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This paper considers the career of the Uruguayan Benjamín Fernández y Medina, who represented his country in Spain as minister plenipotentiary between 1917 and 1930 before being transferred to Havana. Those of Fernández Medina's diplomatic activities that were strictly tied to bilateral relations, which here are only studied in a tangential sense, took on a transnational dimension as the Uruguayan began to represent his country in Portugal and at the Assembly of the League of Nations while still being based in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade there have been several debates about the relevance of online news comments. While some question the hate speech that is verified in these spaces, others highlight the possibility of exchanging opinions. This paper proposes a methodological tool to measure the quality of online news comments, using a sample of 300 comments on highly visible websites in Portugal (Público; Sapo), Spain (El País; 20 Minutos) and Brazil (UOL; Folha S. Paulo). The results determine that commentators tend to use a little personal argumentation (82.3%), although relevant to the discussion in question (60.3%), with few grammatical errors (14.7%) or aggressive interventions (31.7%). Following the Online Comment Policy Evaluation Model (Known in Spanish as MPONC), it is concluded that websites with quality comment moderation systems attract more relevant and timely interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bullying began to be investigated as a social problem about half a century ago. One of the aspects that demands more attention today is the vulnerability of potential victims for cultural reasons. In countries such as Spain or Portugal, the roma ethnicity represents a minority, but remains traditionally important in education equality policies. This paper addresses the phenomenon of school violence among peers from the perspective of cultural relations. The objective is to provide a general framework in which the specific case of the ethnic group in question is delimited compared to other conditions' specific coexistence mechanisms and ways of questioning conflicts among students are suggested. Finally, a critical comparison of conflict resolution systems brings to light the ineffectiveness of the national education and justice system in ending the problem of bullying in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the medium-term impact of influencers; prescribing figure who has gained notoriety thanks to social networks and where the minor has, on many occasions, a leading role: either for being content creator or for being the target audience for the messages. To understand the two profiles, on the hand, the communication strategies of the main youtubers are analyzed and, on the other, the perception of those who have been exposed to these for years are collected in three countries: Spain, Portugal and Ecuador. The data shows that young people have developed a self-imposed dependence on social networks, demanding content that, primarily, entertains them. On the other hand, Youtubers, despite their young age, strive to stablish their own transmedia narrative and appeal to fun to empathize with the audience and make their channels profitable. The young people analyzed do not feel influenced by these figures although they admit to following them and being aware of their news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to analyze the possible implications of understanding the Ibero- American colonial period in terms of a political hegemony. This concern arises from the book edited by Pedro Cardim, Tamar Herzog, José Javier Ruiz and Gaetano Sabatini Polycentric Monarchies. How Did Early Modern Spain and Portugal Achieve and Maintain a Global Hegemony? (2012), in which the Spanish and Portuguese governments of the 16th to 18th centuries are defined as hegemonies. This designation is not capricious, but is theoretically based on the Gramscian dynamic of consensus and coercion. Based on this notion, the paper proposes that this hegemonic approach has or can have important effects in at least three areas: at a theoretical level, as it extends temporally and spatially the notion of hegemony; at a historical level, insofar as it questions the category of "colonial" and resumes the debate around it, which especially concerns historiography and Latin American critical thinking; and at a literary level, an area in which it is proposed to address colonial texts not only as exercises of domination or resistance, but also as negotiating resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of the residential function beyond the limits of the urban and developable land in the legislative frameworks has had a distinct and incomplete character. Faced with an identical phenomenon in general, called urban sprawl, the competent governments in this matter within the Iberian Peninsula have opted for a dissimilar assimilation of it, materialized in different legal and instrumental mechanisms. The objective of this paper is to present the different ways of understanding and regulating this new urban model by the Portuguese state government and the regional autonomous governments in Spain. To do this, a comparative analysis is carried out on the criteria for the classification of undeveloped land and a review of the most paradigmatic tools for the management of periurban and rurban development. The works indicate a position that is still indeterminate and, sometimes, contradictory. In spite of this, there is a tendency towards the regulated inclusion of the residential function outside the geographical contexts that have traditionally supported it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses and compares two kinds of logic that explain electoral behaviour: the performance vote and the ideological vote. To be exact, this paper puts one of the main hypotheses of both theories to the test: that the rules guiding citizens' voting decisions are the same, regardless of their level of interest, knowledge and information about political matters. In order to do this, empirical material taken from post-electoral surveys in four democracies —Spain, Portugal, Hungary and Poland— is analysed. The data belongs to the second module of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES 2005) programme which contains information on citizens' electoral conduct and knowledge of politics. The results indicate that while the influence of political knowledge on the logic of the performance vote is clear and conclusive, it is much less conclusive in the case of the ideological vote. All this suggests that democratic control of governments through sanctioning their performance requires citizens to have minimum levels of knowledge and information about politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper shows the situation of two public service broadcasters from de European Union. The research is focused on the programming schedule of the Spanish second public channel (La 2) and the Portuguese second public channel (RTP2). A comparative study of their public duties was carried out in order to analyses the shows aimed at children and youngsters. The findings highlight the preference given to children in both countries opposite to young people. Not only Spain, but also Portugal needs to improve the offer aimed at youngsters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the differences between Spanish and Portuguese large companies regarding the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and electronic integration with supply chain members. These differences are established in terms of the capacity of generating superior firm performance. The results show differences between both groups and confirm that Spanish firms should pursue better electronic integration with supply chain members, for instance, through the development of ICT that facilitate collaboration with suppliers and customers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper focuses on analysis of public opinion towards European integration in Greece, Portugal and Spain, countries known for their positive attitudes toward integration. In particular, the article analyses how public attitudes towards Europe have been formed in these countries. Secondly, it examines the determining factors of citizens' positive attitudes toward integration and shows the types of variables that are essential to understanding the differences between Greeks, Spaniards and the Portuguese. It also examines traditional euro-optimism in these southern countries. The findings show the relevance of identity and the various impacts of party platforms and ideology in attitudes of support for European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]