Search

Copyright of Ensayos - Revista de Economía is the property of Ensayos Revista de Economia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Derecho del Estado is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The idea of open government has spread across Latin American countries causing confusion and ambiguous interpretations. The concepts of “open government" and “transparency" have been used as synonyms and have created false expectations, but mostly they have been used to implement public policies and government strategies to accomplish the goal of creating a more open government. The purpose of this research is to provide some theoretical elements to clear this confusion. In order to achieve such goal, related papers of academic journals over the past six years have been reviewed and classified on three main paths of knowledge. From this point a concept of open government is proposed and discussed. The aim of this paper is to contribute with a theoretical framework that supports research on open government, transparency and accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Taking the answers of over fifty Latin American scholars to a survey as its foundation, this paper analyses the features of the global and Latin American context and presents some of the potential areas for its development over the coming decade. To do this, the number of poles in the system is considered along with the logics of cooperation and competition that predominate in the relations between countries. In addition, an analysis is made of how different countries define a 'region' in their foreign policy, and the reasons behind Brazil losing its leadership position and Mexico's potential role in the region are set out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature maintains that not all populisms are equal. Some are seen as projects of regeneration or democratisation because they would incorporate an excluded people; others are movements that would weaken democracy by promoting exclusion (xenophobia and racism). The former is "left-wing populism" while the latter is "right-wing populism". This paper shows that what is central to populism is its model of democracy, not whether it is situated on the right or the left. To do this, an evaluation is made of the democratic balance of populisms in three countries in Europe (Austria, France and Hungary) and three in Latin America (Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela). As will be shown, those of the right have no more contributed to the destruction of democracy than those on the left may be presented as democratising successes; but all represent a profound challenge to liberal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Derecho del Estado is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Many countries in Latin America have made nanotechnology a development priority in their public policy platforms. The main feature of these public policies is to provide support for nanotechnology research and development, aiming to forge ties between public institutions and universities and the private sector, to boost innovation and competitiveness. These public policies do not take into account the global context of strong capital concentration in which nanotechnologies emerge, and which makes it difficult to be competitive within the framework laid out by these public policies to develop these technologies. This paper analyzes the direction of public policy in the international context, and also suggests policy alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to make a contribution to the academic discussion on the topic of relations between politics and administration in Latin America through the recognition of the diversity of manifestations of patronage in administrative practices and structures in the region, in light of other cases of massive patronage, like the American and Spanish cases at the end of the XIX century, and the beginnings of the XX century, and contemporary Mediterranean cases. The study identifies a series of cross-cutting patterns associated with the strong roots of patronage in the analysed experiences, such as as the massive politicization of managerial positions, the dissociation between regulations and the effective functioning of civil services, the systematic avoidance of career structure by using various mechanisms of escape, political filtration of the permanent bureaucracy by way of exceptional nominations or promotions based on discretionary criteria and extensive incorporation of political appointees to career system without any considerations of merit, among other practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to analyze how despite the economic and political structural differences of the Latin American countries, the common denominator of these economies is its dependence with the global economy as producers of primary goods. This exploitation of raw materials, called neoextractivista model, carries from its own origin hoarding of land, deportation or displacement of rural communities, establishing then, for natural consequences, a spiral of criminalization and repression of resistance by territorial disputes and divergent values around them, in a context of great power asymmetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I focus on societal movements against destructive expansion now in progress in Latinamerican countries. On the one hand, I point out some characteristic aspects of the logic which promotes this expansion, stressing in mechanisms to expropriate people and communities. On the other hand, I deal with some characteristic traits of societal movements, emphasizing on territorial and sacred rights alleged by communities to defend their territories. Taking in count that these process are confrontations about the alleged universality of the modern conception of nature, I ask what contribution may offer these particular movements to renew our imagination facing to challenges by global environmental crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents a theoretical discussion of the configuration of the state order. To do this, first discusses the Latin American political science tradition centered on studies of “transition" and “democratic consolidation" and in recent years in the explanations of the “captured states" and “failed states", second takes up the discussion theoretical of the state from a relational perspective, thirdly, to propose a state order analytical model that incorporates the dynamics of social conflict and contentious as fundamental aspects of its structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to discuss the concept of neopatrimonialism, a notion that has been employed to depict the persistence of traditional forms of authority in the midst of the legal-bureaucratic institutions of contemporary states. It is argued that the concept describes a particularistic mode of appropriation of public goods. Then, it is shown how to identify a conceptual space of possibilities for neopatrimonialism to thrive. This space is established by the intersection of two dimensions: the type of political regime and the measure of bureaucratic strength of the state. Using a method of hierarchical cluster analysis, Latin American countries are classified according to indicators of bureaucratic development and portrayed in a bi-dimensional space. Based on the empirical evidence and the prior theoretical elaboration, the concept of neopatrimonialism is discussed in the light of its analytical explanatory force. It is conclude that this latter issue requires further research; hence, it has to be accompanied by other strategies of analysis on the relationship between socio-political practices and the functioning of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Memorias is the property of Fundacion Universidad del Norte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the causes of disproportionality — the difference between the percentage of seats and percentage of votes obtained by a party — in 18 Latin-American countries, by measuring the effect of four independent variables. The first part presents the research design, the main theoretical approaches used to study electoral systems and a literature review, where both disproportionality and the independent variables are conceptualized. The second part discusses the general behavior of electoral systems and the independent variables in Latin America. The third part contains the inferential analysis, where we measure the impact of the independent variables on disproportionality. We find that there is a direct relationship between district magnitude and disproportionality. Moreover, we find that the higher the threshold of exclusion — the number of voters that could potentially be left without representation because of the district magnitude and the electoral formula —, the higher the disproportionality. We find that proportional electoral systems, rather than majority or mixed electoral systems, tend to produce less distortion between the percentage of votes and the percentage of seats. We find that a low fragmentation in the party system — that is, a small number of parties with a presence in Congress — weakly contributes to increase disproportionality. Finally, we find that malapportionment (i.e., the disproportionate distribution of seats based on the number of voters in that district) has no statistically significant relationship with disproportionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction is presented which discusses elections, political culture, social media in Latin america.

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Sociales is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of América Latina Hoy is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Memoria y Sociedad is the property of Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)