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This paper explores the phenomena we dub «hyper-agreement»: number agreement between the main verb and an argument of the subordinate clause in biclausal structures (me gustan que los planes salgan bien, lit. ‘me like3pl that plans work out’). At an empirical level, it focuses on structures with dative experiencers required by a psych-verb and shows that hyper-agreement is possible with both finite and non-finite subordinate clauses. In light of these data, it is argued that Agree (Chomsky, 2000, 2001) must not violate the Single Case Constraint (Nevins, 2004). The analysis put forward combines this constraint with the hypothesis that person and number are independent Probes (Rigau, 1991, among others). This proposal accounts both for the unlocking effect on the subordinate clause and for the fact that the long-distance agreement is restricted to partial agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the contradictions, gaps and ambiguities that converge in the justice system subject of the Peace Agreement signed between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP. An analytical and descriptive exposition is made of the dispositions that regulate the competence of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, contained in the Final Agreement, the Legislative Act 01 of 2017, the Statutory Law that regulates it and the previous pronouncements made by the Constitutional Court. Initially, substantial issues are addressed regarding three areas of competence: temporal, material and personal ones. Afterwards the procedural difficulties are exposed, in which the differences between what was agreed, implemented and established by the Constitutional Court are made evident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a corpus-based study which sheds light on the agreement patterns of complex collective subjects (also called here NCOL of NPL) and, in particular, on the influence that the prepositional phrase (of NPL) exerts on those patterns. To this end, I have explored syntactic factors, such as the morphological realisation of the NPL as well as syntactic complexity and syntactic distance, and semantic factors such as the animacy of the referent of NPL. The results of this investigation demonstrate the relevance of these factors: the overtly-marked plurality of NPL favours a higher rate of plural verbal forms in contrast to those instances where NPL show nonovertly- marked plurality. The same trend is also found with animate versus inanimate referents of NPL. Syntactic complexity and syntactic distance, by contrast, show a different tendency, as they tend to correlate with a lower incidence of plural verbal forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the singular or plural agreement between Spanish verb haber with existential meaning and its plural argument, in 108 interviews collected in Mexico City as a part of a sociolinguistic corpus structured by age, gender and educational level. All relevant data (633) are considered. For the analysis, the proposed methodology in the "Project for the sociolinguistic study of Spanish from Spain and from America (PrESEEa)" is followed, using a wide range of linguistic and social variables. The results are subjected to rigorous statistical analysis and compared with those obtained in other studies. The singular/plural alternative has received considerable attention in the field of study of linguistic variation in Spanish. Mexico City Spanish is grouped with other conservative areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we present empirical evidence showing that a different kind of Differential Object Marking (DOM) in Spanish "Psych" experiencer verbs can be distinguished. On the one hand, we found obligatory contexts of marking (regardless of the argument structure of the verb and the animacy/specifity of the object). These are connected with the presence of deictic person features, triggered by dative clitics or objects which bear a locative/partitive relationship. On the other hand, we can found optional marking, determined by the experiencer-subject/causer-object's structure, which will be related to a default semantic value of causer in the object projection identified by the preposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]