I examine that case from the spechees of president and the insurgent group. The aim is to reconstruct the resources and ways through which the speeches build relationships of political opposition. The case is studied on the theoretical basis of contemporary rhetoric and polemical discourse. The paper represents and describes the rhetorical amplification as the main method of structuring of political discourse in both texts analyzed. Then I describe the operation of the rhetorical strategy of "said unsaid", this is the explicit enunciation of what the adversary can not and should presumably say in public space (Olave, 2015). I argue that the amplification and unsayability are functional to the construction of the political opposition in the discourse. This type of resources shows the important role of the muted in the polemics interactions between FARC and government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Peace Agreement or Final Agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP brought the armed conflict with the guerrilla organisation to an end. The agreement is seen as a model due to several of its features: among others, its gender and ethnic perspective, and its methodology of negotiation in the midst of conflict. This introductory article seeks to present the background to the peace process and the main lines of the agreement reached. It also makes a preliminary assessment of compliance with the accords (as of April 2019) and the prospects of success. A general context is thereby provided to the papers included in this issue of Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, which is dedicated to the peace process in Colombia, and to understanding the framework within which its contents should be interpreted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate over the different possible Colombian postconflict scenarios led the aim of a stable and lasting peace to be connected with the realisation of agrarian reform and guaranteed access to land as a way to overcome territorial differences and the urban'rural divide. To achieve this, structural transformation of the Colombian countryside and acceptance of the territorial approach became central parts of the Peace Agreement (or Final Agreement) signed in 2016 between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP. This paper analyses the territorial approach adopted in this agreement, as well as its level of implementation so far, and accepts that the lack of progress on the territoriality of the Colombian conflict will make it difficult to achieve the objectives set out in the peace agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) processes focus on the individualisation of combatants, but the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) opted for a collective reincorporation that combines conversion to a political party with the implementation of collective productive projects in the framework of the Economías Sociales del Común (Ecomún) cooperative. But although it was a strategic bet, environmental factors have not helped this model come to fruition. This paper analyses the strategic, organisational and operational changes undergone by the FARC-EP in its process of transition to legal political life, highlighting its strengths and weaknesses, as well as the challenges it faces to remain united in legality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, the world's armed conflicts have mainly taken place within countries. As a result, it is all the more important to investigate internal armed conflicts from underexplored perspectives, such as the use of non-violent tactics by insurgent groups. It is in this sense that some scholars are using the term 'rebel diplomacy' to refer to strategic relations between insurgents and international actors in order to achieve political and military objectives in times of war. Taking as a case study the recent peace process between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) and the Colombian government, this paper analyses the role of the guerrilla group's rebel diplomacy during the peace process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on a Social Work research project that attempts to highlight historical situations of discrimination suffered by women deprived of their liberty after the demobilization of various armed groups in Colombia: the National Liberation Army (eln), the People's Liberation Army (epl) and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, People's Army (farc-ep). This paper focuses on the establishment of Gender Justice. On the basis of first-hand testimonials, it gathers the experiences of some of these women and the violations and forms of violence they have suffered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a part of the research study regarding the process of constructing representations within the national and international press about the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia -- People's Army (FARC -- EP) throughout a period from its inception as a guerrilla group in 1964, to its consolidation as an army which set the Colombian State on edge in 1996. This paper is exclusively focused on the months of May to June 1984, the first month of the ''ceasefire'' agreed with the government of President Belisario Betancur (1982 -1986). The ambivalence of representations is discussed herein, as well as how the image of a narco-guerrilla gradually takes shape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]