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This paper will address the new material challenges that democracy must address in the 21st century and that go far beyond the simple procedural formal rule defined by Bobbio and that had nothing to do with the substantive contents that are dealt with in the framework of a society or political community, especially complex like those of today. This situation maintains two causes that generate it and sequence it. On the one hand, the very stormy scenario with which the capitalist production model and its crises have generated in the population and, on the other hand, the reaction of the population who has felt orphaned of democracy, delivered naked to the market, and whose The feeling of reaction and annoyance has been reflected in various libertarian social movements, but also in the seduction of authoritarianism and the emergence of the extreme right. For the above, we will review a prospective of issues that democracy will have to face and the classic and contemporary positions that have been at the base of this fundamental discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this paper is the analysis of the possibility of renewal and deepening of the democratization processes opened by the Boaventura de Sousa Santos's theory of democracy. Throughout his long academic career, Santos formulates a theory of democracy beyond the limitative hegemonic conceptions (liberal, elitist, representative, procedural, electoral and delegative). In consonance with the theoretical and normative assumptions of the epistemologies of the South, Santos's theory of democracy focuses in its most radical and counter-hegemonic contents, based on high-intensity democracy ideas, demodiversity, experimentalism and articulation between representative democracy and participatory democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to analyze the relationships between formal, political, economic and social agreements that derive from the institutional design derived from constitutional law that were the pattern of governability in modern pre-covid19 society, and decisions imposed by governments after the declaration of a pandemic by the WHO in March 2020. The protection of the life project, governability as a government relationship with the administration and the application of biopower, are examined in light of the currents that see it with the potential to deepen authoritarianism and those who observe the possibility of reconciling biopower with democracy without implying that there is an operation in favor of undermining it. It is concluded that the positive or pernicious relationship between these elements for the construction of the postpandemic society will depend on the strength of the democratic institutionality, however, a fairly accepted attention, examines this relationship from the perspective of danger to freedom society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the relationship between the characteristics assumed by the public administration and changes in the democratic model from 1958 until the second millennium in Venezuela. Methodologically, four stages are distinguished from the characteristics assumed by democracy. 1. Democracy of the big parties and the model of import substitution, political representation and administrative centralization (1961); 2. Formally participatory and administratively decentralized democracy 1990), 3; people's and populist democracy with military base and administrative recentralization (1999); 4). Competitive authoritarianism. It is concluded that there is a significantly political relationship between the model of democracy and the models of public administration assumed in the model of the Venezuelan democratic regime, there are authoritarian changes from the periphery to the center as the institutional model went into crisis until its political breakin in 2018. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes some themes present in the conception of J. Habermas about democracy and State of Law. The author stands out mediated by his hermeneutics as a method the moral and political philosophy with which he reconstructs the State of Law in terms of Discourse Theory. Also, he interprets the conformation of the political community through dialogical rationality, which is why parts of the moments of his political theory are highlighted here to conceive law in a discursive perspective, mediated by dialogical principles to define procedural democracy. This justifies the communicative idea of the State of Law, a question that finds counterexamples in those democratic systems only formal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to present the different approaches from the political theory on the implementation in Venezuela of a totalitarian regime. It is concluded that it began with a form of delegative democracy, from 2005, which degenerated into a competitive authoritarian system (2012 onwards), to finally become a totalitarian system, based on the conflict of powers between the Supreme Court of Justice and the National Assembly, with the weakening and annihilation of the rule of law. The actions of the illegitimate Supreme Court of Justice, not only inconstitutionally invaded exclusive powers of the National Assembly, blocking the proper functions of it, based principally of ideological characters more than in the law, which led the establishment of a purely electoral democracy, with totalitarian aspects, with the imposition and implementation of a Spurious Constituent Assembly, that continuously modifies the Constitutional text in order to benefit the will of the current ruler, in this case of study, Nicolás Maduro. In this way, citizens are violated their right to choose, undermining popular sovereignty, such as completely undermine the electoral mandate expressed on December 6, 2015 and the principles of integral democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes some aspects of Latin American social movements, especially their notion of participatory democracy. In order to explain what they are and how they solve the problem of political organization, following Zibechi, two countries are studied: Brazil and Bolivia. In the first, powerful rural social movements have emerged, but they have lost part of their political role during the years of the PT's progressive government. In the second, urban social movements have emerged that have transformed a country whose government lias decided to carry out an antiliberal political-economic reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proposal of radical democracy that has been promoted by the philosopher Chantal Mouffe, can find in Colombia a "test laboratory" that offers important challenges. This paper presents the results of an investigation that inquire the adequacies that would be generated in the Colombian democratic system with the political participation of the FARC (guerrilla group) in the next post-conflict period. It is argued that in the colombian case there is an application of the theory proposed by Chantal Mouffe, with a different theoretical-empirical that could lead to a "radicalizing version" of radical democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aristotle's Politics influenced greatly among the authors of the twelfth century and onwards. However, it was differently received in each case which gave birth to a wide a variety of political doctrines. The aim of this paper is to claim that John of Paris interpreted Aristotle's Politics in a monarchical fashion, in spite of some presumably republican ideas of Quidort and in contrast with other accounts of his contemporaries. For that purpose, a) I shall briefly review the Aristotelian polemic regarding the best form of government, b) I will explain the earliest latin interpretations on Book III of the Politics and c) I will finally address John of Paris's account on it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship among politics, power, communication and culture are here examined, along with the new technologies role in that relationship. It is emphasized the function of universities in the production of useful knowledge for the citizens in their political and social relationships, specially in the construction of their political discourse in democracy. The paper of the media political protagonism is here criticized, while opportunities offered by the 1999 Venezuelan Constitution and the new laws and regulations are underlined, considering them as tools for citizens empowerment in their rescuing of the speech in the political scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades now in Latin America, and especially in Venezuela, there has been talk about the need to transform universities. This, as might be expected, generates a great debate among those who still cling to the corroded structures of higher education institutions for the privileges they bestow and those who desire a new form of university. This paper tries to contribute to the great national debate generated in Venezuela by the Ley de Educación Universitaria (University Education Law; 2010). Emphasis is laid on the importance of radicalizing university democracy and introducing critical thinking in the curricula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper constitutes a proposition for autonomous integration that propitiates regional negotiation in the face of the ALCA. To do this, it proposes to recuperate one's own ingenuity, which supposes surpassing the obstacle constructed by transitology, beyond abandonment of the structural historical focus and the inconsistent affirmation of social conflict as nineteenth-century, on spreading opposition between a supposed irrational revolutionary-ism from the seventies against the (liberal) democratism of the eighties. Thus, the way is opened to an appreciation of the utopian tension operating in history and the revolution ceases to be taboo or am anachronism, a question to be re-thought if there are any. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to present the function that civil society fulfills in Hegel and Habermas. In this paper, civil society is characterized summarily, tending to the view of determining its functions. In Hegel, civil society is related to the production of wealth and fulfills an organizing and educational function. In Habermas, it is not related to the economics, since it is constituted by the public sphere whose function is to produce democratically legitimized contents that ought to determine the purposes of the State in terms of a system committed to realizing its purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies one aspect of the career of Ernesto Nelson (1873-1959) covering moreover the years in which he belonged to the National University in La Plata, and evaluates his university career which is quite different both in relation to the policies implemented in the same by its founder and president Joaquin V. Gonzalez (who governed during three consecutive periods: 1908-1918), and from the new policies that were part of the university reform (1918). Nelson affirms, from a liberal point of view, that the state is the principal cause of the decadence in the Argentine university system, and adopted in this manner a position which separated him from both the Liberal Conservatives and from the 1918 Reformists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper centers on my interest in certain ideological lines presented in the political work of Bernardo Monteagudo. There are three special aspects: democracy, strong government, and confederacy. The importance of this research is basically in the public relevance of the author in the 1820s as Minister in Peru and defender of General Jose de San Martin. His thoughts on the themes mentioned constitute a central issue in the American debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is part of the analysis of the history of ideas in Latin America, which is a field of thought that contributes to recovering contributions from diverse fields of knowledge, and which has been focused on by intellectuals who consider our identity to be a theme of reflection. Luis Beltran Prieto Figueroa was one of the more influential intellectuals in 20th Century Venezuela. This paper touches on some of his works, such as Joven Empínate, El Estado y la Educación en América Latina, El humanismo democrático y la educación, La política y los hombres among others, and through philosophical discourse analyzes his ideas in relation to the fundamental doctrines of democracy, their interpretation of reality, and their positions in reference to education, politics, poetry, and nationalism as a dignifying attitude in Latin American countries in the face of the power of the United States. Among the conclusions we find the characterization of his ideas in favor of truly democratic education, the intellectual commitment with the noble aspirations of the people, his ability in studying the Venezuelan reality, and his gift at overcoming factors which were an obstacle to the technical and cultural development desired in Venezuela and Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]